Roots of the U.S.

-Israel Relationship

By Mitchell G. Bard

A Historical Commitment to Israel

The recognition of shared values has been a consistent theme in statements by American Presidents ever since Truman. John Kennedy, for example, declared: "This nation, from
the time of President Woodrow Wilson, has established and continued a tradition of friendship with Israel because we are committed to all free societies that seek a path to peace
and honor individual right. In the prophetic spirit of Zionism all free men today look to a better world and in the experience of Zionism we know that it takes courage and
perseverance and dedication to achieve it."

"The United States and Israel share many common objectives...chief of which is the building of a better world in which every nation can develop its resources and develop them
in freedom and peace," said Lyndon Johnson.

The roots of Johnson's feelings, like those of many other Americans came from the Bible. As he explained in a speech before B'nai B'rith: "Most if not all of you have very deep
ties with the land and with the people of Israel, as I do, for my Christian faith sprang from yours." The President explained that "the Bible stories are woven into my childhood
memories as the gallant struggle of modern Jews to be free of persecution is also woven into our souls."

Richard Nixon asserted that the United States stands by its friends and that "Israel is one of its friends." His successor, Gerald Ford, reaffirmed his "commitment to the security
and future of Israel is based upon basic morality as well as enlightened self-interest. Our role in supporting Israel honors our own heritage."

"The United States," Jimmy Carter said, "has a warm and a unique relationship of friendship with Israel that is morally right. It is compatible with our deepest religious
convictions, and it is right in terms of America's own strategic interests. We are committed to Israel's security, prosperity, and future as a land that has so much to offer the
world."

Ronald Reagan was the first President to state explicitly that Israel was a strategic asset to the United States, a belief he expressed even before he was elected: "Only by full
appreciation of the critical role the State of Israel plays in our strategic calculus can we build the foundation for thwarting Moscow's designs on territories and resources vital to
our security and our national well-being." But Reagan also understood this alliance sprang from shared values: "Since the rebirth of the State of Israel, there has been an ironclad
bond between that democracy and this one."

Shortly after taking office, George Bush said: "The friendship, the alliance between the United States and Israel is strong and solid, built upon a foundation of shared democratic
values, of shared history and heritage, that sustains the life of our two countries. The emotional bond of our people transcends politics. Our strategic cooperation—and I renew
today our determination that that go forward—is a source of mutual security. And the United States’ commitment to the security of Israel remains unshakeable. We may differ
over some policies from time to time, individual policies, but never over the principle."

President Bill Clinton has taken the relationship to another level during his administration. "Our relationship would never vary from its allegiance to the shared values, the shared
religious heritage, the shared democratic politics which have made the relationship between the United States and Israel a special—even on occasion a wonderful—relationship."

The Jewish population in the United States is less than six million; therefore, the political activity of Jews who view strengthening U.S.-Israel relations to be in the national
interest alone cannot explain the depth of the friendship that exists. Fewer than 3 percent of the population could hardly have such a dramatic influence on American foreign
policy. The U.S.-Israel alliance is rooted in shared values.

If one were forced to reduce the explanation for the unique relationship between the United States and Israel to one sentence, it was probably best expressed by Lyndon Johnson.
When Soviet Premier Aleksei Kosygin asked Johnson why the United States supports Israel when there are 80 million Arabs and only three million Israelis, the President replied
simply: "Because it is right."

http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/US-Israel/roots_of_US-Israel.html

The American-Israel Relationship: An Unbreakable Bond

Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer 2003

That American-Israel bond was sealed just 11 minutes after Israel’s creation in 1948. That’s how long it took Harry Truman to make ours the very first nation to recognize the
new Jewish State.

And that bond will never be broken.

“I had faith in Israel before it was established,” said President Truman. “I have faith in it now. I believe it has a glorious future before it – not just as another sovereign nation,
but as an embodiment of the great ideals of our civilization.”

The United States and Israel share the “great ideals,” the democratic values that make us the object of both envy and hatred – free elections, free speech, basic human rights, and
the rule of law.

We are both nations of immigrants. We both serve as safe havens to the oppressed. And we are partners for peace.

John Kennedy recognized the moral dimension to the U.S.-Israel relationship 43 years ago:

“Let us make clear,” said President Kennedy, “that we will never turn our back on our steadfast friends in Israel, whose adherence to the democratic way must be admired by all
friends of freedom.”
Today, on behalf of the new Democratic leadership team in the House of Representatives, I assure you that our commitment to this proud tradition is stronger than ever. And it is
unwavering.

Our Democratic Leader, Nancy Pelosi of San Francisco, has a long record of support for Israel and as an advocate for democracy and human rights. The new Chairman of our
Democratic Caucus, Bob Menendez of New Jersey, also is a committed supporter of Israel.

And throughout my 34 years of public service, I have always worked hard to advocate for the State of Israel and to foster a strong U.S.-Israel relationship.

Let me say, the President’s recent request to include $9 billion in no-cost loan guarantees – which cost the American taxpayer nothing – and $1 billion in military aid in the
Supplemental Appropriations Bill is, I believe, necessary and appropriate.

Israel is suffering through a severe economic recession caused in large measure by the unmitigated campaign of terror being waged against it. Its per capita GDP has fallen 6
percent in the last two years. And its defense spending now exceeds 11 percent of GDP – the highest of any democracy.

American aid for Israel honors our special relationship and recognizes the constant threat that she has lived under since her creation 55 years ago this May 14th. And I believe
this aid package demonstrates our strong bipartisan commitment to help Israel weather these unprecedented challenges.

Some, of course, believe the American-Israel relationship is predicated on politics. There will always be a few. Even worse, there are those, on both the left and right, who
assert that the “Jewish lobby” drives American policy in the Middle East, and even our current action against Hussein.

Syndicated columnist Bob Novak has described the conflict with Iraq as “Sharon’s War.” Patrick Buchanan has written: “Who would benefit from a war of civilizations
between the West and Islam? Answer: one nation, one leader, one party. Israel, Sharon, Likud.”

And Congressman Jim Moran of Virginia told a group in Reston on March 3rd that “were it not for the strong support of the Jewish community for this war in Iraq, we would not
be doing this.”

Let me be as emphatic and clear as I possibly can: Comments like these – regardless of where they come from – are not simply untrue, they are truly toxic. And they have no
place in our public discourse!

When Jim Moran’s comments were first reported in the press, the Democratic leadership immediately castigated them as false, offensive and completely inappropriate.

But you, the backbone of AIPAC, must know that this Democratic leadership, indeed the entire Democratic Caucus, decisively responded to this situation – without hesitation
and with virtual unanimity.

We reject scurrilous charges that have no basis in fact and which only serve to foment an unadulterated, destructive lie.

American support for the State of Israel is the product of principle and conscience, not politics.

Now, permit me to say a few words about our on-going military effort to disarm Saddam Hussein.

Our cause in Iraq is just and necessary. Hussein is one of the foremost threats to American national security, as well as to Israel and neighboring countries in the Middle East.

As I explained in a speech here in Washington two weeks before the beginning of Operation Iraqi Freedom, the United States and the nations of the world that are prepared to
defend freedom must not be frozen into inaction by the international community’s inability to marshal anything more than mere words.

We gave Hussein every opportunity to disarm, and to avoid war. But this vanquished aggressor believed that he could continue to prey on international irresolution.

He miscalculated, and now he is suffering the “serious consequences” envisioned by Resolution 1441 – as well as previous Resolutions – referred to repeatedly over the last 12
years.

While we must continue to focus on the immediate objective before us – disarming Hussein and ending his reign of terror – we must strive to lay a solid foundation for the future
of Iraq and the peace and security of the entire region.

In that regard, I am especially pleased to have signed a bipartisan letter this week with Roy Blunt, as well as Congressmen Henry Hyde and Tom Lantos, that urges President
Bush to adhere to the principles he articulated last June concerning the on-going Israeli-Palestinian crisis.

Above all, we state in our letter, any roadmap towards peace must require Palestinians to unconditionally cease the campaign of terror and violence against Israel.

I understand that some believe the United States and others nations must demonstrate more “even-handedness” on the Palestinian question. But we must guard against making
muddled parallelisms between justified defensive actions by Israel and terrorist tactics that are designed only to inflame and destroy.

Our bipartisan letter also supports the President’s call for new Palestinian leadership – a leadership dedicated to peace and prosperity for her people, a leadership that has real
authority, and a leadership that is free from the taint of terrorism.

In short, the Palestinian people need a leadership free of Yasir Arafat, who, in the name of legitimate grievances, has employed grossly illegitimate means and thus forfeited any
claim to negotiate on behalf of the Palestinian people.
The appointment earlier this month of Mahmoud Abbas to serve as the Palestinians’ first prime minister is a positive development. However, at this early date, none of us knows
whether he will be granted the power and independence that will be required to rein in Palestinian support for terrorism and to curb corruption.

Such power is without doubt a prerequisite for the peace that I know the Israeli people, as well as the Palestinian people, seek.

Let me close by saying that I believe Americans never felt closer to the Israeli people than on September 11th, and in the months that have followed. We appreciate more than
ever what the citizens of Israel must live with every day. The apprehension. The fear. The random, unjustified attacks that target innocent men, women and children.

And like our Israeli brothers and sisters, we are determined – in the name of freedom and the future of our children and grandchildren – to never give in to the forces of
oppression and darkness.

For as David Ben-Gurion recognized more than half a century ago, we will ultimately be judged not by our wealth or military strength but by our moral worth and human values.

The American-Israel relationship, based as it is on our shared values, shall endure. And I pledge to you that I will always work to strengthen that bond.

Thank you, AIPAC, for all you do for our great nation; for all you do for the State of Israel; and for all you do to battle the scourge of terrorism and to spread the cause of
freedom and liberty.

http://www.democraticwhip.gov/content/american-israel-relationship-unbreakable-bond

For more than half a century, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee has worked to strengthen the U.S.-Israel relationship. From a small pro-Israel public affairs boutique
in the 1950s, AIPAC has grown into a 100,000-member national grassroots movement described by The New York Times as "the most important organization affecting America's
relationship with Israel." More...

AIPAC Achievements
As America's leading pro-Israel lobby, AIPAC works with both Democratic and Republican political leaders to enact public policy that strengthens the vital U.S.-Israel
relationship. With the support of its members nationwide, AIPAC has worked with Congress and the Executive Branch on numerous critical initiatives -- from securing
vital foreign aid for Israel to passing legislation aimed at stopping Iran's illicit nuclear program. Some highlights include:

 Passing more than a dozen bills and resolutions condemning and imposing tough sanctions on Iran during the past 15 years.

 Securing critical security assistance to Israel each year to ensure that Israel remains capable of facing increased threats.

 Supporting America's efforts to help Israel achieve peace while upholding the principles that hold the best prospects for Israeli-Arab peace in letters to the president
signed by 328 House members and 76 senators.

 Passing legislation requiring the administration to evaluate all future military sales to Arab states in the context of the need to maintain Israel's qualitative military
edge over potential adversaries.

 Passing multiple resolutions affirming congressional support for Israel's right to self-defense in the face of terrorism by the terrorist groups Hamas and Hizballah.

http://www.aipac.org/en/About%20AIPAC

Bad Effects of a Nuclear Blast:

1. Those within approximately a six square mile area (for a 1 megaton blast) will indeed be close enough to "ground zero" to be killed by the gamma rays emitting
from the blast itself. Ghostly shadows of these people will be formed on any concrete or stone that lies behind them, and they will be no more. They literally won't
know what hit them, since they will be vaporized before the electrical signals from their sense organs can reach their brains.
2. Outside the circle where people will be instantly vaporized, the light from the explosion (which is many times hotter than the sun) is so bright that it will
immediately and permanently blind every living thing, whether their eyes are opened or closed. Even from fifty miles away, a 1 megaton blast will be many
times brighter than the noonday sun. Those looking directly at the blast will have a large spot permanently burned into their retinas, where the light receptor
cells will have been destroyed.The huge bright cloud being nearly instantly formed in front of themwill be the last clear image these people will see.
3. Most people who will die from the nuclear explosion will not die in the initial gamma ray burst, nor in the multi-spectral heat blast which will come about a tenth of a
second after the gamma burst. The momentary high winds which accompany the pressure wave will reach velocities of hundreds of miles an hour near the epicenter
of the blast, and will reach velocities of 70 miles per hour as far as 6 miles from the blast (for a 1 megaton bomb). The high winds and flying debris will cause
shrapnel-type wounds and blunt-trauma injuries.
4. These people will begin to suffer from vomiting, skin rashes, and an intense unquenchable thirst as their hair falls out in clumps. Their skin will begin to peel
off. This is because the internal molecular structure of the living cells within their bodies is breaking down, a result of the disruptive effects of the high
radiation dose they received. Since they have already received the dose, these effects will show up even if the people are immediately evacuated from the area --
hardly likely, since everything around will be destroyed and the country would be at war.
5. The insides of those who get a severe dose of gamma radiation, but manage to survive the other traumas, whose organs had once been well defined as lungs,
liver, heart, intestines, etc., begin to resemble an undefined mass of bloody pulp. Within days, or perhaps weeks, the victim, usually bleeding painfully from
every hole and pore in their body.
6. A significant percentage, probably most, of the people who die from a nuclear attack will die much later, from the widespread release of radioactive material
into the environment. These deaths will occur all over the world, for centuries to come. Scattered deaths, and pockets of higher mortality rates, will continue from
cancer, leukemia, and other health effects, especially genetic damage to succeeding generations.
wHoffman, Russell. (1999). The Effects of Nuclear Weapons. Retrieved July 30, 2011. From http://www.animatedsoftware.com/environm/no_nukes/tenw/nuke_war.htm