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Hogback Monuments
University of Reading
Department of Archaeology
Module: Vikings in the West
Instructor: Dr. Gabór Thomas
Author: Annette Baus
2
Chapter 1
Introduction
the 10th to 12th century with a distribution from northern England as far north as to the River
In the following essay I will try to free hogbacks of Lang’s typology he established in
his Master’s thesis in 1967 (Lang 1967) and reconsider the shared message these
developed a minute typology based on art historic details (see fig. 1 and 2). However, a
dating purely on style and iconography is more than feeble as were for example the early
assumptions of Abbé Breuil’s (e.g. 1952) and Leroi-Gourhan’s (e.g. 1968) typology of
Palaeolithic art showed after the discovery of the grotte Chauvet (Pettitt & Pike 2007). I will
therefore concentrate on the symbolism of its form, its iconography, its setting in a certain
locality, local as well as regional, and above all its historical context. I will show that a much
narrower date span is likely for these monuments. This will also inevitably give an idea about
the function of hogback monuments, being much more than a mere grave cover of a Viking
settler.
Chapter 2
What Does the Form of Hogback Monuments Tell us about the People who
Stand behind these Monuments?
In general the form of hogbacks is based on the shape of a long-house with bombé
sides (Lang 1972-74, 206, Walton 1954:68, Crawford 1987:172, Lang 2001:21). This was
already suggested by W. G. Collingwood in 1927, when he put forward that they were exact
replicas of contemporaneous dwellings. Although other propositions for the origin of the
‘house-form’ range from Anglian shrine tomb to Irish reliquaries were put forward, the
consent lies in an acceptance of the house interpretation). Since Anglian stone shrine tombs
3
like the Hedda Stone at Peterborough (fig. 3) are extremely rare in the areas where
hogbacks can be found, Lang (1972-74:206 and 1991:28) dismissed the idea of such an
origin. Also the rendering of a reliquary like the Bamberg or Cammin casket, which itself is
based on the shape of a house, is ruled out by Lang (1972-74:207) although –as we will later
see- the end beasts are also visible on those two examples of reliquaries.
Denmark. And, indeed, curve-walled houses are known from Danish fortresses like
1992:128).
it is interesting to note, that the Danish fortresses were all constructed at about the same
time, namely the end of the 10th or the beginning of the 11th century by either Svein
Forkbeard or Cnut, his son. And indeed, a hogback has been found at Aggersborg church
Although the form of tegulation varies in the different hogback types (see Walton
1954:fig. 3), Cramp 1984:fig. 7 and fig. 4) it is clear that hogbacks are not representing
in Scotland that ‘thatch’ (theik, thak) became a generic term for the application of any roofing
material (Walker 2000:163), slate and tiles being introduced much later. This makes timber
shingles a probable material for the tegulations shown on hogbacks 1 . However, timber
shingles are a sign for high-status buildings. Churches of the 12th and 13th century like the
Salisbury Cathedral, to cite an example, were shingled when first erected (Innocent
1
That these are realistic depictions and not jaust an artistic representation can be seen by reconstructions based
on artwork and the high degree of observation that can be found in the carvings (Walker 2000:165, Morris 1984
and 2000).
4
1916:184). Furthermore the shingle types of stave churches in Scandinavia of the 12th and
13th century correspond with the tegulation types found on hogbacks. Before the introduction
of cheaper slate shingles in the 14th century and beyond, timber shingles or bark shingles
(spon) were the choice for royal manor houses and castles (Walker 2000:165).
If the ‘house wall’ is formed out in a hogback as e. g. Brompton or Govan, we can see
that rather than wattle-and-daub highly decorated wooden staves or tiles were used, as for
example in Brompton (fig. 5). An analogy with Urnes-style stave church portals as can be
seen in the Hemse church is obvious (fig. 6). Unfortunately non-secular high-status buildings
of the Scandinavian mainland are preserved in a way which could give us a means of
comparison. In the Book of Kells (~AD 800) folio 202v, the temple of Jerusalem is depicted
on the basis of an Irish aristocratic house which might give us some understanding of houses
Gondek draws our attention to investment in production and how this can reveal
concentrations of power (2006:107). The use of material wealth generates symbolic wealth
and the production and display of a stone monument was a visual representation of
patronage and social relationships (Gondek 2006:108). Although her studies cover Pictish
symbol stones only, it is clear that the underlying meaning is the same: The process of
sponsoring and producing sculpture … created and proclaimed political and ideological
aristocrats or royalty.
Since the representation of a Scandinavian stave church can be excluded due to the
architectural plan, it can therefore be assumed that hogback houses are representing either
high status buildings or religious pagan buildings like the Uppåkra cult house.
5
Chapter 3
Iconography and Iconology
content of images, whereas iconology analyses the content and symbolism with respect to
literary sources. Iconography has been used widely on the studies on hogback monuments
in order to classify and date them, but also to identify different ‘schools’ of artists. I am not an
art historian, nor have I seen the monuments in real and am therefore the study of the
iconography and iconology of these monuments have to rest on specialist in this field.
However, although a huge amount of literature exists on topics concerning the pagan
elements and their meanings on a Christian monument, few exists which explore the
considerable number of hogbacks have pagan references, but for some there is evidence
that the hogback was placed between crosses, as in Inchholm (Lang 1972-74:209), Penrith
exclusively pagan (1972:247) and depicting the motif of binding the Fenrir wolf with an
enchanted fetter, during which Tyr put his hand in the beast’s mouth (fig. 8) is debated by
Schwab (1994:506) because it could easily be understood as the Christian motif of Daniel in
the lion’s den. Another common theme from mythological background is the Thor-fishing-
scene described in Ragnarsdräpa stanzas 13-209. On the hogback from Tyninghame, East
Lothian is another scene from Ragnarök, the scene where the wolves devour sun and moon.
Also the female figure which welcomes the dead as for example on the Sockburn hogback
(Lang 1972:241-4) can be attributed to pagan iconography since we have nearly exact
comparisons on the Gotland picture stones (fig. 9). An important statement in this context is
the fact that we have no surviving material from Denmark and therefore a majority of scenes
might be elusive in their meaning due to this fact, like the heroic lays inscribed on the Rök
Lilla Kopár (2003) sees this as an accommodation of pagan material in the Christian
system of thought of the Anglo-Saxons, a visual manifestation in stone sculpture. The choice
of pagan iconographical elements reflects more or less the mental integration process (Kopár
2003:82); shared patterns are used as links between narratives, especially of similar
character, shared ethical concepts, and narrative structures (Kopár 2003:82). This is not
restricted to the Viking times, a mixture of pagan and Christian motifs can be observed on
objects as early as the Franks Casket from the 8th century which shows scenes as different
as Romulus and Remus, Weyland Smith, the sack of Jerusalem, the Egill’s Saga, and the
Adoration of the Magi (Fuglesang 2006:5) As a reliquary there were no thought of conversion
Jesch (2004:57) goes even so far as to claim that the art and literature (e. g. the court
poetry Knútsdrápa) are basically pagan. An apparent fact which she calls ‘cultural paganism’
(Jesch 2004:58) and even Cnut’s baptism becomes doubtful since it was ‘only’ mentioned in
two sources (Adam of Bremen’s Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum and Ademari
since it usually takes no more than one entry in a historical document to become a ‘fact’. The
evidence mentioned, like the motifs on a memorial stone from St. Paul’s in London with
typical decoration of the Anglo-Scandinavian style and a runic inscription on a grave cover
are certainly not a ‘Scandinavian idiom’ (Jesch 2004:60) but a widely used art style which
can be found on cross slabs, caskets and churches itself, partially commissioned by abbots
and other members of the cleric. The Franks’ Casket, certainly a Christian object since it was
meant to hold reliquaries, features a runic inscription after all, too. And why should Cnut, a
strong –albeit probably politically motivated- supporter of the church and lover of art not have
included what his Scandinavian background can offer and combine the best of two peoples.
7
As already mentioned I will rather explore the secular-political aspect as Würth (2000)
did for Ragnarök episodes in literature with Christian context. Her argument was that texts
from the 13th and 14th century weren’t meant to help a conversion from heathendom to
Christendom (Würth 2000:586) but that the popularity of this topic is rather based on their
flexibility and their relevance to existing situations in different time periods. Up to the 13 th
century, in Scandinavia as well as on the British Isles, there existed a huge interest in
Ragnarök motifs (Würth 2000:582). Parallels to the anarchic state in the Icelandic 13th
century, the date of the Völuspá Saga, were responsible for their popularity. Murder among
kin, extinction of complete families, political disorientation and moral decline are elements
common to all times of crisis and they can be used in diverse time contexts and thus create
the immense popularity. The Erlöserfigur, the hero who, with strategic knowledge and
through military activity, is the saviour will establish a new order with peace and prosperity
and extinguish the preceding cataclysmic time period. Since the saviour is a returning figure
the redeemer obviously belongs to the ruling royalty (Würth 2000, 586-7). The new ruler,
Scandinavian descent. This identification of the new ruler with descending from Odin and
Motifs from the life of an aristocratic elite emphasize this view. This shall be
exemplified by the hunting scenes on hogbacks. Hunting scenes are not limited to the
hogback distribution. I want to draw attention to some Pictish examples because hogbacks
(as we will see in Chapter 5) are concentrated at the fringes of Scandinavian influence, which
In the Elgin hunting scene (Alcock 1998:128 and fig. 10) we can observe a stag hunt
with riders, their hawks and dogs, and on a Burghead slab shrine or sarcophagus, and hence
a Christian monument, there is also a deer hunt depicted (Alcock 1998:519-20). Artistically
8
not comparable but iconographically identical is the motif on the Govan sarcophagus in
Strathclyde or the hunting scene on the hogback from Heysham, Lancashire (fig. 11). Alcock
explains their presence on Christian monuments, for example the cross shaft at Dacre,
only dimly visible and therefore interchangeable’ (Alcock 1998:520). This might be true, as
are Kopár’s ideas of conversion. But on hogbacks this can also be interpreted as a response
to Pictish nobility.
Many hogbacks have so-called end-beasts, often muzzled bears, facing inwards and
holding the house with their paws. There are also muzzled bears at the priest’s door at
Clifton Reaynes church and on the north door of Stewkley church (Ettlinger 1967:285). The
as a bear-cult animal, a mythic animal with astral origin that will eventually
Bears as beast of burden are unlikely, since these monuments were very likely
commissioned by the nobility and only to a lesser extant -if at all- by clerics. Bear baiting as
an expression of an elite way of life, however, is a likely explanation and a bear baiting scene
can also be seen on the Bayeux tapestry (fig.12). There are also examples of the bear as a
mythological figure: under the choir of medieval Fröso Parish church bones of wild animals,
including the bones of a bear were found together with a birch tree stump. The assembladge
has been connected with the tree of life of Norse mythology. However, Fröso lies in Jämtland
9
which is under Sami influence. The connection to bear heroes will be explored in the
Chapter 4
Political Background
I want to give a short overview over the political situation of Northern England and
especially Northumbria, since this is also the main concentration of hogback monuments.
Although a timeline is given in table 1, I will here concentrate on the events of the 11 th
monument and therefore the patron for these monuments were very likely
period when pagan Scandinavians ruled parts of the British Isles. The
conversion of the Norse in Orkney, for example, belonged into the reign of
53) and although he invaded England several times during the first two
decades of the 11th century it was not before 1013 that he moved to the North
(ASC 1013) where Uhtred, the earl of Northumbria submitted to him. But after
a short stop he focused his attention towards the South again and Uhtred kept
allegiance back to Ethelred the Unready. We can therefore assume that there
be it ecclesiastic or vernacular. This only changes when Uhtred was killed (AD
hardly be earlier than the first foundations of the churches themselves. The
churches, most of them founded by Scandinavians and not much older than
the 11th century thus give us a datum post quem for these monuments.
In 1016 Northumbria saw the first Scandinavian earl, Earl Eric Håkonarson, king of
Norway. Although baptized while still in Norway, his court poetry stayed entirely traditional
whereas the poetry of Olaf Tryggvason or Olaf Haraldsson praised them as Christian ruler
(Christiansen 2002:273) In the Fagrskinna, one of the king’s sagas written at about 1220, it is
noted that he choose Christianity but didn’t force his followers to take over the new faith
(Finlay 2004:132). In 1014 or 1015 he left Norway and joined Cnut for his campaign in
England (ASC 1016). Cnut’s army forced its way into Northumbria where the current earl,
Uhtred the Bold, was killed (ASC 1016) in 1016. Cnut appointed Eric earl over Northumbria.
although Scots and Britons were constantly threatening Northumbria there are no records
that Eric ever fought against them. From 1023 onwards when he last witnessed a document,
Eric was not mentioned in any documents any more, however, his successor Earl Siward
Björnsson was not confirmed as earl before 1033. Instead hold Carl began witnessing
Siward Björnsson descended from Danish royalty. It is unclear whether he had his
ancestors already in England or whether he arrived with Cnut. In any case, Siward ruled
Northumbria or rather Yorkshire from 1031 until his death in 1055. During this time he tried to
strengthen his position by marrying Aelfled, the granddaughter of Uhtred. Siward not only
served Cnut with loyalty, but also his sons Harald I (1035-40) and Harthacnut (1040-1042). In
1054 Siward led the Engklish invasion of Scotland in the Battle of Dunsinane (AU 1054.6 and
ASC 1054). After Siward killed Eard Eadwulf he governed the whole of Northumbria from the
Humber to the Tweed (Hayes 2005:149). Siward died in 1055 in York (ASC 1055) and was
According to the Vita et Passio Waldevi, an early 13th century manuscript, Siward’s
father was called Björn of whom was said that he was the son of a bear (Kleinman
2004:311-27). This brings us back to the end-beasts and the idea of the bear-hero. Siward
as the ‘descendant of a bear’ would give ample reason for using this very animal as protector
of the house.
Chapter 5
Location
whether they are really tombstones of a Christian graveyard. All hogbacks of known location
have been found in churchyards or have been re-worked and re-used as building materials in
churches or church-connected buildings. On the other side, none has been found outside of
this context.
found in a churchyard or graveyard or reworked into the church porch, respectively. Of the
remaining 22 hogbacks no records of their discovery survived. On the other hand, no graves
have ever been directly associated with hogbacks. On the contrary, where their original
position is reconstructible, they seem to form groups together with standing crosses as for
example in Govan (Kelly 1994:12) or the ones from the Parish church of St. Andrew at
Penrith, Cumbria, the so-called ‘Giant’s Grave’ (Lang 1991 and fig. 13). In Meigle, too the
stone monuments were gathered into a decorative grouping, almost certainly beside the
standing cross slab (Ritchie 1995: 3). In some cases hogbacks and crosses must have been
present before the original building of the church itself. These may have been foci of religious
gatherings and worship rather than burial monuments. Earlier assembly places are
connected with hogback sites. Govan, for example, was the principal royal centre of
12
Strathclyde, with the nearby Doomster Hill as an early assembly place. Across the river the
royal residence (Patrick castle) and supports the importance of this site. Another example is
St. Andrews, Fife, where a Pictish stronghold is situated and in Orkney, too, churches are
connected to ecclesiastical and secular important sites, as is the case of the St. Boniface kirk.
The same is true for Meigle, which was most certainly a royal estate in the 9th century
(Ritchie 1995:4).
cover, and above all an expression of identity of the ruling elite, a reminder to all visitors of
In 1991 Lang claimed that the origin of hogback monuments lies in the North Riding,
especially Brompton, North Yorkshire and Lyle, North Yorkshire and that the distribution of
hogbacks is ‘confined’ to the Viking settlement areas of Northern England. However, one
must ask oneself why hogbacks cannot be found in the Viking settlement areas proper.
Before we have a look at different settlement maps derived from place names I want to
emphasize that place names ending in –by should be excluded from these maps. The place-
name element -by remained productive even after the Norman Conquest, and it is quite
possibly just a replacement of the native place-name element -byrig. Greasby in Cheshire
Rocheberie. In these cases the -by element is no longer regarded as Scandinavian and it is
impossible to ascribe those -by names to Scandinavian settlement sites (Yokota 2004). If we
now have a look at settlement maps derived from place names of Scandinavian origin it is
evident that the area of the Danelaw was quite heavily influenced by Scandinavians (fig. 14),
but, compared with Lang’s distribution map for hogback sites in England and Wales (fig. 15)
it is quite obvious that these areas are more or less exclusive of each other, hogback
monuments are situated on the fringes of the Danelaw area and, as can be clearly seen, not
13
in the Danelaw proper. Graham-Campbell and Batey cautiously comment on the hogback
distribution: Alongside these place-names are sometimes mapped the ‘hogback’ stone
Before the age of Cnut the earls of Bamburgh ruled Bernicia and the area south of the
river Tees. Starting with Oswulf I’s reign even York was included in the kingdom of
According to the early 12th century text ‘The Siege of Durham and the Probity of Earl
Uhtred’ King Aethelred rewarded Uhtred by giving him his fathers (Waltheof I) earldom
(Rollason 2003, 269). Thus when Cnut gave the earldom of Northumbria to Eric
Håkonarsson, the earldom of Bamburgh was very probably excluded. The house of
Bamburgh held its earldom on an hereditary basis and there is no evidence that any of its
members was appointed as earl of Bamburgh by the king. It is in this area, the borderline to
the earldom of Bamburgh where the English hogback monuments can be found. This is also
the area down to which the Scottish raided e. g. ASC 948, ASC 1027 or ASC 1031. Cnut led
an army to Scotland against Malcolm II (ASC 1031) following in the submission of Malcolm II.
clearly visible that here, too, hogback monuments and Viking presence exclude each other.
Whether we look at the distribution of Viking graves as a measure of settlement activity (fig.
17) or Scandinavian place names (fig. 18), the hogback distributions is outside the
Scandinavian settlement area proper and rather in a Cumbric-Pictish area of influence (fig.
19). In areas which were settled more or less exclusively by Scandinavians like Shetland or
the Orkney’s, there is only a neglecteable number of hogback monuments. Only one
2
Words emphasised by me.
14
hogback site can be found on Shetland (St. Ninian’s Isle) and two in the Orkney’s (Papa
Westray and Skaill). In short, in Scotland, too, hogbacks are situated in areas of conflict.
there are unmistakable connections to bordering nations. The Art of Stone sculpturing is
certainly influenced by a long-lasting tradition that can be found in the Pictland 3 with an
iconography not dissimilar to art further in the south 4 . There is a similar preference of
decorative art motifs in Anglian as well as in Scandinavian stone carvings, which makes it
difficult to decide which style influenced the other. And although there are examples of
Danish hogbacks, for example at Aggersborg (fig.20) church or the Klimsten from Klim
churchyard in West Thorup, Parish Fjerritslev (fig. 21), these were certainly brought back
Chapter 6
Conclusion
I want to make a case here, that hogback monuments had been created as political
display of power by the ruling elite. Cultural, as well as personal identity was expressed
through these monuments and a deliberate placement in areas of unrest was used as a
means of establishing order at troublesome borderlines. Traditions known in these areas, like
stories told in form of stone carvings, Anglo-Saxon decorative motifs, depiction of houses
that immediately recalled the halls of the ruling aristocracy as well as a likely representation
of symbols for these powerful families (end-beast as a kind of totem or family crest) had been
3
Pictish Class I stones are dating from the 6th to the 8th century.
4
See for example the portrayals of riders or hunting scenes.
15
The use of labour-intensive stone sculptures for these memorials emphasises the
reconnaissance of the ruling families and their connection to the king. This is especially
accentuated through their local settings. I want to argue that the earlier hogbacks were
congregation. Later on churches would have been sponsored by these very families and the
hogback monuments therefore lie within the boundaries of the newly erected churches. At
the same time some hogbacks would have been used as a memorial stone and have been
Since most parish church foundations are based in the 11th or early 12th century the
pre-church use would probably have lasted only a relatively short time before the
construction of the church. I want to re-date the earliest hogbacks to the early 11th century.
This dating is supported by the political situation5, since the manufacture of hogbacks must
have fallen into the Christian period of Scandinavian activity along with the manifestation of a
new frontier i. e. either under the reign of Svein Forkbeard or Cnut the Great.
Although Lang (1972-74 and 1991) dates the earliest hogback monuments into the
mid 10th century, this is purely based on stylistic reasons, whose typology is difficult to prove.
Jellinge Style has a run time from roughly AD 850 to the 11th century in the Scandinavian
homeland, partially overlapping with the Mammen Style moreover, Ringerike and Urnes Style
are overlapping, too. Besides, their use could have lasted substantially longer in England,
especially since a new ‘Anglo-Scandinavian’ art style evolved from it in its own right.
origin, reason and date of hogbacks and only the discovery of an in-situ hogback site will be
5
See chapter 4.
16
Abbreviations
AU Annals of Ulster
text online at: http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/T100001A/index.html
Table 1
Time Table for Norse-Scottish relations from the 9th to the 11th century
The Dates were taken from the AU, the ASC, and the HDE. In all other cases Crawford 1987 and Rollason 2003.
19
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23
Illustrations
Fig. 11 Heysham hunting scene (University College Cork, Documents of Ireland IX,
online at: http://www.ucc.ie:8080/cocoon/doi/tandi)
Fig. 19 Place names of Cubric and Pictish origin (Historical Atlas of Scotland, c.400-
c.1600:51)