Information and Organization 28 (2018) 1–36

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Information and Organization

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/infoandorg

The influence of gender, and race/ethnicity on advancement in

T
information technology (IT)
Kimberly McGee, PhD
Fielding Graduate University, School of Leadership Studies, Santa Barbara, CA 93105-3814, USA

AR TI CLE I NF O AB S T R A CT

Keywords: With increased attention paid to the lack of diversity in U.S. technology firms, little attention is
Advancement barriers paid to women already in the technology workforce who aspire to senior leadership roles. This
Bias research study focused on understanding the experiences of African American/black, Asian
CIO American, European American/white, and Hispanic American/Latina women who advanced
Diversity
from technical/operational IT roles to senior IT executive (SITE) roles in corporate America.
Ethnicity
Gender
Previous research solely focused on gender, race, or ethnicity provided an insufficient and limited
Inclusion description of women's advancement journey. Rather than treat gender and race/ethnicity as
Individual differences theory of gender and IT mutually exclusive categories of experience and analysis, this study approached the topic from a
Informal networks gender intersectionality perspective and used the individual differences theory of gender and IT
Intersectionality as an analytical lens. Specifically, the study examined women's career progression in a more
Race nuanced manner—observing gender within race or ethnic group—which provided greater insight
Stereotypes into the participants' advancement journey.
Women executives in IT
The intent of this study was to understand how individual and organizational factors influ-
Women of color
enced each participant's career progression and what role, if any, gender and race/ethnicity
played in the journey.
As a result of the analysis, six themes emerged: Pathways to the SITE Role; Informal Networks;
Bias; Credibility and Legitimacy; Support; and Technical Skills. Issues of gender and race/eth-
nicity permeated most of the factors and influenced whether the factors helped or hindered.
Although some findings support existing research on women's career barriers, the intent was
not to generalize the findings to all women. Rather, the study's results demonstrate that racial and
ethnic variations among the women in addition to a variety of other factors contribute to dif-
ferent career progression experiences.

1. Introduction

Silicon Valley high-tech firms made front-page news in the summer of 2014 when several technology companies including
Google, Facebook, and Microsoft publicly disclosed the demographic makeup of their entire workforce. The disclosures were mo-
mentous because, with a few exceptions, technology companies do not disclose their workforce demographics publicly. For some, the
disclosures were predictable because they confirmed a widely-known phenomenon—the U.S. technology workforce is predominantly
male and white and increasingly Asian.
The disclosures sparked debates about the lack of diversity in the tech sector, generated public pressure for data transparency, and
increased analysis and reporting of IT workforce diversity statistics. Why all the fuss? Perhaps it is because the United States is facing
a skills shortage. The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics anticipates a 13% increase (about 9 million jobs) in science, technology,

E-mail address: kchapman@email.fielding.edu.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.infoandorg.2017.12.001
Received 2 March 2017; Received in revised form 22 October 2017; Accepted 4 December 2017
1471-7727/ © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
K. McGee Information and Organization 28 (2018) 1–36

engineering, and mathematics (STEM) occupations between 2012 and 2022, with technology occupations among the fastest growing
(Vilorio, 2014). The implication is that there are not enough information technology workers to fill this demand (Casey, 2012;
Mansfield, Welton, & Grogan, 2014). Perhaps it is because industry research shows that a diverse and inclusive workforce, especially
in IT, correlates to increased innovation, greater creativity, and higher revenue and profits (Catalyst, 2013; Hunt, Layton, & Prince,
2014; Phillips, 2014; Scott, Kapor Klien, & Onovakpuri, 2017; Thomas, Dougherty, Strand, Nayar, & Janani, 2016). Nonetheless, IT
workforce statistics suggest that large segments of the U.S. population, namely women and people of color, remain underutilized.
In the aftermath of the disclosures, companies committed millions of dollars per year to initiatives meant to increase workforce
diversity, mostly focused on recruitment. Despite the increased focus, diversity numbers remain stagnant (e.g., Donnelly, 2017; Gee &
Peck, 2017; Guynn, 2017b; Kendall, 2017), allegations of gender discrimination and sexual harassment have increased (e.g., Dickey,
2017; Fiegerman, 2017; Simon-Lewis, 2017), and retention and advancement receive little attention.
Workforce demographics and labor statistics show that rather than an unusual occurrence, women's underrepresentation, par-
ticularly in IT, is widespread, complex, and persistent. According to the National Center for Women and Information Technology
(2015), women represented 25% of the U.S. IT workforce in 2015; of which 3%, 5%, and 1% are African American, Asian American,
and Hispanic American/Latina, respectively. There is also considerable underrepresentation of women in senior leadership roles in
IT. The Nash (2016) reports that women represent 9% of global senior IT leadership. Ashcraft and Blithe (2010) find that women
account for 9% of U.S. executive and senior management IT positions. Furthermore, women of color (WOC)1 are a rarity at the
executive IT level.
Although academic research continues to investigate the dearth of women in SITE roles, researchers tend to depict women as a
homogeneous group and portray the experiences of white women as prototypical of all women. Besides ignoring differences in
experience among women, this tendency makes it difficult to uncover nuances that could provide a richer understanding of women's
underrepresentation in SITE roles. Additionally, research in this area tends to lump people of color into one group, identified as
“minority”. Using these assumptions as the basis for studies causes study results to aggregate or universalize the experiences of people
of color (POC) and overlook the collective and individual experiences of WOC.
To complicate the issue, advancement in IT is not straightforward. Some researchers suggest the representation of women and
POC at executive levels will increase as their numbers increase in the broader IT workforce. The assumption is that employees at
lower levels naturally advance up the corporate ladder (Kanter, 1977; Kilian, Hukai, & McCarty, 2005). However, few studies take
into account that technical/operational IT positions typically do not provide a career path to senior executive-level IT roles. Research
indicates that a strong technical background, for example, may not align with skills perceived necessary for executive-level positions
in IT (Carter, Grover, & Thatcher, 2011). Consequently, individuals in technical/operational IT roles may not be invited to participate
in the pool from which executive-level IT people are chosen, mentored, or developed. Assuming that advancement in IT is a natural
result of time in grade also ignores how IT culture and gender stereotypes affect advancement.
The purpose of this qualitative study was to investigate the experiences of African American/black, Asian American, European
American/white, and Hispanic American/Latina women who advanced from technical/operational positions to executive-level roles
in IT. Though women's underrepresentation in the IT workforce is a global issue, this study focused on women in the United States IT
workforce. The study's intent was to understand how individual and organizational factors helped and hindered the women's ad-
vancement. Though relevant, the study did not address issues within the educational system that contribute to the lack of partici-
pation and representation of females and students of color in STEM disciplines. Rather, the research focused on women in SITE roles
in corporate America and addressed the impact of perceived individual and organizational factors on advancement. As such, the core
questions that guided this study were:

• What perceived individual and organizational factors help and hinder advancement?
• What role, if any, did gender and race/ethnicity play in the advancement journey?
2. Literature review

Because little is known about women in SITE roles in corporate America, understanding them as a particular category of executive
involves connecting several distinct scholarly texts. The IT profession and field cannot be understood without consideration of its
historical gender and race-segregated workforce. Therefore, a historical overview of women in computing and the development of
SITE roles underpin the literature review. Because the IT profession and SITE roles emerged within corporate environments, the
review also looks at underlying cultural assumptions found in corporate and corporate IT cultures. The intent is to highlight how
beliefs about women found in the broader society and the IT profession continues to shape cultures and norms and affect women's
career development and advancement opportunities. This historical overview and organizational culture literature lay the foundation
for understanding women's advancement barriers. The advancement literature reviewed examines how race/ethnicity and gender
create qualitatively different perceptions and experiences of factors commonly believed to impede the advancement of women into
senior executive roles. These pieces of literature construct the framework for studying women who advanced from technical/op-
erational roles in IT to SITE roles. The bulk of research focused on the underrepresentation of women in senior executive and SITE
roles emphasizes gender-related issues. However, this review departs from such conventions because it makes a concerted effort to
illuminate how gender and race or ethnicity impact advancement.

1
For the purpose of this research, women of color included women who identify as African American/black, Asian American, or Hispanic American/Latina

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2.1. Female pioneers in computing

IT is a relatively young profession. Its roots stem from the field of computer science, and women played a significant role in the
field's development. Nevertheless, their contributions are not well documented in the field's history, which dates back to the early
19th century. Women helped develop early programming languages and generated new ideas which shaped the field. Their con-
tributions influenced the design and functionality of the first electronic computers, and women developed the first programming
languages. It is important to recognize that the omission and minimization of the role of women perpetuate misconceptions about
women as uninterested in computers or incapable of leadership within the field. A closer examination of computing history reveals a
field open to women, which runs contrary to contemporary notions of opening the field to women. Although the early history of
computing highlights the contributions of white women, their experiences illuminate gender barriers as well as gendered and raced
concepts that continue to influence the career advancement of IT WOC. For these reasons, a brief review of a few female pioneers and
an overview of the field's fluctuating gender dynamics seem helpful.

2.1.1. Ada Lovelace (1815–1852)

Born Augusta Ada King, Countess of Lovelace, Ada Lovelace was a British mathematician and writer. She is best known for her
work on Charles Babbage's Analytical Engine. Some consider Ada to be the founder of scientific computing and the first computer
programmer. Others argue that this recognition inflates and misrepresents her role, which they liken to a trusted assistant.
Most texts that detail the history of computing omit or downplay Ada's contributions. Instead, they highlight the accomplishments
of English mathematician Charles Babbage, referred to as the father of computing. Babbage's Analytical Engine laid the groundwork
for the first electronic computer, ENIAC (discussed later). Intended to perform any arithmetic operation, the Analytical Engine was
programmable using punch cards; stored numbers and intermediate results; processed calculations, and provided printed results.
Although the Analytical Engine was never fully built in Babbage's lifetime, the design principles served as a model for modern
computers (Campbell-Kelly, Aspray, Ensmenger, & Yost, 2014).
But to those who view history with a modern eye, Ada must be considered a partner in Babbage's work and instrumental in fully
articulating his ideas about the Analytical Engine. At Babbage's request, Ada translated from French to English a lecture Babbage gave
at the Italian Scientific Academy in Turin (Campbell-Kelly et al., 2014). In the process of translating, Ada added considerable content
of her own that built upon Babbage's ideas. While Babbage envisioned the machine solely as a calculator, Ada imagined programming
the machine to perform a variety of tasks, such as generating computer-composed music (Smith & Webb, 2012); She theorized
programming constructs widely used in modern computer programs but unheard of at the time of her writing. Lovelace also outlined
several programs to show how the machine could solve mathematical problems, which led to her recognition as the first person to
write and publish a computer program (Charman-Anderson, 2015; Gürer, 1995; Smith & Webb, 2012).
Ada's translated article, “Sketch of the Analytical Machine,” which included her extensive notes, was published in 1843 in an
English science journal. At the time, it was improper for women of the titled class to sign public documents and highly unusual for
women, in general, to author scientific and mathematical articles (Morrow & Perl, 1998; Yount, 1999). Consequently, Ada signed the
piece with her initials, A.A.L. Thirty years passed before anyone knew she was the author (Yount, 1999). For nearly a century the
article and her accomplishments received little attention, until its first reprinting in 1953. In 1980, the U.S. Department of Defense
named their standard computer language Ada, in honor of Lovelace's contributions to the field of computer science. Ada remains in
use around the world in aviation, health care, transportation, and financial systems. In 2009 Suw Charman-Anderson founded Ada
Lovelace Day to illuminate Ada's contributions to the field of computing.
Critics dismiss Ada's importance, suggest her intellectual contributions are exaggerated, and object to any reference of Ada as the
first computer programmer. For example, critics maintain that because Ada struggled with calculus, she did not have the necessary
aptitude to develop a sophisticated computer algorithm. Critics also argue that the computer programs were not Ada's original work.
They contend that most of the technical content and all of the programs were Babbage's ideas, and Ada's contribution was merely
interpretative (Campbell-Kelly et al., 2014). Other historians find these points of criticism less than credible. They maintain that Ada
was studying, at the time, what many considered the forefront of calculus, and although Ada struggled with complex mathematics
before working on the translation, she likely understood the concepts by the time she began writing her notes (Campbell-Kelly et al.,
2014; Kim & Toole, 1999). Various criticisms exist about Charles Babbage. However, unlike Lovelace, critics rarely dispute the
veracity or validity of his ideas. Criticisms about Lovelace provide an early example of challenges aimed at women's competency and
normative assumptions about men's capabilities.

2.1.2. Grace Hopper (1906–1992)

Rear Admiral Grace Hopper, referred to as Amazing Grace and the Queen of Code, is among the most notable women in computer
science. She is best known for developing the first computer compiler. Hopper was the first woman to earn a Ph.D. in mathematics
from Yale (Linik, n.d.; Graham, 2011). Over the course of her career, she worked as a college professor, naval officer, software
developer, and business executive. She joined the Navy during World War II, and her first assignment was at Harvard University
working on a small team tasked with programming the Mark I, the first digital computer. Hopper used numerous subroutines to
program the Mark I, concepts originally theorized by Lovelace. She also wrote an instruction book that included the Mark I's history
and a programming guide. According to Isaacson (2014), the book represents the first computer programming manual.
After the war, Hopper joined the Eckert-Mauchly Computer Corporation where she supervised the development of the first
compiler (Yale University, n.d.; Gürer, 1995). While compilers are indispensable and commonplace in present-day software devel-
opment, they were revolutionary in Hopper's time. Hopper's compiler served as the model for the first computer programming

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language, COBOL, an acronym for COmmon Business-Oriented Language (Campbell-Kelly et al., 2014; Gürer, 1995). Though modern
programmers consider COBOL a relic, its influence on the computing industry and modern organizations remains evident. Major
financial institutions, such as the IRS and the Social Security Administration, still use COBOL in their daily operations (Sahadi, 2015;
Social Security Administration, Office of the Inspector General, 2013). The U.S. Navy recalled Hopper to active duty in the late 1960s
where she served as the director of the Navy Programming Languages Group, a senior-level role.
Widely distributed accounts of Hopper's accomplishments and contributions to the field of computing overlook the challenges she
encountered. Initially, Hopper served as an officer in the all-female branch of the United States Naval Reserve, better known as
WAVES (Women Accepted for Volunteer Emergency Service). Unlike her male counterparts, congressional restrictions limited the
number of positions open to WAVES and the number of women in each rank (Williams, 2001). Additionally, concerns about women
asserting authority over men restricted female officer's supervisory authority to female reservists (Williams, 2001). These gender-
based restrictions limited Hopper's and other Navy women's career opportunities and mobility. According to Beyer (2012), Hopper
traded marriage and family for a career and experienced gender bias while working in the private sector. Beyer (2012) maintains that
demanding job responsibilities, the unexpected death of a friend, and her employer's near bankruptcy contributed to Hopper's
struggles with alcoholism and depression which nearly ended her career. It would be easy to conclude that despite personal struggles
and societal barriers, Hopper's self-determination, perseverance, and intellect helped her forge, single-handedly, an illustrious career.
Such assertions, however, minimize the breadth of gender-related obstacles and emotional stress she endured.

2.1.3. ENIAC programmers

Well-known names in the history of computing are Presper Eckert and John Mauchly. They built the first electronic computer, the
Electronic Numerical Integrator and Computer or ENIAC. Eckert and Mauchly originally designed ENIAC to automate ballistics
computations, but its first computations facilitated the design of the hydrogen bomb. Less well-known are the six women who
programmed ENIAC: Fran Bilas, Betty Jennings, Ruth Lichterm, Kay McNulty, Betty Snyder, and Marilyn Wescoff (Gürer, 1995; Light,
1999). Most held a mathematics degree. In addition, ballistics computation and programming required the programmers to have
advanced mathematical training (Light, 1999).
The women's official job title was computer. At the time, it was not uncommon for the term computer to denote an occupation
much like modern uses of the term programmer. Despite the qualifications of the ENIAC programmers, the ENIAC project emphasized
hardware development while programming the machine (software development) was viewed as a secondary and less important task.
Programming was seen as a low-skill clerical function suitable for women whereas hardware development was regarded as in-
tellectually challenging and better suited for men (Light, 1999; Rossiter, 1995). Also, programming did not carry the same profes-
sional status as hardware development. Specifically, the women's subordinated status as computers disqualified them from authoring
papers, giving lectures, or joining professional societies. As such, job segregation and the devaluation of programming resulted in
long-term invisibility for the female ENIAC programmers (Light, 1999).

2.1.4. From feminization to masculinization

According to Ensmenger (2010), by the late 1960s women made up at least 30 and at most 50% of the computer programming
workforce. Ensmenger (2010) believes women gravitated to the profession in the 1950s and 1960s because of low barriers to entry,
minimal stratification along gender lines, and opportunities for advancement. Also, the rapid expansion of the computer industry in
the 1970s created a demand for computer specialists, especially programmers. However, public perception about programming skills
remained aligned with beliefs about women's capabilities. Take for example a 1967 article in Cosmopolitan Magazine that featured an
interview with Grace Hooper who famously compared programming to planning a meal – “It's just like planning a dinner. You have to
plan ahead and schedule everything, so it's ready when you need it. Programming requires patience and the ability to handle detail.
Women are ‘naturals’ at computer programming” (Mandel, 1967, p. 52). Despite the article's optimistic outlook, the programming
profession was already undergoing a transformation. Historians affirm that a process of professionalization was underway with the
expressed purpose of elevating the field's status (Campbell-Kelly et al., 2014; Ensmenger, 2001, 2010). Professionalism meant formal
academic programs in computer science, professional journals and societies, and professional certification programs. For computer
specialists, professionalism offered increased social status, greater autonomy, more opportunities for advancement, and better wages
(Ensmenger, 2001). For corporations, professionalism provided a way to determine who was qualified for employment, promotion,
and salary increases.
Nevertheless, professionalism had detrimental consequences for women. A widespread use of aptitude tests and personality
profiles during the hiring process helped to construct an ‘ideal’ image of computer programmers as highly intelligent, socially inept,
and male (Ensmenger, 2001, 2010). On the other hand, some historians argue that professionalism increased perceptions of computer
programmers as potential managers (Ensmenger, 2001; Hearn, 1982; Oldenziel, 1999). Neither of these constructs included women,
who were deemed unqualified for leadership roles and unable to supervise male colleagues. Ensmenger (2010) and Fitzsimons (2002)
argued that professionalization implanted and magnified perceptions of masculinity because it necessitated a division and hier-
archical structure of labor that tended to confine women to low-level professional jobs. Although professionalization raised the status
of the occupation and the individuals within it, it also created entry barriers that, according to Ensmenger (2012) led to programming
(and by association IT) being one of the “most stereotypically male professions, inhospitable to women” (p. 237).
The history of women in computing shows how women pioneered the occupation of computer programming. It provides clear
examples of women's interest and leadership in the field. It is important, however, to go beyond acknowledging individual con-
tributions. The history of women in computing shows how gender and class influence visibility and perceived credibility. It exposes
structural inequalities that reduced career advancement opportunities and disqualified women in technical positions from advancing

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to leadership roles. The history of computing also reveals a gendered division of labor and a feminization of an occupation that
rendered women's contributions invisible. It is also important to emphasize that the pioneering women highlighted benefitted from a
class status that provided opportunities for higher education and employment. White women in the US also benefited from em-
ployment discrimination aimed at people of color (POC). Discussed later, white women's early presence in the IT workforce provided
advantages not afforded to WOC who continue to face systemic race and gender-based inequalities that hinder their advancement in
IT.

2.2. Evolution of senior level roles in IT

Although this study does not focus on CIO's per se, understanding the emergence and evolution of the role is essential to un-
derstanding how senior-executive leadership in IT differs from senior executive leadership in non-IT roles and how advancement to
SITE roles is problematic for IT professionals in general.
The CIO role emerged in the 1980s and represents the first senior executive role in corporate America focused on information
technology. The role developed in response to organization's increased dependency on computer and information technology.
Synnott and Gruber (1981) initially conceived of the CIO as a “senior executive responsible for establishing corporate information
policy, standards, and management control over all corporate information resources” (p. 66). Synnott (1987) further described the
CIO as a new kind of information manager, one who functions as a businessman first, a manager second, and a technologist third.
Popular press at the time also viewed the CIO role as a management-strategist hybrid. Bock, Carpenter, and Davis (1986) for instance,
maintained that the primary focus of the CIO was long-term strategy and planning, and managing the organization's technology
resources. Nonetheless, the first generation of CIOs served in support roles as technical experts and department managers. Because
they emerged from the IT professional ranks, they tended to be technology specialists rather than business strategists (Applegate &
Elam, 1992; Grover, Jeong, Kettinger, & Lee, 1993; Groysberg, Kelly, & MacDonald, 2011).
By the 1990s, the level of importance accorded to the CIO role increased. As organizations looked to leverage their information
technology systems in a way that supported their operational and strategic goals, the CIO role became critical. Research conducted in
the 1990s reflected the growing importance of a senior IT executive role. Research also reveals how the backgrounds of individuals
within the role changed. Applegate and Elam (1992) for example, investigated the differences between new (hired between 1986 and
1989) and traditional senior IT executives (hired before 1984). They found that traditional executives were promoted from within the
IT ranks and had little experience outside their organization. New executives had experience inside and outside the organization and
tended to have technology experience along with business experience that was separate from the IT role.
The early 2000s reveals ongoing debates within the practitioner and scholarly literature about the value and necessity of the CIO
role (Lohmeyer, Pogreb, & Robinson, 2002; Peppard, 2007; Ross & Weil, 2002). Some argued that the role was instrumental in
building and maintaining the organization's IT infrastructure in a cost-efficient way. Others pointed to the necessity of the role in
aligning IT and business strategy (Leidner & Mackay, 2007; Ross & Feeny, 1999). Holmes (2006) went so far as to recommend that
CIOs focus on strategy and turn over IT operations to subordinates. Incidentally, the CIO label became a source of confusion during
the 2000s. Organizations began to use alternative titles such as chief knowledge officer (CKO), chief technology officer (CTO), and
senior vice president of IT. In fact, from 1997 to 2007 Karanja and Zaveri (2012) found 16 different titles used to refer to the senior-
most IT executive.
There is a consensus in the practitioner and scholarly literature that, from its inception, the SITE role focuses on business strategy,
and business skills outweigh technical expertise. Applegate and Elam (1992) believed the SITE role would increasingly require a
combination of business and technical expertise. They encouraged those aspiring to the position to broaden their knowledge, skills,
and experience in business operations, strategy, and management. To keep up with the pace of technology change, Feeny and
Willcocks (1998) suggested that CIOs possess technical, business, and interpersonal skills. Technologists in Weiss and Adams' (2011)
study identified the ability to link technology to business goals and people management activities as essential skills for those aspiring
to SITE roles. Finally, Groysberg et al. (2011) maintain that the SITE role necessitates an understanding of business strategy more
than technical knowledge.
As the SITE role evolved, the perceived skills and competencies of individuals within the role also changed. A limited body of
research and anecdotal evidence emphasizes the importance of soft skills, such as interpersonal communication, negotiation, and
managerial skills (Bagchi-Sen, Rao, Upadhyaya, & Chai, 2010; Pemberton, 1992; Reich & Nelson, 2003; Willcoxson & Chatham,
2006). Even though the role's origin is technical in nature, some research indicates that a strong technical background may in fact, not
align with the perceived competencies of senior IT leaders (Carter et al., 2011; Groysberg et al., 2011; Karanja & Zaveri, 2012).
Technical and functional expertise are essential when working in the IT ranks, but scholars point out that people in technical roles do
not always have an understanding of broader organizational demands (Carter et al., 2011). Literature from the 1990s discusses
dissatisfaction with CIOs because of their technical background. Pemberton (1992) for instance believed that “much of the dis-
satisfaction with the CIO comes from their narrow background in technology, that installing a computer systems specialist as CIO is
like putting a carburetor specialist in charge of an automobile factory” (p. 43). A technical background, however, is not necessarily a
detriment. Some argue that technical knowledge is essential to make informed, smart, decisions about technology resources (Carter
et al., 2011). But how central technical knowledge is, compared to other skills, to the perceived competence of aspiring and existing
SITEs is unclear.
What does the SITE role look like today, and what skills do practitioners and scholars attribute to the role? There is considerable
agreement in the scholarly and practitioner literature, that the SITE role is essential for organizations wanting to use their IT systems
as strategic resources (Banker, Hu, Pavlou, & Luftman, 2011; Reich & Nelson, 2003; G. S. Smith, 2013). Though organizations differ

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in their industry, competitors, size, age, and strategic needs, the literature continually stresses that successful alignment of technology
resources with organizational strategy requires senior IT executives to understand the organization's business environment.

2.3. Who is (not) the senior IT executive

“Wanted: Chief Information Officer. Prerequisite: General management experience and ability to implement the latest in tech-
nologies. Technicians need not apply” (Rymer, 1983, p. 135).
The above quote exemplifies a consensus in the literature that, from the onset, the SITE role focuses on business strategy, and
business knowledge outweighs technical expertise. The literature emphasizes non-technical skills and competencies that numerous
scholars and practitioners identify as atypical of IT professionals. The combination of technical expertise with the perceived ineptness
of business and soft skills does not bode well for IT professionals who aspire to SITE roles. In fact, this combination sustains modern
associations of IT professionals as geeks. This section reviews stereotypic beliefs about IT professionals and how stereotypes create
barriers for IT professionals who want to advance into SITE roles. But first, a working knowledge of stereotypes is important to the
discussion because stereotypes interact with and influence perceptions about who is suitable for SITE roles.

2.3.1. Stereotypes
There are various definitions and types of stereotypes. The predominant conceptualization of stereotypes comes from cognitive
social psychology which emphasizes individual psychological processes. Social cognitive research distinguishes between individual
and social stereotypes. The former denotes the mental pictures held by any person abut a group and its members. The latter indicates
mental depictions that exist as shared and broadly recognizable representations of social groups. In short, cognitive psychology views
stereotypes as the mental pictures and set of beliefs held by an individual or shared by members of society about the attributes of a
group of people. The mental pictures include personality traits, behaviors, physical appearances, and preferences (Augoustinos,
Walker, & Donaghue, 2014).
Traditionally, stereotyping research focused on the negative consequences of stereotyping and concentrated on demographic
characteristics such as gender, race, and age. Contemporary research broadens this focus by examining positive and negative ste-
reotypes across various group characteristics such as ethnicity, religion, and sexual orientation. Later sections discuss how gender and
race-related stereotypes adversely affect women's career mobility. However, this discussion highlights how a particular type of
stereotype hinders the advancement of IT professionals into SITE roles.

2.3.2. Geek stereotype

Anecdotal evidence and research studies support the existence of the geek stereotype (Chatham & Sutton, 2010; Enns, Ferratt, &
Prasad, 2006; Joseph, Fong Boh, Ang, & Slaughter, 2012; Loogma, Umarik, & Vilu, 2004; Moore & Love, 2013; Pfleging & Zetlin,
2006; Willcoxson & Chatham, 2006). In fact, Merriam Webster's online dictionary defines geek as “a person who is socially awkward
and unpopular: a usually intelligent person who does not fit in with other people” Geek, n.d.In the United States, the dominant image
of a geek is a young, white American male who is computer savvy and socially inept. This image is pervasive in American culture but
the geek stereotype is not limited to the United States. Loogma et al. (2004) found the existence of the stereotype in Estonia,
Germany, the United Kingdom, and the Czech Republic. They report that IT business owners and managers in each country identify a
geek as an IT professional with technology expertise and poor communication skills.

2.3.3. Occupational stereotypes

Stereotypes extend to occupations, and perceptions of IT professionals as geeks exemplify an occupational stereotype. An oc-
cupational stereotype is a preconceived judgment about a particular occupation, people employed in the occupation, or one's per-
ception of his or her suitability for the occupation (Lipton, O'Connor, Terry, & Bellamy, 1991; Shinar, 1975). Glick, Wilk, and
Perreault (1995) report that research on occupational stereotypes finds that people's perception of occupations derives from mental
pictures of individuals who work in those professions. In other words, what people understand about occupations has more to do with
their perceptions of individuals (e.g. race, gender, personality traits) than the responsibilities associated with the occupation (Glick
et al., 1995).
Models of bias are consistent with the notion of occupational stereotypes. The stereotype-fit model (Dipboye, 1985), for example,
predicts that evaluators will compare their stereotypical beliefs about a job candidate with the perceived requirements of the job or
role. The model argues that some jobs and roles are typed, given that characteristics believed necessary for success in the role are
associated with a particular group of people. The model predicts that bias occurs when the stereotypical beliefs about the candidate's
social group are incongruent with the stereotypical beliefs about the job or role. The model posits that incongruence negatively
affects performance evaluations because the candidate is not expected to succeed in the position or role.
Similarly, Heilman's (1983, 1995, 2001) lack of fit model focuses on gender and posits that the perceived fit between the can-
didate's attributes and the job's requirements (i.e., skills and abilities) determines performance expectations. The model suggests that
jobs become gender-typed when the numerical representation of one group (male or female) is greater than the other and the
attributes deemed necessary for successful performance is based on gendered characteristics. For instance, because the IT profession
has a higher number of men than women it is considered a male-dominated occupation requiring masculine characteristics. Alter-
natively, when women dominated the computing field it was considered an occupation that required female characteristics. The
model further posits that stereotypical attributes associated with male and female shape people's perceptions about employee's skills
and attributes. Perceptions of men, for example, tend to include instrumental traits such as decisiveness and competitiveness, while

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perceptions of women tend to include expressive traits such as nurturance and creativity (Marini, 1990; Wajcman, 1991). When the
gender stereotype of the individual matches the gender-type of the job, this congruence creates an expectation that the individual will
succeed in the job or role (Welle & Heilman, 2007). Incongruence, meaning the gender stereotype of the individual does not match
the gender type of the job, creates negative expectations which result in assessments of the individual as lacking the necessary skills to
perform the job adequately.
Gender and IT researchers use bias models to examine discrimination in performance ratings and promotion selections.
Researchers also examine how gender stereotypes affect women's participation, retention, and advancement in IT. Stereotypes and
bias models are discussed here because they help explain how occupational stereotypes of IT professionals influence (a) perceptions
of who is suitable for SITE roles and (b) opportunities for career advancement through promotion and selection processes. There is
scant research that examines the degree to which women experience an IT stereotype (i.e., lacking business and social skills) in their
pursuit of SITE roles. As such this study explores the extent to which IT stereotypes affect women's ability to advance into SITE roles.
It is important to note that women in IT may contend with various stereotypes (e.g., gender, geek, race, and ethnicity) that interact or
simultaneously manifest in ways that are difficult to discern or challenge.

2.4. Organizational culture

Having laid out the origins of IT and the SITE role, the review turns to some prominent theories of organizational culture.
Illuminating organizational culture helps explain how an organization operates; it also helps explain the persistent under-
representation of women in executive roles. Because the literature on organizational culture is vast, Schein (2010) and Deal and
Kennedy's (2000) perspective of culture frames this discussion. Schein's formative work provides a well-recognized and frequently
used working definition of culture. Deal and Kennedy's seminal text helps contextualize Schein's definition for a corporate setting. The
organizational culture concepts discussed are later reflected in the literature about women's barriers to advancement into executive-
level roles. Therefore, a working knowledge of organizational culture is necessary.
Schein (2010) defines culture as
a pattern of shared basic assumptions that was learned by a group as it solved its problems of external adaptation and internal
integrations, that has worked well enough to be considered valid and, therefore, to be taught to new members as the correct way to
perceive, think, and feel in relation to those problems. (p. 18).
These assumptions and beliefs influence the ways in which organization members think about and interact with one another in
their work environment (Deal & Kennedy, 2000; Schein, 2010). Two characteristics typify organizational culture: resistance to
change and the tendency to create insiders and outsiders (Deal & Kennedy, 2000; Schein, 2010). Culture defines and creates structural
norms and ritualistic behaviors that, over time, embed within an organization's practices and procedures (Deal & Kennedy, 2000).
Schein asserts that culture remains entrenched until a crisis or other motivating factors provoke change, for instance, concerns about
a shrinking technology workforce or social pressure regarding the lack of diversity in an organization's leadership ranks.
Culture prescribes the kinds of people who are suitable, and by default, unsuitable for the organization. It also determines where
in the organizational structure certain types of individuals fit (Deal & Kennedy, 2000; Schein, 2010). New entrants to an organization
or role go through a socialization process which Chao (2012) describes as a “learning and adjustment process that enables an
individual to assume an organizational role that fits both organizational and individual needs” (“Defining Organizational Sociali-
zation”, para. 3). Colleagues, senior coworkers, supervisors, and mentors each function as insiders who can help newcomers become
effective organizational members (Chao, 2012).
The amount of interaction between newcomers and insiders determines the rate at which newcomers become socialized (Bell &
Nkomo, 2003). Researchers commonly link successful socialization to increased satisfaction, commitment, performance, and re-
tention (Bauer, Bodner, Erdogan, Truxillo, & Tucker, 2007; Chao, 2007). In contrast, unsuccessful socialization often leads to dis-
satisfaction, stress, and turnover (Chao, 2007). Unsuccessful socialization can also result in isolation and outsider status. Con-
sequences of unsuccessful socialization parallel research that consistently finds that women and WOC experience outsider status
which contributes to their inability to access informal networks and advance to senior-level roles.

2.4.1. Men, women, and leadership: similar or different?

Before reviewing the literature on women in specific organizational culture contexts, it is important to understand that gender
stereotypes interact with and influence organizational culture and concepts of leadership. It is also important to distinguish between
the terms sex and gender. Although scholars frequently interchange or conflate the terms, sex refers to biology-based differences
between men and women and typically refers to sex chromosomes or sex organs (Kimball, 2003; Marini, 1990). In contrast, gender
refers to socially constructed differences between men and women and society's ascription of male and female characteristics2
(Kanter, 1977; Powell, 2011; Westbrook & Schilt, 2014). Gendered concepts of masculinity and femininity create a male-female
dichotomy wherein masculinity relates to dominance, autonomy, and aggression, while femininity relates to nurturance, deference,
and cooperation (Powell, 2011). Though gender has no biological foundation, it underlies societal notions about the capabilities and
appropriate roles for women and men. The remainder of this section focuses on the ways societal notions of masculinity and fem-
ininity affect women's leadership experiences.
One approach researchers use to understand why women remain underrepresented in senior leadership roles is to explore

2
Butler argues against social dichotomies of male/female and posits that gender is not fixed but fluid (Butler, 1993, 1999, 2009).

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differences between women and men against attributes perceived to be relevant to leadership. Although arguments remain about the
role of traits in explaining leadership effectiveness, existing research suggests traits play an important, although limited, role
(Zaccaro, Gulick, & Khare, 2008). One argument is that women and men are inherently different regarding traits associated with
effective leadership. Early research associated masculine traits such as aggression and authority with leadership. Contemporary
research finds that effective leadership necessitates masculine and feminine traits such as emotional intelligence, risk-taking, as-
sertiveness, integrity, and the ability to motivate and inspire people (Eagly & Carli, 2007b; Judge, Bono, Ilies, & Gerhardt, 2002).
Research indicates small differences between women and men in traits related to effective leadership. For instance, studies show that
men tend to exhibit higher levels of assertiveness than women and women tend to exhibit higher levels of integrity than men (Costa,
Terracciano, & McCrae, 2001; Feingold, 1994; Weisberg, DeYoung, & Hirsh, 2011). Overall, the differences favor women to the same
extent as they favor men (Eagly & Carli, 2007b; Feingold, 1994).
Another argument is that women's underrepresentation is a result of differences in leadership style and effectiveness. Eagly and
Johnson's (1990) meta-analysis comparing the leadership styles of women and men, examined the distinctions between task-oriented,
relationship-oriented, autocratic, and democratic styles. Their findings did not support gender-stereotypic expectations that women
lead in a more relationship-oriented and less task-oriented manner than men. Nonetheless, women tended to adopt a more demo-
cratic or participative style and a less autocratic style than men (Eagly & Johnson, 1990). This tendency, however, decreased in male-
dominated leadership roles. Later studies found similar results (van Engen & Willemsen, 2004). Eagly, Johannesen-Schmidt, and van
Engen (2003) also conducted a meta-analysis to compare gender differences in leadership styles. They found women's leadership
styles to be more transformational than men's and more transactional regarding contingent rewards than men. Given previous
research asserting the effectiveness of transformational and transactional leadership (Judge & Piccolo, 2004; Lowe, Kroeck, &
Sivasubramaniam, 1996), Eagly et al.’s (2003) findings indicate that to a certain extent, women more than men manifest leadership
styles that relate positively to effectiveness (Eagly, 2007). Although research is limited, race and ethnicity can also shape leadership
styles and influence effectiveness. For example, some studies find that African American women employ a self-confident and assertive
style (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010) and that Asian American women favor a collectivist or relational rather than transformational
leadership style (Chin, 2013; Kawahara, 2007; Kawahara, Esnil, & Hsu, 2007).
Though the literature rarely addresses the relative effectiveness of leadership styles displayed by women of color, researchers
have examined the relative effectiveness of male and female leaders (Bowen, Swim, & Jacobs, 2000; Eagly, Karau, & Makhijani,
1995). Eagly et al.’s (1995) meta-analysis indicated that effectiveness depends on context. They found men to be more effective
leaders in male-dominated or masculinized roles and women were more effective leaders in less male-dominated or masculine roles.
In particular, people judged women as less effective than men in leadership positions occupied by more men, associated with a higher
proportion of male subordinates, or when a greater proportion of male raters assessed effectiveness.
The view that women face a double bind adds further understanding to the idea that women and men lead differently. According to
role congruity theory, the agentic qualities thought necessary for effective leadership are incompatible with the communal qualities
stereotypically associated with women (Eagly & Karau, 2002). The tension between the communal qualities that people expect from
women and agentic qualities expected in leaders produces cross-pressures for female leaders. Women face criticisms when they
display agentic qualities inherent in many leadership roles, such as asserting authority over others. However, if they exhibit com-
munal qualities such as being supportive of others they often experience disapproval and devaluation of their contributions. Male-
dominated or perceived masculine leader roles present a particular challenge to women because the role is incongruent with ste-
reotypical beliefs and expectations about women. Incongruence between gendered expectations and beliefs about leadership beha-
vior can result in questions about women's qualifications for leadership roles, resistance to their authority, and doubts about their
ability to be effective in the role (Dipboye, 1985; Eagly & Karau, 2002; Welle & Heilman, 2007).
In sum, researchers use various approaches to examine leadership differences between men and women as a way to understand
why women remain underrepresented in senior leadership roles. It is apparent, nevertheless, that issues of gender, race, ethnicity, and
leadership remain understudied. Eagly and Chin (2010) contend that leadership research and theory remain limited in their ability to
address contemporary and challenging leadership issues such as (a) the limited access of individuals from diverse identity groups to
leadership roles; (b) the shaping of leaders' behaviors by their dual identities as leaders and members of gender, racial, ethnic, or
other identity groups; and (c) the potential of individuals from underrepresented groups to provide exceptional leadership because of
their differences from traditional leaders. Likewise, it is evident that analyzing differences necessitates understanding societal and
organizational contexts regarding beliefs about acceptable roles and behaviors for women and men while resisting the tendency to
frame either as a homogeneous group. With the organizational culture, and gender and leadership literature as a framework, the
review turns to literature that describes women's experiences in corporate culture.

2.4.2. Women in corporate culture

The literature on women in corporate culture describes how corporate cultures developed, the norms connected to them, and how
gender and racial/ethnic stereotypes affect and influence the development of norms and cultures. Because the IT profession and SITE
roles emerged within corporate environments, understanding corporate culture deepens the investigation into white women's and
WOCs advancement experiences.
The literature on women in corporate culture highlights how white men's predominance in the workforce continues to shape
corporate culture (Jandeska & Kraimer, 2005; Kanter, 1977; Powell, 2011). Until the mid-1970s, sex and race segregation were
common features in the U.S. workforce. White males worked in respected jobs, while white women and WOC held lower paying and
less prestigious jobs (Bell & Nkomo, 2003). White women who worked outside the home were relegated to low-status, female-
dominated jobs such as secretarial and clerical positions that supported male managers (Bell & Nkomo, 2003). They were restricted to

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support-oriented jobs because widely held stereotypes depicted them as lacking the skills and rationality necessary for leading and
managing organizations (Bowman, Worthy, & Greyser, 1965; Kanter, 1977). Because of their race/ethnicity, however, secretarial and
clerical positions were not available to women of color. They primarily held jobs as domestic servants, teachers, or social workers
(Sokoloff, 2014). Antidiscrimination legislation helped white women and WOC move into managerial positions and jobs traditionally
held by white men. Nonetheless, in many organizations, management jobs remained delineated in ways that maintained sex and race
segregation, stereotypical gender roles, and white men's prevalence in senior leadership positions (Acker, 2012; Bell & Nkomo, 2003;
Kanter, 1977).
Some theorists suggest the traditional notion of career is predicated on men's career progress and the expectation that people will
prioritize their career over their family/personal life (Drago, 2007; Levinson, Darrow, Klein, Levinson, & McKee, 1978; Wajcman,
1998). Additionally, Acker (2009, 2012) contends that the general requirements of work in organizations stem from the assumption
of workers as unencumbered; someone dedicated to his or her work and with no obligations outside the workplace. Men more likely
than women can adapt to these expectations and assumptions, which according to Acker (2012), reinforces the male model of
organizing. Consequently, those who can adapt, usually men, are viewed as serious, committed workers and those who do not are
viewed as marginal and perhaps undeserving of promotions (Acker, 2012). Connecting this male model of organizing with ideas
about organizational culture, researchers argue that gendered stereotypes and men's predominance in organizations contributed to
the development of corporate cultures that favor men over women (Acker, 2012; Drago, 2007; Kanter, 1977). The literature also
shows a long history of scholars and practitioners underscoring the link between organizational culture and women's exclusion and
marginalization (Cockburn, 1991; Kanter, 1977; Rutherford, 2014; Wajcman, 1998).
Some early research and literature contend that because men designed corporate environments oriented toward their behaviors
and responsive to their needs, the environment inherently positions women as outsiders (Catalyst, 2003c; Kanter, 1977; O'Connor,
2006; Wajcman, 1998). Outsider status has distinct ramifications for women when it comes to networking. For example, the ad-
vancement literature repeatedly finds that lack of access to informal networks creates a barrier to women's career advancement
(Catalyst, 1999, 2003a, 2006; Durbin, 2011; Xu & Martin, 2011). In male-oriented organizations, informal networks can develop
around activities that are more accommodating to men than women such as golf, football, or strip clubs. Informal gatherings such as
drinks after work also give people an opportunity to build relationships and network, but family responsibilities may preclude women
more than men from participating. Because of their outsider status, men may purposely exclude women from informal networks (e.g.,
old-boy networks) or the norms around networking may not take women's interests or family commitments into consideration.
Outsider status coupled with gender stereotypes meant that women remained segregated in low-paying support roles with no
opportunity for lateral or vertical movement into positions that led to senior leadership roles (Bell & Nkomo, 2003; Kanter, 1977;
Schein, 2010). Low-paying jobs that provide little advancement opportunity and predominately occupied by women are emblematic
of pink collar ghettoes (Doyle & Paludi, 1998). Pink collar ghettoes also describe women's advancement into upper-level management
positions in areas such as human resources and customer service, areas that typically do not lead to senior executive roles.
Some researchers link women's outsider status to tokenism, a phenomenon that Kanter (1977) believes results from proportional
representation. Kanter maintained that when 85% of people in an organization are homogenous regarding sex, race, or ethnicity, for
example, the remaining 15% represents “tokens.” According to Kanter, tokenism has several adverse consequences including (a)
performance pressures triggered by heightened visibility, (b) group boundary heightening and social isolation caused by dominants'
tendency to exaggerate differences between tokens and themselves, and (c) role entrapment stemming from dominants' reliance on
stereotypical assumptions about appropriate organizational roles for tokens which results in scarce opportunities for advancement
(Avery, 2011; Kanter, 1977; Sackett, DuBois, & Noe, 1991). Because the numerical majority set the culture and its norms, researchers
maintain that tokens have to assimilate and possibly contribute to the maintenance of norms so that dominants perceive them as
insiders (Kanter, 1977; Ryan et al., 2012). Kanter primarily focuses on gender tokenism and asserts that a critical mass of women,
around 35%, can alter organizational culture and reduce women's negative experiences.
Numerous empirical studies use Kanter's tokenism theory to explain women's differential experiences in various male-dominated
industries and occupations, but the theory is not without its limitations. Zimmer (1988) and Yoder (1991, 1994) maintain that
tokenism provides an inadequate explanation of women's work-related difficulties because it ignores the cause of tokenism, namely
gender discrimination embedded in society and male-dominated organizations. Yoder (1991) also argues that tokenism fails to
address dominates' adverse reactions to the increasing number of tokens. For women, this could mean higher incidents of sexual
harassment and exclusion, and increased hostility and resistance to their authority. Similarly, tokenism ignores the influence of power
and social status differentials between, for example, white men and people of color. Despite its limitations, tokenism reinforces
outsider status and acts as an obstacle to advancement because it impacts perceptions of belongingness and fit.
Occupational segregation by race/ethnicity and gender, gendered stereotypes, and outsider status contribute to perceptions of
corporate cultures as inhospitable for white women and WOC. Despite progress in societal and organizational perceptions around
women's abilities and roles, and legislative efforts such as civil rights and affirmative action, corporate cultures continue to resist
change when it comes to female executives.

2.4.3. Women in corporate IT culture

Before discussing the literature on women in corporate IT culture, it is important to understand the foundational aspects of IT
corporate culture because they affect how and what kind of culture develops. Organizational culture denotes the shared assumptions
and beliefs that influence the ways in which organization members think about and interact with one another in their work en-
vironment (Deal & Kennedy, 2000; Schein, 2010). In contrast, Guzman and Stanton (2009) maintain that occupational cultures
“include the basic assumptions, cultural forms, ideologies and behaviors that grow uniquely in the context of a particular occupation”

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(p. 160). Unlike organizational culture, occupational culture can exist within various organizations and exist independent of the
broader organization. Similar to organizational culture, aspects of occupational culture can impact people's career development in
positive and negative ways.
A unique occupational culture exists in the IT profession. Guzman, Stam, and Stanton (2008) identified several characteristics that
typify IT occupational culture: (a) frequent use of technical jargon, (b) extreme and unusual demands related to long hours and the
need for constant personal re-education, (c) feelings of superiority relative to the IT user community, (d) the absence of formal work
rules, and (e) a pervasive use of IT in non-work settings. Guzman and her colleagues (Guzman et al., 2008; Guzman & Stanton, 2009)
found that IT occupational cultures exist independent of broader organizational cultures and across a variety of organizational
settings.
Because of women's persistent underrepresentation in SITE roles, some scholars attempt to understand the phenomenon by
examining women's perceptions of IT culture. In general, the academic and industry literatures describe IT culture as predominately
male and white, anti-social, individualistic, competitive, hostile toward women, misogynistic, and sexist (Bartol & Aspray, 2006;
Burleigh, 2015; Hewlett et al., 2008; Todd, Mardis, & Wyatt, 2005; Wentling & Thomas, 2009). Hewlett et al.’s (2008) investigation of
women in science, engineering, and technology (SET) fields identified several characteristics of SET culture that women believed
contributed to their departure from the profession. The characteristics include hostile macho cultures, isolation, mysterious career
paths, and extreme work pressures typified by long work weeks, and a system of risk and rewards that disproportionately dis-
advantage women.
Based on a review of gender literature, Ahuja (2002) developed a model of barriers faced by women in IT. The model posits that a
variety of social and structural factors interact to influence women's ability to progress through three career stages—choice, per-
sistence, and advancement. Armstrong and Riemenschneider (2014) applied Ahuja's model to their investigation of female IT pro-
fessionals at a U.S. Fortune 500 company. They focused on the persistence and advancement career stages and offered an update to
Ahuja's model. Similar to Ahuja, they identified exclusion from informal networks, and lack of mentors and role models as structural
barriers at the advancement stage. Ahuja's model posits that occupational culture poses a structural barrier at the career choice stage.
Armstrong and Riemenschneider (2014), however, identified occupational culture, characterized by after-hours networking and
working late to gain the attention of management, as a key structural barrier at the advancement stage. Ahuja believed structural
barriers at the advancement stage were the hardest to overcome.
Roldan, Soe, and Yakura (2004) contend that the masculine orientation of IT creates a chilly climate for women and likely affects
women's promotion opportunities and turnover. Unlike culture, organizational climate represents the “shared perceptions of and the
meaning attached to the policies, practices, and procedures employees experience and the behaviors they observe getting rewarded
and that are supported and expected” (Schneider, Ehrhart, & Macey, 2013). Roldan et al. (2004) suggest that five features char-
acterize a chilly IT climate: (a) extended work schedules that do not take personal lives into consideration, (b) glorification of
individual technology innovation instead of teamwork, (c) emphasizing and rewarding technological rather than social skills, (d)
elusive paths that solo women on male teams must navigate to be successful, (e) double standards toward perceived success behaviors
such as rewarding men for assertiveness while penalizing women when they exhibit the same behavior. Though Roldan et al. (2004)
distinguish between climate and culture, the characteristics of a chilly IT climate mirror perceived characteristics of IT culture found
in the literature.

2.4.4. Perceptions about women in corporate IT culture

Contemporary research finds that gender stereotypes found in society and corporate America remain prevalent, adversely impact
female IT professionals, and hinder their ability to advance to leadership roles. Traditionally, stereotypical and perceived gender-
appropriate roles segregated male and female IT professionals (Light, 1999). Noted earlier, even though women pioneered the IT
profession, their contributions and expertise were, for the most part, ignored or downplayed. As a result, they occupied marginalized
support roles. Contemporary research continues to find that gender stereotypes found in IT culture guide perceptions about which
jobs women can fulfill. Several studies found that women in technical roles are often viewed as less technically competent than men
(Kvasny, Trauth, & Morgan, 2009; Simard & Gammal, 2012; L. Smith, 2013). Lufkin et al. (2010) assert that women in technical roles
remain clustered in low-paying, low-skilled positions, such as information processing, while men occupy higher-paid specialties, such
as systems engineering. Likewise, Bartol and Aspray's (2006) literature review found a disparity in the types of positions held by
women. For example, women disproportionately occupied low-level IT positions such as data entry, programming, and help-desk,
and remained underrepresented in high-level IT positions such as management, technical and network support, and systems op-
erations. A combination of entry and confinement in low-level technical or administrative roles and gender biases that encourage
ongoing segregation also reduces women's advancement opportunities and access to resources such as mentors (Kvasny et al., 2009).
Additionally, when upper-level positions depend on functional expertise gained in high-level IT roles and understanding business
strategy, as the literature suggests, the route to advancement becomes difficult for women in low-level IT roles.
Similar to corporate culture, IT culture emanates and remains grounded in white male cultural values. Themes in the literature on
women in corporate cultures resemble but are not identical to those found in the literature on women in corporate IT cultures.
Overall, the literature suggests that women in IT confront and work in inhospitable cultures and climates that hinder their ad-
vancement opportunities.

2.5. Advancement barriers

Thus far, this review examined the origins of IT, the evolution of SITE roles, and described the impact of organizational culture on

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career advancement. The review now turns to literature that examines women's advancement barriers. A plethora of research,
scattered across different kinds of literature, focuses on the persistent underrepresentation of women within the senior executive
ranks of U.S. corporations. Possible explanations for this gender disparity include (a) exclusion from informal networks, (b) gender
stereotyping, (c) work-life balance, (d) lack of mentors and sponsors, and (e) personal development. Despite the important con-
tribution this research makes to understanding the barriers that women face, most studies focus on specific barriers or a small
collection of influencing factors. The result is a disjointed view that limits understanding of how the barriers coexist and function
throughout women's advancement journey (Kulik, 2014; O'Neil, Hopkins, & Bilimoria, 2008; Wyatt & Silvester, 2015). Rather than
examine the barriers in isolation, this section reviews common metaphors that researchers use to examine women's advancement
barriers. The intent is not to provide an exhaustive review of the barriers but to grasp the complexity of the obstacles from a wider
lens. The metaphors discussed are those pertinent to understanding the advancement barriers faced by WOC and white women.

2.5.1. Glass ceiling

One prominent and well-documented explanation for gender disparity in the senior executive ranks of U.S. corporations is the
glass ceiling. Glass ceiling is a metaphor that researchers commonly used to depict invisible and artificial barriers that prevent women
and POC from advancing to upper-level management and executive positions in corporations and organizations. Although con-
temporary uses of the metaphor refer to invisible and artificial barriers that prevent the advancement of people from various un-
derrepresented groups, the metaphor was first used in reference to women.
Glass ceiling became a popular term after Hymowitz and Schellhardt (1986) used it to argue that despite intellect and competence,
women remained excluded from executive positions in corporate America. Rather than overt discrimination, they maintained that
corporate tradition and prejudice acted as invisible barriers which stymied the advancement of female managers. Johnston and
Packer's (1987) Workforce 2000 report increased awareness about the glass ceiling and the important role of women and POC in the
nation's economy. The report also prompted the federal government to investigate further the dearth of POC and women in man-
agement roles in organizations. In 1989, the Department of Labor created the Glass Ceiling Initiative. After a series of corporate
management reviews of Fortune 500 companies who were federal contractors, the Glass Ceiling Initiative found organizational and
attitudinal barriers, and organizational policies and practices as substantial obstacles to the advancement of women and POC (Martin,
1991, 1992; U.S. Department of Labor, 1997). Incidentally, it was not until the federal government's involvement that the glass
ceiling metaphor included the discriminatory experiences of POC (Jackson & O'Callaghan, 2009).
Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1991 created the Federal Glass Ceiling Commission (FGCC) which was mandated to study the
barriers to advancement of women and POC in corporate hierarchies and issue recommendations on ways to remove the barriers. The
FGCC conducted an environmental scan, or fact-finding activity, which included multiple methods of data collection. They found that
despite progress made by POC and women into executive, administrative, and managerial positions over the past 30 years, non-
Hispanic white males still held 95 to 97% of all senior management positions in the private sector (U.S. Glass Ceiling Commission,
1995b). Women held only 5% of senior positions in Fortune 2000 industrial and service companies and of those, all were white. The
FGCC also identified three levels of artificial barriers: (a) societal barriers, which exist outside of an organization's direct control; (b)
internal structural barriers that exist within an organizations' control; and (c) governmental barriers that refer to problems with data
collection and enforcement. Contemporary research frequently cites many of the internal structural barriers which point to the
enduring nature of the obstacles faced by women and POC. The FGCC viewed societal, governmental, and internal structural barriers
as interrelated and asserted that corporate America is not solely responsible for the creation or removal of all the barriers. Table 1
provides further detail of each of the barriers.
It is worth noting that the FGCC emphasized that artificial barriers contradict the ideological belief of the American Dream in
which success or achievement is the outcome of education, training, dedication, and hard work. The glass ceiling barriers have little

Table 1
Glass ceiling artificial barriers.

Societal Barriers • Supply barriers - education and employment opportunity

Internal Structural Barriers
Governmental Barriers
• Difference barriers - conscious and unconscious stereotyping and prejudice related to gender, race, and ethnicity
• Outreach and recruitment practices that fail to pursue, contact or recruit people of color and women
• Corporate climates that alienate POC and women.
• Pipeline barriers
○ Initial placement and clustering in staff, highly technical or professional jobs that do not lead to senior-level or executive
positions
○ Lack of mentoring
○ Lack of management training
○ Lack of opportunities for career development, little or no access to highly visible assignments
○ Different standards for performance evaluation
○ Biased rating and testing practices, limited or no access to informal networks
• Counterproductive behavior and harassment by colleagues
• Inconsistent monitoring and enforcement
• Flaws in the formulation and collection of employment-related data
• Inadequate reporting and dissemination of information

Source: Adapted from “Good for business: Making full use of the nation's human capital,” by U.S. Glass Ceiling Commission (1995b)Washington, DC: U.S. Government
Printing Office.

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to do with individual ability, educational attainment, or other official credentials. Rather, the inability to advance into senior-level
roles is directly related to artificial constraints that have little to do with competence or potential (U.S. Glass Ceiling Commission,
1995a, 1995b; Woo, 2000). Because IT cultures developed within corporate culture, it is no surprise that many of the internal
structural barriers parallel issues discussed earlier as problematic characteristics of IT workplace culture.
The FGCC also acknowledged that affected groups experience the glass ceiling differently. Meaning perceptions of the glass ceiling
are not the same for white women and WOC, women and men of color, or men of different racial and ethnic backgrounds.
Consequently, they separately examined members of the affected groups' perceptions of the glass ceiling. Instead of a glass ceiling, the
affected group members used metaphors that captured mobility barriers related to race and ethnicity. For example, African
Americans spoke of concrete walls and ceilings, Hispanic Americans talked about adobe ceilings, and Asian Americans spoke of a
bamboo ceiling. Later sections discuss these metaphors in more detail. They are mentioned here to highlight that although the FGCC's
research provides a broad overview and profile of the representation of women and POC in corporate management, it also recognized
that different groups experience the glass ceiling differently.
Woo (2000) maintains that the FGCC's recognition of attitudinal and behavioral biases (i.e., counterproductive behavior and
harassment by colleagues) revitalizes investigations of institutionalized racism and institutionalized discrimination. Such analysis
would highlight how organizational policies and practices create advancement barriers for certain segments of the workforce (Woo,
2000). Woo also suggests the FGCC alluded to issues of managerial preparedness when they identified lack of mentoring, lack of
management training, and lack of opportunities for career development as barriers. Rather than artificial barriers, the issue of
preparedness implies actual barriers wherein people do not possess the necessary qualifications for advancement (Woo, 2000).
An abundance of research examines barriers that prevent women and minorities from advancing to senior and executive man-
agement positions, much of which confirms the existence of a glass ceiling. There are also different perspectives on the factors that
contribute to the glass ceiling, various explanations for the glass ceiling, and multiple reviews of glass ceiling research (Barreto, Ryan,
& Schmitt, 2009; Jackson & O'Callaghan, 2009; Morrison, White, Van Velsor, & Center for Creative Leadership, 1987; Pompper, 2013;
Powell, 1999, 2000; Powell & Butterfield, 2015). Nevertheless, Eagly and Carli (2007b) believed the glass ceiling metaphor was too
simplistic of an explanation for the barriers that prevent women from attaining senior leadership positions. They argue the metaphor
implies equal access to lower level positions, logical progression up the corporate ladder, and a single barrier that exists at the
executive level. Believing the metaphor did not adequately capture the complexity and variety of challenges women encounter, they
offered the labyrinth as a more accurate and less linear portrayal of women's advancement journey. According to Eagly and Carli
(2007b), various obstacles litter an indirect path to senior executive positions. The labyrinth also depicts multiple and different routes
to senior leadership and recognizes how each woman's experience of navigating the labyrinth is unique.
With few exceptions, the bulk of glass ceiling research focuses on gender and does not take race or ethnicity into account (Jackson
& O'Callaghan, 2009). Issues of gender and leadership, represented by the glass ceiling, exist within broader topics of leadership and
diversity. But, leadership and diversity research stress the need to understand the impact of race and ethnicity. Though many of the
issues surrounding POC and advancement bear similarity to issues surrounding gender, the underlying forces and mechanisms are
different. To better understand the advancement barriers faced by POC, researchers extended the glass ceiling metaphor to take into
account race and ethnicity. Because this research includes the experiences of African American/black, Asian American, and Latina/
Hispanic American women, it makes sense to discuss barriers pertinent to these groups. It is important to note that although the
metaphors help highlight advancement barriers, they also frame groups of people as homogeneous, which overlooks within-group
variation. Additionally, the extension of the glass ceiling metaphor to particular groups of individuals may reinforce negative social
and cultural biases.

2.5.2. Advancement barriers faced by African American women

Bell and Nkomo (2003) argue the glass ceiling is an inadequate metaphor and believe concrete wall better describes the career
barriers African American women encounter. They describe the glass ceiling as a dual transparency whereby white women can
examine everything above them and identify key players and potential supporters. Simultaneously those above them can peer down
and observe their activities. Alternatively, African American women face a nontransparent concrete wall that serves to separate and
isolate them from the rest of the organization. The concrete wall is denser and harder to penetrate. The concrete wall serves to
marginalize African American women because those on the other side of the wall are oblivious to the women's presence (Bell &
Nkomo, 2003). Bell and Nkomo underscore that race and gender form a strong barrier of exclusion whereas gender discrimination
forms a barrier more plausibly broken. African American women in Catalyst's (2004) and FGCC's (U.S. Glass Ceiling Commission,
1995b) research similarly characterized advancement barriers as a concrete ceiling that is denser and less easily shattered than a glass
ceiling. A recent study conducted by LeanIn·Org and McKinsey & Company (Thomas et al., 2017) gives further credence to the
concrete wall. Their study found that black women, in particular, face more obstacles and a steeper path to leadership than white
women. Based on data from 222 companies employing more than 12 million people, a survey of over 70,000 employees, and a series
of qualitative interviews, the study found that compared to Latina, Asian, and white women, black women receive less support from
managers, have fewer opportunities for advancement, and get promoted more slowly.
Though multiple barriers hamper the upward mobility of African American women, researchers highlight exclusion from informal
networks and negative stereotyping. Like white women, African American women report that exclusion from informal networks and
stereotypes stifle upward mobility. However, the nature of exclusion and stereotypes differ. Combs (2003) indicates that informal
more than formal networks affect career advancement. She asserts that race and gender affect African American women's access to
and participation in informal networks in ways that differ from white women and African American men. Wilson (2012) found that
compared to white women and Latinas, African American women advanced slower, and their advancement path was narrow and

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indicative of formal processes. Formal processes helped the white women in Wilson's study but access to informal networks, which
were unavailable to the African American women, also helped. As such, the white women had a greater range of options for ad-
vancement which translated into higher mobility rates and a faster career progression (Wilson, 2012).
Likewise, Wyatt and Silvester (2015) found that formal processes operate in parallel with informal processes of advancement, but
reliance on one and absence of the other was problematic. Black and minority ethnic (BME) senior managers in their study relied on
formal processes to advance their career. Formal processes included learning how to pass formal promotion assessments, partici-
pating in formal networks and mentoring programs, and completing company-sponsored development courses. BME senior managers
relied on formal processes because they found it difficult to access informal networks. Consequently, BME employees remained
disadvantaged compared to their white colleagues because information and knowledge typically gained through informal sources
helped their colleagues advance faster and more easily. Although gender was not a major aspect of their investigation, Wyatt and
Silvester's BME female managers believed ethnicity, rather than gender, played a role in their leadership journey. Wyatt and Silvester
surmised that because women remained well represented in senior management roles in the participants' organization, BME female
managers were more apt to believe ethnicity had a greater influence on advancement than gender.
Negative stereotypes remain a significant obstacle to the advancement of African American women (Khosrovani & Ward, 2011;
Powell & Butterfield, 2002; Shepherd, 2015; U.S. Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995b). Reynolds-Dobbs, Thomas, and Harrison (2008)
identified five stereotypical images that are unique to African American women and negatively affect career advancement and
leadership development. The stereotypical historical images include the caretaker Mammy, the seductive Jezebel, and the assertive
Sapphire. Emerging images include the unstable Crazy Black Bitch and overachieving Superwoman. Each image affects African
American women's professional relationships and overall organizational experiences. Decision makers who adopt the images, con-
sciously or unconsciously, may inaccurately assess performance and ability or set unrealistic expectations that lessen the chances of
African American women achieving top-level leadership roles.
Besides the influence of negative stereotypes and misconceptions of leadership ability, African American women contend with
double outsider status. Meaning, unlike white women or African American men, they do not have gender or race in common with
most of their colleagues or decision-makers. For example, African American female executives in Golden (2002) roundtable believed
white men were more accepting and appeared to relate better to white women. Several African American women in Catalyst's (2004)
study also believed white women had an advantage in being more closely linked with white men. In fact, several African American
women in their study characterized relationships with white women in the workplace as conflicted, a finding less frequently reported
by Latinas and Asian American women. Discussed earlier, race-based employment discrimination allowed white women to work
alongside white men. As such, white women enjoyed a privilege that likely contributes to perceptions of them as having an advantage
in the workplace. Double outsider status makes building relationships with colleagues difficult and reduces access to career devel-
opment opportunities, mentoring, high-visibility assignments, and influential organizational members (Bell & Nkomo, 2003;
Giscombe & Mattis, 2002; Smith & Joseph, 2010).

2.5.3. Advancement barriers faced by Asian American women

Hyun (2005, 2012) uses the bamboo ceiling metaphor to describe “a combination of individual, cultural, and organizational
factors that impede Asians' career progress inside organizations” (p. 18). Though Hyun helped popularize the term, the phrase and
barriers were already well-known (Cabezas & Kawaguchi, 1988; Hirschman & Wong, 1981; McNamara, 1993; U. S. Commission on
Civil Rights, 1980; U.S. Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995a; Woo, 2000). Woo's (2000) seminal work further illuminated factors
preventing advancement and argued that the structural and cultural barriers faced by Asian employees are subtle but pervasive.
One explanation of the bamboo ceiling is the model minority stereotype. Contemporary understandings of the stereotype high-
light educational and economic achievement and point to cultural values and individual efforts as explanations for success. As a
positive stereotype, it characterizes Asian Americans as hardworking, intelligent, polite, agreeable, soft-spoken, and nonconfronta-
tional (Suzuki, Ahluwalia, & Alimchandani, 2012; U.S. Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995a; Varma, 2004; Woo, 2000). As a negative
stereotype, it characterizes them as passive, unassertive, and antisocial (Lin, Kwan, Cheung, & Fiske, 2005; Ruttimann, 2009; U.S.
Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995a; Varma, 2004). In the workplace, these characterizations, positive and negative, lead to perceptions
of Asian Americans as unqualified for leadership roles (Kawahara, Pal, & Chin, 2013; Xin, 2004).
It is worth noting that perceptions of Asian Americans as intelligent yet antisocial or lacking social skills parallel complaints about
IT professionals. The underlying factors and consequences, however, are different. Discussions of Asian Americans lacking social
skills suggest a fixed innate personality trait that is distinctive of Asian Americans. Discussions of IT professionals lacking social skills
suggest a skill deficiency that individuals can remedy through education and training. As such, perceptions of Asian Americans as
antisocial represent a systemic bias that may be more durable and consequential for advancement than perceptions of IT professionals
as antisocial.
Asian American women face advancement barriers that are similar to those faced by Asian American men, white women, and
other WOC (Li, 2014). For example, similar to African American women, Asian American women contend with racialized sexism.
However, the underlying factors differ. Stereotypes of Asian American women portray them as quiet, invisible, docile, and sub-
servient (Cho, 1997; Root & Landrine, 1995; Suzuki et al., 2012; Tien, 2000). Li (2014) argues the stereotypes reinforce, intensify,
and gender the model minority traits of passivity and submissiveness resulting in specific perceptions of Asian American women as
unsuitable for senior management and executive roles.
Academic and industry research continues to find that across various industries and sectors Asian Americans are underrepresented
in top-level management and senior executive roles (Thatchenkery & Sugiyama, 2011; Varma, 2004; Woo, 2000). The Leadership
Education for Asian Pacifics (LEAP) for instance reported that despite high rates of educational achievement, Asian Americans remain

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the least represented racial group in leadership positions in private or public organizations. In particular, they report that Asian
Americans represent less than 3% of the executive officers in Fortune 100 and 500 companies (Akutagawa, 2015). Under-
representation is notable in the SET workforce where Asian Americans 21 and older represent 17% of the workforce but only 5% of
the U.S. labor force (National Science Foundation, 2016). Additionally, Asian Americans made up 50% of the high-tech workforce in
Silicon Valley in 2010 but their representation at the senior executive level was a mere 11% (Gee, Peck, & Mishra, 2013). The
statistics are worse for Asian American women. Of the 16% of female senior executives in Silicon Valley, Asian American women
made up less than 1% (Gee et al., 2013).
Gee, Peck, and Wong (2015) looked closer at the workforce representation of Asian Americans in five prominent Silicon Valley
companies: Google, Hewlett-Packard, Intel, LinkedIn, and Yahoo. They used data from the companies' Equal Employment Oppor-
tunity Commission reports to create a snapshot of an executive pipeline by race and gender. They evaluated the executive pipeline by
comparing a group's representation at the executive level with their representation at the non-managerial professional level. They
found that white men were 42%, 49% and 260% more likely to be executives than white women, Asian men, and Asian women
respectively. They also found the impact of race was 3.7 times greater than the impact of gender on Asian women. Gee et al. (2015)
interpret their findings as a “double whammy race-plus-gender problem” (p. 6). Their findings parallel research conducted by
Catalyst (2003a) which showed that Asian American women, compared to African American women and Latinas, were least likely to
hold a position within three levels of the CEO (i.e. senior-level positions). Statistics do not indicate root causes, but a low ratio of
senior executives to those in the eligible pool of candidates suggests noticeable career limits for Asian Americans (Woo, 2000).
Additionally, labor statistics along with industry and academic research on Asian Americans, directly contradict arguments about
people in lower level positions logically moving into higher level roles.

2.5.4. Advancement barriers faced by Latina/Hispanic American women

Instead of a transparent and permeable glass ceiling, some researchers use the adobe ceiling metaphor to describe the advancement
barriers faced by Latina professionals and academics (Alicea, 2003; Robles, 2000). Researchers usually credit Cecilia Birciaga for
coining the metaphor. In a 2003 interview, she maintained that the adobe ceiling represents a dense and impenetrable barrier that
does not allow Latinas to envision and prepare for advancement (Alicea, 2003). Robles (2000) adds that the metaphor describes the
invisibility and marginalization of Latinas because it symbolizes how decision-makers are unable to see Latina employees. As a result,
decision-makers assume that qualified professional and academic Latinas do not exist (Robles, 2000).
Smith and Elliott's (2002) study highlights how organizational practices marginalize and limit the advancement of Latinas and
other POC. They found that Latinas were more likely than
black women and less likely than white women or white men to attain positions of authority.
They suggested that opportunities for advancement depend on the makeup of the individual's ethnic group within the organi-
zation. They explain that when a person's ethnic group occupies the majority of entry-level positions, chances for promotion remain
limited to supervising entry-level employees. Likewise, if an individual's ethnic group held the majority of upper-level positions,
individuals had a greater chance of obtaining roles where they supervised upper-level employees. According to Smith and Elliott's
proposition, Latinas' low representation in upper-level positions and high representation in entry and low-level roles, hinders and
limits advancement opportunities. Smith and Elliot's suggestion is similar to Kanter's (1977) tokenism theory given that they believe
numerical concentration at certain levels of the organization influences advancement chances. Also similar to Kanter (1977), they fail
to address the circumstances and organizational practices, such as gender biases and stereotyping, which relegate Latinas to low and
entry-level positions. Without addressing the underlying causes, it is unlikely that Latinas could increase their advancement op-
portunities and representation in upper-level positions through a critical mass as Smith and Elliot suggest.
Although literature focused on the advancement of Latinas in corporate America remains limited, research identifies lack of
mentors, role models, and access to informal networks as barriers to advancement (Armijo, 2009; Bonilla-Rodriguez, 2011; Catalyst,
2003b; U.S. Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995a). The Latinas in Catalyst's (2003b) study also reported that their outsider status and
negative stereotypes reduced their access to informal networks. Latina scientists and engineers in San Miguel and Kim's (2015) study,
however, gained access to informal networks and experienced various types of mentoring.
Holvino (2008) identifies several cultural scripts believed to impact the retention, advancement, and career and leadership
development of Hispanic men and women. According to Triandis, Marín, Lisansky, and Betancourt (1984), a cultural script is “a
pattern of social interaction that is characteristic of a particular cultural group” (p. 1363). Rodriguez (2008) asserts that cultural
scripts adopted by Hispanics lead to behaviors, norms, and values perceived as natural and appropriate among Hispanics but likely
misunderstood and misinterpreted by non-Hispanics. Several studies suggest traditional cultural norms and gender expectations
create unique advancement barriers for Latinas (Armijo, 2009; Bonilla-Rodriguez, 2011; Catalyst, 2003b; Dusch, 2015; Trouyet,
2014). However, Holvino argues that organizational culture and practices rather than cultural scripts and misunderstandings hinder
advancement. In particular, she argues that organizational fit creates a durable advancement barrier because it requires Latino men
and women to assimilate and sacrifice their cultural values and beliefs to advance. Additionally, Holvino contends that a lack of
awareness about how Anglo-European cultural values and beliefs permeate organizational culture and practices hinders the ad-
vancement of Hispanic employees.

3. Theoretical background

Typically, investigations of gender imbalance in IT adopt either essentialism or social constructionism as the underlying theo-
retical perspective. The essentialist perspective attributes women's underrepresentation in IT to biological factors. From an

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essentialist's perspective, sex, ethnicity, race, and sexual orientation represent innate and fixed traits that distinctly identify groups of
people. Marini (1990) and Wajcman (1991) contend that because men and women differ biologically, there is a tendency to believe
that biological differences drive differences in behavior and cognition. For example, aggression and competitiveness tend to be
associated with males while nurturance and creativity tend to be associated with females. Ratliff (2005) adds that essentialist views of
gender typically attribute differences in temperament and personality to biology.
Essentialist beliefs also extend to social categories. For instance, people commonly assume that race stems from biological or
genetic factors despite agreement from anthropologists and biologists that race has no biological foundation (Brace, 1996, 1999;
Hirschfeld, 1996; Rothbart & Mauro, 1996; Templeton, 1998). Waters (2000) asserts that race and ethnicity are socially constructed
phenomena but common understandings frame it as a biological phenomenon in which members of an ethnic or racial group share
fixed innate traits. As with gender, essentialist views of social groups typically attribute differences in behavior or personality to
biology.
Essentialism tends to drive research designed to discover whether and when there are gender differences in IT use or participation
in the IT workforce (Howcroft & Trauth, 2004; Trauth, 2006). Such research presents gender as a fixed and dichotomous variable and
assumes that observed gender differences derive from bio-psychosocial differences. Venkatesh and Morris (2000) for example, in-
vestigated gender differences in adoption and usage of technology in the workplace. They found that perceptions of usefulness
strongly influenced men's technology use and adoption decisions whereas perceptions of ease of use and other's opinions strongly
influenced women's decisions. They concluded that gender explained the observed differences and recommended that organizational
technology trainers treat men and women differently. Specifically, they suggested that trainers stress productivity aspects, process
issues, and peer testimonials for women and emphasize usability issues for men.
Trauth (2002) argues that a plausible extrapolation from this line of thinking would result in two distinct workforces; a female IT
workforce and a male IT workforce, producing workplaces that can be seen as separate but equal, an ideology soundly rejected during
the Civil Rights era in the United States (Trauth, 2006; Trauth & Quesenberry, 2005; Trauth, Quesenberry, & Morgan, 2004). Adam,
Howcroft, and Richardson (2001) point out that Venkatesh and Morris framed male characteristics as more relevant to the workplace
than female characteristics and relied on literature that viewed male and female characteristics as innate qualities. Adam et al. (2001)
argue that such research reinforces gender stereotypes.
Through an analysis of Australian newspapers, Ridley and Young (2012) investigated the extent to which various theoretical
perspectives shaped how Australian society understood the underrepresentation of women in the Australian IT workforce. They
identified three types of essentialist assumptions that often underpin media discourse about women in the IT workforce: (a) women's
differing biological characteristics impact their intellectual capacity and willingness to participate in the IT workforce; (b) women's
differing psychological characteristics influence their ability and preparedness to participate in the IT workforce; and (c) women can
contribute to the IT workforce because they bring perspectives that are different from men's perspectives. To date, Ridley and Young's
categories of essentialism and Trauth's argument about IT workforce policies that focus on differences remain prevalent in discussions
about increasing diversity in the U.S. IT workforce.3
Research that uses gender or racial essentialism tend to attribute observed differences in behaviors to inherent, and immutable
differences that stem from biological or psychological factors. Concerning behavior and attitudes, critics argue that essentialism
adopts a deterministic view of gender, race, and ethnicity, for example, and ignores individual characteristics, organizational culture,
and socio-economic status (Adam, Howcroft, & Richardson, 2004; Trauth, 2002; Trauth et al., 2004).
Social construction theory challenges the essentialist perspective. Berger and Luckmann (1966), for example, focus on the nature
and construction of knowledge. They view knowledge and meaning as social products created through the interactions of individuals
within a society. In other words, social construction focuses on everyday interactions between people and how they collectively use
language to create their reality. From this perspective, gendered behavior is a performance that reflects socially constructed dialog
ascribing different values, attributes, and activities for men and women (Adya & Kaiser, 2005; Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000;
Konrad, Ritchie, Lieb, & Corrigall, 2000; Wilson, 2004). Earlier sections discussed how societal beliefs about gender, gender roles,
masculinity and femininity, and race/ethnicity affect women's work experiences and segregate women and men in the U.S. work-
force.
Social construction theory is not without criticisms. De Cecco and Elia (1993) contend that social constructionism depicts in-
dividuals as empty organisms that society fills and shapes and under emphasizes the role of consciousness and intention. When
applied to gender, the theory posits that society shapes people's beliefs about gender and gender roles. Trauth and her colleagues
(Trauth, 2013; Trauth & Quesenberry, 2007) contend that gender and IT research that employs this perspective assumes that all
women or all men in a society experience the same social shaping factors and respond to the factors in similar ways. Trauth (2002,
2006) further argues that social construction theory is insufficient to address the complexity of personal characteristics, technical
talents, inclinations, challenges, and wide variations that exist between women in the IT workforce.
Gender intersectionality and minority gender theories represent a promising and alternative theoretical perspective in gender and
IT research. Trauth (2013) maintains that gender intersectionality and minority gender theories take into account that a variety of
factors can influence gender relations:
In contrast with the underlying principle of fixed group membership found in essentialism, gender intersectionality and gender

3
For a recent example, review ongoing debates about the firing of a Google senior software engineer who voiced opposition to the company's diversity policies and
argued that biological differences partly explained the underrepresentation of women in technical and leadership roles. (See http://gizmodo.com/exclusive-heres-the-
full-10-page-anti-diversity-screed-1797564320 and https://www.fastcompany.com/40449666/heres-the-latest-on-that-google-anti-diversity-memo)

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Table 2
Constructs of the individual differences theory of gender and IT.

Construct Sub-construct Examples

Individual identity Personal demographics Age, ethnicity, socio-economic class

Type of IT work Software development, IS design
Individual influences Personal characteristics Educational background, personality traits, abilities
Personal influences Mentors, role models, significant life experiences
Environmental influences Cultural influences Attitudes about women & IT
Economic influences Cost of living
Societal infrastructure influences Availability of childcare
Policy influences Laws about gender discrimination

Note: Reprinted from “The influence of gender-ethnic intersectionality on gender stereotypes about IT skills and knowledge,” by Trauth, Cain, Joshi, Kvasny, & Booth,
2016, The DATA BASE for Advances in Information Systems, 47(3), 9–39.

minority theories introduce nuance and within-gender group variability found by considering biological sex in conjunction with other
salient identity characteristics such as: gender identity, sexual orientation, race or ethnicity… Hence, gender and IS research em-
ploying a theory of gender intersectionality or a gender minority theory might focus on better understanding black women or gay
men or transgendered individuals in relation to IT use or the IS professions (p. 284).
Adya and Kaiser's (2005) IT career choice model is an example of gender intersectionality theorizing. The model identifies social
factors, structural factors, individual differences and ethnic culture as determinates of whether or not a girl chooses to pursue an IT
career. The latter two factors drew from Trauth's individual differences theory of gender and IT (discussed later). Adya and Kaiser
believe personality traits, enjoyment of computers, and overall occupational outlook can account for individual differences in girls'
career choice. They also suggest that their model views the underrepresentation of women in IT as a global phenomenon. As such the
model takes into account differences between ethnic cultures such as the socio-economic culture of the country, gender stereotyping
of social roles, parental and family expectations, cultural attitudes toward technology, peer influences, and media portrayals of
women. Along with the other identified factors, the model posits that variations in ethnic culture impact whether girls choose to
pursue a career in IT.
The individual differences theory of gender and IT challenges the essentialist and social construction perspectives of gender and IT
by acknowledging the range of diverse factors that influence women's participation and persistence in IT (Quesenberry & Trauth,
2012; Trauth, 2002, 2013; Trauth & Quesenberry, 2007). The theory consists of several constructs and sub-constructs which Table 2
details. Taken together, the constructs of the theory can explain the under-representation of women in IT by identifying differences in
the way women relate to the IT field, experience the IT workplace, and respond to societal messages about women and IT
(Quesenberry & Trauth, 2012; Trauth, Cain, Joshi, Kvasny, & Booth, 2012; Trauth & Quesenberry, 2007; Trauth, Quesenberry, &
Huang, 2009).
The theory also takes intersectionality into account. Along with standpoint theory, Kvasny et al. (2009) used the individual
differences theory of gender and IT to show how the intersection of gender, race and class identities shape the experiences of black
female IT workers and learners in the United States. Cain and Trauth (2015) applied the theory to an investigation of the existence
and impact of stereotypes on the underrepresentation of black males in the IT profession. Additionally, Trauth et al. (2016) affirm
that the individual differences theory of gender and IT enabled an examination of university students' perceptions about the IT
profession. Among white, black and Latino male and female college students, they found that stereotyping of IT skills and knowledge
was not consistent across gender group or ethnicity group. Perceptions about the IT profession also varied within gender-ethnic
groups.
This research recognizes that women are demographically diverse, have varied lived experiences, and respond differently to
societal beliefs about gender. Kvasny (2006) emphasized that gender and IT research should not ignore the historical and ongoing
marginalization of women and POC in U.S. society and the variety of ways marginalization impacts women's lives. Kvasny et al.
(2009) maintain that social identities such as gender, race, and ethnicity are central to women's lived experiences, and play an
important role in determining their location in the workforce and sense of identity. Conducting this research requires a theory that
addresses societal influences, individuality, and accounts for within-gender variation that arises from the impact of racial and ethnic
identity. Therefore, the guiding theoretical perspective for the study was the individual differences theory of gender and IT.

4. Research methodology

Because the study sought to reveal the subjective meanings and perspectives held by the participants concerning factors that
helped and hindered advancement in IT, it used an interpretive epistemology and a qualitative methodology.

4.1. Methodology

According to Burrell and Morgan's (1979) four paradigms for organizational analysis, an interpretive paradigm typifies a sub-
jectivist approach to social science and views organizational reality as a socially constructed product of intersubjective experiences.
This approach assumes that people create and connect their subjective and intersubjective meanings while interacting with their

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environment. Likewise, qualitative methodologies focus on how individuals construct or give meaning to their social world (Creswell,
2008; Hesse-Biber, 2010). Rather than an entity that exists independent of individual perceptions, qualitative methodologies assume
the social world results from people's social interaction with their environment (Hesse-Biber, 2010). A qualitative approach also
assumes that multiple views of social reality exist (Creswell, 2008) and this study intended to elicit the participant's views of reality.
Qualitative methodologies accept that social reality is subjective and varied. Meaning, multiple stories, rather than one story, of lived
experience exists (Hesse-Biber, 2010).
Gender and IT research using an interpretive qualitative lens focus on understanding the factors and conditions that produce
observed gender differences (von Hellens, Trauth, & Fisher, 2012). The objective is to add context to the observations to develop a
better understanding of how gender differences in IT usage and careers occur (Howcroft & Trauth, 2004; von Hellens et al., 2012).
This study used an interpretive lens to understand better the lived experiences of women who overcame barriers and challenges and
how they achieved SITE roles. This approach recognizes that similarities and variations may exist among and within white women
and WOC.

4.2. Research design and methods

The primary form of data collection was through open-ended semi-structured interviews. A pilot study was conducted to assess
the research procedures, interview questions, and data collection methods. The gender and IT literature and research on women's
advancement barriers in corporate America guided the development of the interview questions. The interview protocol and questions
were further evaluated by members of the researchers' dissertation committee who are subject matter experts versed in qualitative
methodologies, gender and IT, and inclusive leadership. As a result of the pilot study, the interview protocol and questions were
revised to enhance clarity and encourage thick descriptions of experiences. The pilot study also led to changes in the recruitment
process.

4.3. Sample

Because generalizability was not the goal, the study did not look to achieve saturation through a large sample size. Rather, it
focused on theoretical saturation. Lee and Baskerville (2003) assert that interpretive research engages in theoretical generalizations:
“Interpretivism places no particular emphasis on generalizability…In Interpretivism, a theory's pertaining only to the setting where it
was developed would not detract from its validity or scientific status” (p.230). The theoretical starting point, exemplified by the
individual differences theory of gender and IT, assumed that women are not all the same, and gender and ethnic variation created
different experiences.
Participants were sought from the principal investigators' contacts, academic and professional networks, and third party contacts.
The criteria for participation included: (a) self-identifying as an African American/black, Asian American, European American/white,
or Hispanic American/Latina women, (b) advancement from technical/operational level IT roles to SITE roles, and (c) currently
occupying a SITE role, or occupied the role within the last 3 years, in a U.S. based organization in corporate America.
The study consisted of a single interview with each participant. The interviews lasted between 60 and 90 min and took place via
phone or video conference. The interview protocol ensured the interview process remained consistent. The interview questions
focused on the women's early career experiences, SITE role and responsibilities, career progression, and experiences with selection
and promotion processes. The interview protocol provided prompts for the researcher to inquire of each participant about their
perceptions, if any, regarding the influence of race, ethnicity, gender, and technical expertise on their career advancement journey.
Ten women participated in the study. The women work in various types of organizations and industries, and reside in different
geographical areas in the United States. Their educational backgrounds range from bachelor's degrees to Ph.D.’s, and their degrees are
in various disciplines. The participants' entry into the IT profession also varied. For example, some participants entered the profession
through college recruitment programs or college internships that turned into an offer for full-time employment. Alternatively, others
transferred or transitioned into IT roles after working in non-IT related jobs. Table 3 provides an overview of the participants.
Appendix A provides additional participant information. Pseudonyms are used, and participant descriptions are ambiguous in places

Table 3
Overview of participants.

Ethnicity Participant SITE Role(s) Previous Technical/Operational IT Role(s)

African American/black Natalie CIO Math Modeler; Programmer/Tester

Valerie CIO Technical Associate; Software Engineer
Kathy Deputy CIO Instrumentation Engineer
Asian American Maxine CTO, CIO Software Engineer; Programmer
European American/white Susan CTO Programmer/Analyst
Jennifer Director of Engineering Software Application Developer
(a SITE role at her company)
Lori CTO Engineer; Flight Controller
Rachel CIO Programmer/Analyst
Hispanic American/Latina Cindy CTO Senior Developer; Database Analyst; Programmer
Reena CISO Network Design Engineer

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to maintain anonymity.

4.4. Data analysis procedures

The study used steps outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006) to conduct a thematic analysis of the data and used an inductive and
theoretical approach to identify themes. The constructs of the individual differences theory of gender and IT guided the theoretical
thematic analysis. Rather than assume all data would fit into the constructs of the theory, the interview data were reexamined using
an inductive process. Braun and Clarke (2006) describe an inductive thematic analysis as “a process of coding the data without trying
to fit it into a pre-existing coding frame, or the researcher's analytic preconceptions” (p. 83). As such, the data analysis process did not
disregard data that did not appear to fit the constructs of the individual differences theory of gender and IT. Instead, an inductive
process based on thematic analysis allowed new themes and categories to emerge.
Per Braun and Clarke (2006) an initial familiarization of the data was accomplished by relistening to the recordings, reading and
rereading the interview transcripts, and documenting initial ideas. After the researcher identified initial codes, the search for themes
began. After the researcher identified preliminary themes, the themes were reviewed and refined to ensure they accurately fit the
codes. Some themes were combined while others were broken down into smaller themes. Themes were further refined, named, and in
some cases, renamed. Primary themes emerged as did secondary thematic groupings. The individual differences theory of gender and
IT guided the theoretical analysis of the initial coding scheme. After the theoretical analysis, the interviews were subjected to an
inductive approach to allow for codes that did not fit into the existing coding scheme. The preliminary analyses of codes used a
manual coding process, after which the researcher entered the interview data and initial codes into NVivo 11 software for more
thorough coding and analysis.

5. Results

Data collected from the women provided in-depth descriptions of factors that helped and hindered their advancement. Issues of
gender and race/ethnicity permeated most of the factors and influenced whether the factors helped or hindered. Analysis of the
interviews revealed the themes and subthemes shown in Table 4. The remainder of this section describes each theme in more detail.

5.1. Pathways to the SITE role

Data revealed two routes to the SITE role—internal and external advancement paths. A few participants' careers progressed in one
or two organizations by climbing an internal career ladder. Their career progression, however, does not reflect the linear and
uncomplicated path typified by an internal career ladder. For example, one participant characterized her rate of promotion as slow
and shaped by gender and race-related bias:
But the career progression path, much slower for people who look like me. It's not equitable by any means. The speed of promotion is
different. The opportunity for promotion is different. The advocacy and the support for promotion…It's different…It's different for an
African American in that environment than it is for a Caucasian.
[Natalie: African American/black]
Rachel's career spans two organizations but the majority of her career progression took place in her current company. She
identified three lateral overseas positions, a willingness to accept different roles in different departments, and a non-linear career path
as developmental steps leading her to the CIO role. She maintains that her company prides itself on creating an environment where
gender and race are not barriers to advancement. In one incident, however, she wondered if gender influenced promotion and
selection practices.
And then when the corporate CIO left I was put into a role of interim CIO for the company because they were going to look internally and
externally…And then about, I don't know, six or eight months later they named me the CIO of the company. I have to tell you that I did

Table 4
Themes.

Primary theme Subtheme(s)

Pathways to the SITE role Internal progression

External progression
Informal networks
Bias Gender
Leadership behavior
Nationality
Education pedigree
Credibility and legitimacy
Support
The importance of technical skills Technical skills alone are not enough
Technical skills garner respect

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wonder that if I were male if I would have been an interim. However, I do think that was the beginning stages of it being a common practice
to look internally or externally and look at both. And it ended fine for me.
[Rachel: European American/white]
The majority of the women's career journey spans several organizations. Most voluntarily changed organizations, but some
changes were unintentional. For instance, Susan's career spanned six organizations; consisted of various lateral positions and de-
partmental moves; and included layoffs connected to the stock market crash in the late 1980s, the Japanese credit crisis at the end of
the 1990s, and the 2008 financial crisis. On the occasions she chose to leave an organization, it was because she felt her advancement
opportunities were limited or other opportunities surfaced. She emphasized that each move provided greater responsibility. Likewise,
Reena intentionally changed organizations when she observed limited career opportunities. She took lateral positions to broaden her
work experience and believes the experiences helped her perform her current role. Reena was deliberate about the roles she accepted
and was not afraid to turn down a promotion.
I wasn't going to stay in one company my entire life. I think I've…I'm on my 11th…working for my 11th company in my career at this point.
But I also realized that you had to change. Sometimes environments weren't going to help you in your career and you had to move on and
do something different.
[Reena: Latina/Hispanic American]
None of the women spoke about formal leadership training or career development programs offered by their employers. Rather,
they emphasized the importance of having a variety of job roles (whether in one or several organizations) and opportunities to learn
and grow professionally.

5.2. Informal networks

Most of the women's experiences regarding informal networks were negative and revealed exclusionary practices and behaviors.
Gender was the most frequently cited exclusionary criteria among the participants, and they frequently talked about an old-boy
network. Lori, for example, shared how the behaviors and norms around informal networks created a hostile work environment. She
also linked the exclusionary behavior to organizational culture.
And then there were some instances…when I was first hired there I was the only woman…in a quite large department. And so I was…I was
never…I was not invited to lunch because all the men at lunchtime would go to…on Wednesdays they would go to a strip club, you know,
not that I really felt like going to a strip club. But that was kind of that culture that was…that occurred then. And it's much different now
but that was the culture then. And so there were…there was a lot of bathroom kinds of humor…there were a couple of secretaries who had
been sexually assaulted at the office. There were inappropriate pornographic displays. So it was just…it was…I…what we know today as…
and would call today as a hostile work environment. But back in those days it…it wasn't…it…I won't say that was a good practice but it
was an accepted practice. So that was the way…that was an accepted behavior in the workplace. It didn't make it comfortable for me, it just
was an accepted behavior in the workplace. So that would be…that was the kind of behavior that hindered my progress.
[Lori: European American/white]
Jennifer found that assumptions of sexual interest encumbered her ability to take advantage of informal networks in her orga-
nization.
And what I've noticed is that it's harder to get promoted. It's not a given. You can't just go to work, do your job, and go home. Because what
the guys are doing is they're going out for a beer after work. The guys are doing something on the weekends together. And so there's this
other component where they're sucking up to someone that they know it might give them input later. And they're doing it in a very casual
way and a friendly way which I, you know, I couldn't do or one of my colleagues couldn't do. It would look like you're trying to, you know,
maybe get a date (laughs) or, you know show interest sexually instead of just, “Man I just want to make sure that this person knows that I'm
out there, make sure that they know that I'm a good worker, and make sure that they know I'm interested in a promotion if it's available.”.
[Jennifer: European American/white]
Positive experiences were also in evidence. Early in her career, Kathy benefitted from informal networking and get-togethers after
work through her company's African American affinity group. Because the affinity group included senior managers, she was able to
converse with seasoned employees and gain insight into how she could manage her career. Rachel described how events such as an
office Christmas party provided opportunities to interact with key decision makers and influential colleagues. A few participants
suggested that informal networking, especially outside of work hours, should not be essential to advancement and that performance
should outweigh networking activities.

5.3. Bias

The participants discussed various forms of bias, but gender was the most common bias discussed.

5.3.1. Gender bias

Lori and Kathy discussed experiences related to gender roles and promotion practices while Maxine and Jennifer's experiences
centered on assumptions about women who have children.

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So I think I talked about the time when I went on maternity leave and they decided to hire two more people. And the person above me…the
process to do that was I do think that it was because I was woman why I wasn't given the higher position and then someone else wasn't hired
that was below me. Of what I experienced it…it was never written down or verbalized to me…what I experienced was “Now you're a mom.
You're not an engineer, you're a mom.” So now my level of effort, my dedication to the company was seen as “You're a mom first.” And I
think that I was passed up for a promotion at that point because I was a woman with a child and not anything to do with my skills or
anything else.
[Jennifer: European American/white]
Susan and Rachel talked about biases encountered while working in their organization's overseas divisions. Susan recounted an
experience of working as the CTO in her companies' Japanese division. She characterized herself as a double minority in that
environment (female and non-Asian) and conceded that, initially, people were dismissive. She emphasized, however, that biases
dissipated when the team worked toward a common goal and recognized her unique skills. Rachel believed her oversees roles had a
meaningful impact on her career advancement. Nevertheless, she found the roles more challenging because overseas colleagues did
not share her company's values when it came to women in the workplace. She recalled a meeting that took place in Geneva,
Switzerland, wherein a senior executive made clear his views about working women. At the time she was the CIO of the company's
European division.
And, you know, I remember probably my first week there I was sitting in a meeting and one of the key executives said “The problem
with….the problem with kids these days is their mothers work.” But I kind of just let those comments go because you had to. And you
needed to decide what you thought yourself not what other people thought of you.
[Rachel: European American/white]

5.3.2. Nationality bias

Although gender biases represented a prominent bias theme, Maxine recounted a bias unique to Asian Americans that affected her
performance reviews. The bias centers on commonly held views of Asian Americans as foreigners.
…even though I'm [an] American citizen now it doesn't matter; as far as many people are concerned I'm still a foreigner. Because I have an
accent…doesn't matter. I'm going to have an accent until the day I die, there's no way around it. So there's a certain bias that if you are [a]
foreigner, you don't write well. Or you're problem spellers or things like that. So in my career…in my performance reviews the only thing
negative some of my bosses would say, “Oh you need to make sure you write better.” …I feel like they don't have anything else to say so
they have to say that. But it's a bias. But yet, …when I compare…the way I write with many other engineers I can tell you, again my own
bias, but I would be equal or better. But it's a bias. It's a bias that happens quite often.
[Maxine: Asian American]

5.3.3. Leadership behavior bias

Knowing how to lead can be tricky for women in predominately male environments, especially with male subordinates. Several
participants spoke of their constant battle against others' perceptions of them, particularly regarding gendered assumptions about
leadership behavior (i.e., double bind). Some adopted specific behaviors to guard against perceptions of being aggressive, while
others challenged the perception head-on.
For instance, Lori shared that throughout her career she made a conscious effort to avoid upspeak–a speaking pattern commonly
associated with women (Lakoff, 1973, 2004; Skorobogatov, 2015). She spoke about using strong positive language and never de-
monstrating uncertainty during the selection and promotion process. Maxine acknowledged the behavior biases inherent in the IT
industry; however, she believes it is important to remain unique while working within the status quo.
But I have to say that I'm always very sensitive to be aware of the difference between being aggressive and being assertive…it's a common
criticism or a difference between men and women in the workplace. So that is one aspect where I'm very…I'm very sensitive about it and
very…I want to make sure that when I present information, I don't present with things that people tend to…how do I say this?…you have to
blend in to get along but at the same time you have to be unique in your own views. That's kind of like how I see my way of doing things.
…
Well, you know, you are competing in…against the status quo right? The status quo is this is how you talk, this is how you act right? So
there's certain status quo in each industry right? I work in high tech so therefore there's certain expectation that, you know, you have to be
decisive, you have to be firm, you have, you know, when you go on to give presentations you have a certain style. You have to give a
presentation you use a strong voice, you don't use soft voice (laughs). So there's certain expectations. To me that's part of the system that's
to be expected to have to blend in.
[Maxine: Asian American]
Reena chose to challenge the perception when it arises among her male subordinates and colleagues. She recognized that as an
executive and manager she is in a position to challenge and illuminate unconscious leadership behavior biases.
The other thing with women is that automatically if they show strength or something they, you know, you're a bitch or you're difficult.
Where men that show strength then they are a leader and they are confident. And that's so true. It happens. I mean I have a team…I've been
managing teams for oh my gosh 20 something years now and I…I have a lot of men in my teams…mostly men. And I constantly… like if

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they say something like “Oh, she's a bitch.” And I'm like “Well ok with this guy over here you just told me you're having a hard time with
him and you didn't call him an asshole.” ….so I challenge my team and they're like…they are always like “Wow.” Like, you know, they
think…you can see them thinking right? And so I think just at this point in my career it's about exerting…influencing people on my team to
think differently and to see situations slightly differently.
[Reena: Latina/Hispanic American]
The African American women, in particular, contended with the angry black woman stereotype. Keenly aware of the stereotype,
they recounted experiences where they modified their behavior so that people would not label or perceive them as angry. Natalie, for
instance, recounted an experience where the behavior of a white male colleague was viewed as acceptable. She stressed that she
would suffer negative consequences if she behaved the same way. Natalie explained how she must remain composed and vigilant
about behavior her colleagues may associate with negative behavioral stereotypes of African Americans.
I can't react the way some of my Caucasian male counterparts react because I'd get quite a different level of acceptance or lack thereof from
the people in the room. I don't raise my voice. And I've made that point real clear to some of those Caucasian male counterparts. I've said,
“Please don't be mistaken that just because I'm not going to bang my fist on the table or raise my voice to a certain elevation, please don't be
mistaken in thinking that I can't hold my own. Because I can assure that I can.” I've had to say things like that in meetings. And remain
professional and articulate and things so that I could get my point made. I've had to hold my tongue. I've had to walk away from a
conversation because anything other than that even if it's…how can I say this…even if it's a well-deserved response it will be very differently
perceived coming from me as opposed to coming from maybe my white male counterpart.
[Natalie: African American/black]
Upon further prompting, Natalie shared that her white female colleagues' emotional and reactionary responses during meetings
were acceptable behavior. However, she believes her colleagues would not tolerate the same behavior from her.
Kathy shared that her feelings of excitement or passion cause her to talk fast. However, she finds that because of negative racial
stereotypes, people misconstrue talking fast with aggression. As such, she makes a concerted effort to speak slowly. Kathy also
recounted an incident where her supervisor felt perceptions of African American women as Angry Black Women played to his
advantage.
And he said something about an angry black woman one day. “I love having you on my team because if we have a problem, I can ask you to
handle it because they'll be afraid of an angry black woman.”…He had no idea how I took it and how I could have taken it. He thought he
was making a joke that I was in on, right? I'm in on the joke. “You get it Kathy. This is so great. This is a win-win for both of us because now
you can protect me because they won't ever come at you because they don't want you to get angry.” And what I heard was they think
women who don't handle, you know, when they run into issues they're going to become angry and loud. And I guard myself against a lot of
stereotypes.
[Kathy: African American/black]

5.3.4. Education pedigree bias

An interesting pattern emerged among a few WOC regarding educational pedigree. Cindy and Reena, Latina/Hispanic American
women, stressed the importance of graduating from prestigious universities, Cindy mentioned that as a woman of color, education
provides legitimacy and opportunity. When she discussed her experiences with selection and promotion processes she further em-
phasized the importance of having degrees from prominent schools.
I think if I would have gone to different schools it would have been a hell of a lot harder, you know? That gets me through the door. You
know I have the cred…if I didn't have the stamps of approval from like the schools that I do I think that would have been a lot more
difficult, you know? I mean that gets me in the door. So that allows me the ability to say.
“Ok, you know, wow this person is impressive.” You know I have in addition to my [XX.
school]…I mean after……after spending 12 years doing what I was doing I felt like I still needed some education so I went to [XX school]
and did the CIO project…program right? And it was for…it was a one-year certificate to be a CIO, you know, to be official.
[Cindy: Latina/Hispanic American]
Reena highlighted the importance of a college degree and maintained that POC need degrees from prominent schools to advance.
By the way, people of color to advance have to have outstanding degrees…So but, you know, degrees to me are like the only way I got most
of my jobs. And they had to be from stellar schools…you know. And it's…it's unfortunate. But maybe it's changed a little now for younger
people, but back then I think it's the only thing that opened the doors for me.
So that was a…yeah, it's a big thing.
[Reena: Latina/Hispanic American]
When asked to explain what she meant by stellar schools, Reena pointed to the social prestige accorded to Ivy League schools,
which stands in contrast to perceptions of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) or Hispanic-serving institutions.
Reena's views are not unwarranted. HBCUs suffer from a long-standing stigma that frames HBCU graduates as less qualified than
graduates from predominantly white institutions (Gasman & Commodore, 2014; Kim & Conrad, 2006). Kathy revealed that early in
her career, concerns about her HBCU education caused anxiety and prompted her to combat the bias with extra preparation. Natalie
maintained that a positive bias exists in the southern United States, and her work center, toward individuals who graduate from

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predominately white southern universities as opposed to her alma mater, an HBCU. Natalie further describes how educational
pedigree combines with other biases to create an exclusive group of individuals in her organization, which she terms “the privileged
club.”
So the “privileged club” are individuals who don't look like you or I, different gender, different ethnicity. They are privileged because they
went to the privileged universities in the state of [XX] and are well known for being the privileged universities. And if you're not in that
university club of those three or four universities then you're not in the “privileged club”. If you're not of that gender you're not in the
“privileged club.” And certainly if you're not of that ethnicity then you're not in the “privileged club.” And even where I work…the area
where I work, if you are not in that…a certain technical area or mission area or program area…you're in what they phrase the support area
then you're not in the “privileged club.”
[Natalie: African American/black]
It is worth noting that Susan, a white woman, attended a women's college. She gave no indication that graduating from a
predominately female non-Ivy League university negatively impacted her career journey. In fact, she believes attending a women's
college helped her build leadership skills, which she relied on to advance and succeed in her SITE roles.

5.4. Credibility and legitimacy challenges

Credibility and legitimacy challenges stem from negative stereotypes and beliefs about women, people of color, and WOC. These
obstacles were experienced in some form by all participants; they were especially prevalent among the African American/black and
Hispanic American/Latina women. For example, a Latina participant used the term mansplaining to describe recurring experiences of
male subordinates either questioning her knowledge or explaining concepts to her that she is well versed in. Mansplaining represents
a gendered concept widely credited to Rebecca Solnit (2008a, 2008b). The concept is rooted in assumptions of men as more
knowledgeable, or better able to comprehend, than women. In other instances, the WOC openly discussed how colleagues and
subordinates continue to use the women's race/ethnicity to openly challenge their credibility and legitimacy.
I am so used to walking into rooms and having to prove who I am even at this point in my career versus…people giving you that automatic
respect that I see others get the minute they walk in the room. People, just based on my appearance, they assign a bit of a value or
assumptions about my scope of responsibility or otherwise.
[Reena: Hispanic American/Latina]
It's the same experience over and over. It's like “Ground Hog Day.” For the people who haven't met you before because there's all the
concern with whether you are capable or qualified, you know? And there's, you know, all the speculation around how you got to be where
you are. And that never stops. It doesn't matter if I'm a programmer or if I'm a CIO ok? That never prevents anybody from questioning
anything. It doesn't matter if I started this company and built it from nothing or if I came in as an employee. It's the same. They question
how it is, why it is, am I capable, can I do that, who helped me, you know? …it's like a pattern. You can pick it up and put it in any role that
I've ever been in, and it follows me around. You know? And I can…I can tell you how it goes. “Oh, black woman she doesn't know
anything.” “Oh, ok she's bitchy.” “Oh, maybe she does know something.” “Oh, she's not going to take that stuff.” “Oh wow, I didn't know
she was that good.” It's the pattern of whatever job I've been in.
[Valerie: African American/black]

5.5. Support

Participants revealed various kinds of support systems they believed helped or facilitated advancement. The findings show that
supervisors and upper-level managers play an important role as mentors or sponsors. The women believed such individuals were
crucial to their advancement journey, especially in the early stages of their career. The participants identified male and female
mentors and sponsors, and in some cases, the mentor or sponsor was of a different race than the participant. Such relationships are
noteworthy given research that suggests women encounter greater difficulty developing cross-race and cross-sex mentoring re-
lationships. For example, Natalie, an African American woman, recounted a bad experience with an African American female su-
pervisor that prompted her to submit her resignation. She found a mentor and advocate in an executive-level white woman who put
her career on an IT trajectory. In addition to finding support among women in a state-wide women's leadership group, Lori identified
a supportive male manager. She emphasized how he trusted her and believed in her before she believed in herself.
Only one participant had difficulty with cross-gender mentoring relationships. She found that assumptions of sexual attraction
inhibited her ability to develop mentoring relationships with her predominately male workplace. Consequently, she sought mentors
and support from a local women's network.
No matter how hard you try, somehow there's still that stigma where if you're a woman and you're looking at a mentor who's a man then
you're interested. And the opposite, if you're trying to mentor someone who's a man then you must also be interested in a younger man. So
that has definitely been a hindrance.
[Jennifer: European American/white]
When Maxine and Reena recounted their experiences of influential people, they made clear distinctions between mentors, role
models, and sponsors. Maxine classified mentors as trusted advisors. Reena has informal mentors that she interacts with when she

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needs help in her decision-making process, such as weighing options or considering which direction to pursue. However, she
identifies sponsors as individuals who interceded on her behalf and believes women and people of color need sponsors more than
mentors.
Sponsors actually advocate for you in your career. They're at usually at a higher level in the organization you're at. And they're having…
when they're having those closed room conversations about people and talent those are the individuals that are actually advocating for
you… And I think that that's what women and people of color really don't have in general. Because…it's harder to get that kind of person in
your career because they're basically putting their career and their reputation on the line for you. And so they're far less of those types of
individuals. I've had a few in my career but I wouldn't say a ton of them.
[Reena: Latina/Hispanic American]
Two WOC participants believed that the racial makeup of the organization and the racial or ethnic background of the company's
CEO helped to create a supportive environment where they felt they could advance and succeed.

5.6. The importance of technical skills

Responses to open-ended questions about the importance of technical skills to advancement concentrated around two areas:
technical skills alone are not enough and technical skills garner respect.
Susan differentiated technology and leadership roles by emphasizing the importance of communication, negotiation, and listening
skills. Skills she believes are necessary attributes of a good leader. Cindy and Jennifer stressed that the transition from technical to
leadership roles necessitates a different skillset. Cindy noted the importance of communicating a vision and strategy and under-
standing the needs of stakeholders. She also emphasized how the CIO program she graduated from helped her gain these skills and
transition from a middle management role to a SITE role. Jennifer found that developing leadership and interpersonal skills were an
important part of her transition. It is worth noting that nine of the ten participants hold some type of business-focused bachelor's or
master's degree, and a few retained the degree as a way to broaden their skills. Susan's advancement journey, however, shows that a
business degree is not essential for advancement. She spent many years in SITE roles prior to completing an MBA.
Though the women found that non-technical skills were vital to attaining leadership roles, their ability to gain the respect of
subordinates and technology professionals relied, in part, on their technical expertise. Susan commented that her ability to code in
several languages helped her gain the respect of various technology professionals who were internal and external to her organization.
Among other qualities, Maxine maintains that her respect stems from her reputation as a technology innovator and propensity to
learn whatever technology her subordinates are using. Natalie and Kathy believed their technical expertise and internal advancement
garnered respect from colleagues. Valerie maintained that her financial systems background and software design experience helped
her build a positive reputation and sought after skillset in an IT startup community. She also linked respect to credibility and
emphasized that she often counteracted or preempted speculations about her credibility with hands-on development, and partici-
pating in staff design sessions and architectural reviews. Though she continues to find that subordinates question her credibility, she
maintained that respect is essential to her success as a leader.
So I stayed immersed in the technology while I was growing the managerial side. To me, it made me much more effective…I don't think the
technical side has been a problem …The credibility for me comes on the ground with the people who work for me. And so in order for me to
be successful, they have to respect me and be able to be…be willing to let me lead them and be willing to follow. And so being technical has
been awesome in the sense that I don't think I have any people who've ever reported to me who haven't loved reporting to me. Maybe not
initially when I first got there; like I said, they go through the pattern [Ground Hog Day]. But when they recognized what they had, they
were happy.
[Valerie: African American/black]
Maxine was the only participant to share an instance where her technical expertise was a hindrance to further advancement.
Specifically, she encountered the geek stereotype after attaining a SITE role.
But when you become a CIO, CTO and especially when I become a COO…chief operating officer and then become CEO it is actually people
are more concerned when I talk to investors. You know, when I early in my first time when I go on the road to raise money. Actually,
investors was really worried that “Oh my gosh, you are engineer, how can you become a CEO? Do you know enough about business? Do
you know how to manage money? Do you know how to think strategically?” So actually they see that as a problem. And it was a huge
roadblock the first time.
[Maxine: Asian American]
She went on to share how a mentor informed her of the rarity of engineers to successfully transition from a technical path to a CEO
position.

6. Discussion

This research used the individual differences theory of gender and IT to examine, in greater detail, the study's findings. The theory
provides the conceptual tool to illustrate commonalities and variations among the women concerning their advancement journeys.
Using the theory as a lens to examine the themes considers how each of the theory's constructs facilitates a more nuanced ex-
amination of the factors that help and hinder advancement and the role of gender and race/ethnicity. The remainder of this section

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examines the participant's experiences through the lens of the individual differences theory of gender and IT. A concerted effort was
made to identify themes that do not fit neatly within the theory's constructs. As before, pseudonyms are used to maintain con-
fidentiality.

6.1. Environmental influences

The environmental influences construct facilitated an analysis of the external and internal advancement modes. In particular, the
cultural influences sub-construct helped illuminate organizational and societal contexts that impacted the participants' mode of
advancement. For instance, Natalie believed race contributed to an inequitable internal promotion path. Valerie's external route,
which spans eight organizations, was not preplanned. It is likely that she would have remained at some of her organizations if not for
lack of support from executive managers and challenges to her credibility. Economic influences, a sub-category construct of en-
vironmental influences, were evident in Susan's external promotion path which included layoffs connected to national and global
financial crises.
The environmental influences construct facilitated a deeper analysis of informal networks. The findings demonstrated that gender
is not the only criteria used to exclude people from informal networks. The women believed informal networks could wield power
over promotion practices and influence views about who is considered a leader. The organization's culture and promotion practices
played a major role in determining the degree to which informal networks influence advancement. Lori, a white woman, noted how
the norms around networking at her first company reflected the organization's hostile work environment. Cindy, a Latina, shared that
she left her first organization because of the emphasis placed on after-hours networking as the primary route to building important
relationships and moving up in the organization. Because she had male supervisors throughout her career, she speculated if a female
supervisor would have different views. She went on to describe how her current supervisor, a woman, puts less emphasis on informal
networking as a means for promotion. Additionally, the findings showed that formal events and programs provide opportunities for
the women to interact with key decision makers and influential colleagues. The individual differences theory of gender and IT helped
illuminate the variation in the women's experiences.
The environmental influences construct also facilitated analysis of the credibility and legitimacy theme. The cultural influences
sub-construct highlights national, regional or organizational attitudes about women, women and IT, and race/ethnicity. The cultural
influences concept allows for a discussion of the women's experiences in a societal context. Except for Maxine, the WOC in this study
talked about dealing with questions or assumptions about their credibility. Cindy framed her experience around gender given that her
male subordinates felt a need to explain things to her. Alternatively, Kathy, Valerie, and Reena framed their experiences around race
or ethnicity.
Various studies, including Catalyst's (2004) study of advancement barriers faced by African American women, find that WOC
frequently report that colleagues and peers question their credibility and legitimacy. Kathy, Valerie, and Reena's experiences align
with this research.
Nobody ever really is questioning whether…I should be an executive. They're always questioning whether I should be in charge of white and
brown men.
[Valerie: African American/black]

6.2. Individual influences

An examination of the women's advancement route also drew upon the individual influences construct which focuses on the ways
in which individual differences in personality, abilities, and experiences serve to shape one's career. Jennifer, for instance, could have
chosen to leave her organization. Instead, personal agency led her to (a) do a self-assessment, (b) self-educate and (c) seek career
counseling. Consequently, she gained the knowledge and confidence to take control of her career and progress within her organi-
zation.
Within the individual influences construct, the personal influences sub-construct highlights people who play an influential role
(both positive and negative) in a woman's career. The participants discussed several ways that significant others positively and
negatively affected their career advancement journey. The findings show that supervisors and upper-level managers play an im-
portant role as mentors or sponsors. The women believed such individuals were crucial to their advancement journey, especially in
the early stages of their career. Rather than mentors who offered advice, some participants found sponsors who advocated for them
when conversations about promotions arose or new opportunities became available. When difficulties arose in developing mentoring
relationships in mostly male workplaces, some participants sought out local women's leadership networks. The racial or ethnic
makeup of the organization and the race/ethnicity of company's CEO influenced some participant's perceptions about their ability to
advance. The women's experiences show that an assortment of factors and individuals can have positive and adverse effects on a
woman's career advancement journey.

6.2.1. Personal agency

One factor that was common to each participant and essential to their advancement journey is personal agency. Personal agency
reflects personal characteristics, such as ambition, aspiration, and faith. Personal agency also accounts for the ways in which the
women responded to or coped with the various barriers and challenges they encountered. Personal agency falls within the personal
characteristics subconstruct which includes personality traits.

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It is important to note that external factors can influence personal agency. For example, many of the participants talked about
experiences with unengaged managers, exclusionary behavior, or awareness of biased promotion practices. These experiences shaped
their advancement journey because it prompted them to develop an inclusive leadership style, become active in selection processes,
or become mentors or sponsors. Multiple aspects of personal agency emerged from the women's experiences, but this study high-
lighted internal attributes such as self-confidence, personality, and faith. Though the following examples highlight a subset of par-
ticipants, each participant portrayed one or more of these attributes.
Self-confidence appeared in a variety of forms. Jennifer, for instance, gained confidence when she joined an external women's
group, retained the services of a career counselor, and read books. But a deeper analysis reveals self-awareness and the confidence to
proactively change her situation. A combination of courage and self-confidence emanated from Reena's comments about turning
down job offers: “Well you have to be a very strong advocate for yourself. You have to be willing to walk away.” Overt discrimination and
harassment did not deter Lori. Throughout her journey, she remained confident and focused on her goals.
And so…so I did encounter harassment and times when my career could have stalled out but I was…I…I tried to remain focused on what
my goals were, what my aspirations were; Which are to continue to grow, to learn, and to do…to do new…to do more things.
So I always had a plan. And even if a…even if a manager would thwart me I would still…I would still just keep going or figure out…I'm
really good at figuring out another way to do something if plan “A” doesn't work well then I'll just do plan “B.”
[Lori: European American/white]
Susan made several references to personality characteristics that helped her succeed such as integrity, being willing to com-
promise, being a continuous learner, and having faith in her abilities. Kathy believed a win-win attitude and collaborative spirit
outweighed technical ability. Reena shared that earlier in her career she wasted a lot of energy preparing for people to challenge her
credibility. Later she decided to focus her energies on being authentic.
But it was kind of like you're always on guard. You was always…you're always…you're always ready for some kind of attack. And or
discreditation or something. I think in my career now I kind of…I've…I'm at, you know, I have the maturity and self-awareness.
And I just like I walk in and I don't really care what you think any more or if you do try and attack me. I'm just more focused on being me.
More than anything being authentically who I am and maybe you'll accept that and maybe you won't. And but that's ok. It doesn't impact
me as much. So I'm much more…I just stand on my own a lot more.
[Reena: Hispanic American/Latina]
Natalie and Kathy made specific comments about how their Christian faith provided guidance, strength, and perseverance.
Maxine maintained that her Buddhist faith influences her leadership style and worldview.
So I was raised as a Buddhist. So we learn about, you know, what you do bad will bad will come back and haunt you (laughs) kind of and,
you know, you always have to be…you always want to keep in giving people their dignity. You never do things that just cause people to feel
like they lose their dignity. So all that sense of values really stuck in my mind and certainly being the first-generation immigrant when I
emigrate from my country to here I understand and felt deeply what you lose with it. So all that certainly inform my own experience to the
way I manage. I really…I never wanted to put anybody in the position where they feel like they lose face. I always want to give a way out
for everybody.
[Maxine: African American/black]

6.3. Multiple influences

Because the women experienced a variety of biases, the bias theme did not fit neatly into one construct of the individual dif-
ferences theory of gender and IT. The interaction of biases with other themes also made it difficult to place the bias theme into a
single construct of the theory. For example, an examination of the participant's education background draws on the personal
characteristics subconstruct (located within the individual influences construct). Discussed earlier, the participants recognized the
importance of business knowledge to advancement and several complemented their technical expertise with a business-focused
bachelor's or master's degree. A few WOC participants, however, stressed the importance of graduating from prominent schools,
believing this helps them gain legitimacy and credibility. In essence, their understanding of widely-held negative biases about POC
(environmental/cultural influences) impacted their educational pursuits.
Looking at the how bias and support affected Rachel's overseas assignment show how focusing one theme in isolation of another
provides a limited understanding of her journey. Ahuja (2002) identified globalization as a structural factor that hampers women's
ability to advance. She believed that an increasingly global market would create promotional paths that require international as-
signments. As such, women would be at a disadvantage because of society and male manger's perceptions of women as family-
oriented and thus unwilling or unable to travel. Trauth, Quesenberry, and Yeo (2008) assert that globalization restructures where and
how IT work occurs, which can disproportionately impact women in the IT workforce. Rachel's company is a multinational and she
described how personal influences (a supportive husband, family, and manager) allowed her to take advantage of an overseas
assignment. However, once overseas she dealt with an executives' cultural biases regarding working women (environment/cultural
influence). Although personal influences helped her take advantage of an opportunity that she believed helped her career advance,
cultural beliefs about women (i.e., gender bias) continued to impact her journey. Globalization, gender bias, and support affected
Rachel's overseas experience, but splitting bias and support into separate constructs of the theory would present an incomplete view
of her experience.

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6.4. Other influences

Studies examining IT job skills identify three categories of skills believed essential for IT professionals: technical expertise, human
interaction skills (e.g. communication, writing, interpersonal skills) and business skills (Huang, Kvasny, Joshi, Trauth, & Mahar,
2009; Lee, Trauth, & Farwell, 1995; Trauth, Farwell, & Lee, 1993). Using the individual differences theory of gender and IT, Trauth
et al. (Trauth et al., 2016) drew upon these studies to examine university students' perceptions of IT skills and knowledge. Though the
data in importance of technical skills theme align with the categories of IT job skills identified, the participants did not associate
gender with the importance of technical expertise. Most of the participants did not explicitly state that gender, race or ethnicity
affected their ability to garner respect from subordinates. Also, assumptions about women having less technical ability than men did
not arise during discussions about gaining respect from male subordinates.
Nevertheless, a deeper analysis of the women's overall advancement experiences reveals an obstacle common to women leaders;
Women have to continuously prove that they can lead (i.e. gain credibility). Several participants spoke of their constant battle against
other's perceptions of them, particularly regarding gendered assumptions about leadership behavior (i.e. double bind). Assumptions
of men as prototypical and natural leaders mean their leadership ability is rarely questioned. Women on the other hand, as atypical
leaders, have to prove their leadership ability repeatedly even before leadership opportunities appear (Catalyst, 2007).
Because women leaders have to (1) spend additional time and energy proving that they can lead, and (2) consistently monitor stereotypic
expectations, they ultimately end up having to work harder than their men counterparts to prove the same level of competence.
(Catalyst, 2007, p. 16)
Ongoing conversations and research about the lack of women in senior level leadership roles underscore this point (e.g. Adams,
2015; Catalyst, 2007; W, 2015; Yee et al., 2016). A plausible explanation for why the women in this study believed that technical
skills (a personal characteristic) were not enough for advancement or that technical skills garnered respect, likely has more to do with
long-standing societal attitudes about women and leadership than about technical ability or developing non-technical skills. Further
research is needed however to analyze this proposition more adequately. Thus, this study was unable to analyze sufficiently the
importance of technical skills theme using the individual differences theory of gender and IT.

6.5. Individual identity

It does not go without notice that the individual identity construct, and in particular, the personal demographics sub-construct is
not reflected in the analysis. This may seem counterintuitive given the study's emphasis on gender, race, and ethnicity. The findings
and analyses demonstrate the need to understand identity not in isolation but from multiple levels of analysis. An individual-level
analysis would focus on the women's personal agency. Consequently, the analysis would imply that the burden rests solely on the
participants' ability to steer their career advancement journey or emphasize the flawed cognition process of their colleagues. An
individual-level analysis would also leave organizational and societal factors underexplored. Rather, the analysis shows how in-
dividual, societal, and organizational forces shape the meaning of gender, race, and ethnicity (i.e. personal demographics) and how
those meanings influence the women's career advancement journey. The study also resisted presenting race and ethnicity as inherent
characteristics of identity which some researchers believe reinforces essentialist ideologies and conceals their historical construction
and fluctuating meaning (Capeheart & Milovanovic, 2007; Janssens & Zanoni, 2014; Litvin, 1997; Nkomo, 1992). As such, the
absence of analysis through the lens of the individual identity construct corroborates the individual differences theory of gender and
IT's premise that the constructs, taken together, create an interdependent lens for examining within-gender group variation.

7. Implications for research and theory

By highlighting various barriers women in technical/operational roles encounter as they advance to SITE roles, this research
contributed, in a variety of ways, to the literature and theories about women's career advancement. First, it corroborated Eagly and
Carli's (2007a, 2007b) labyrinth metaphor which posits that obstacles litter women's career advancement journey. The obstacles
include biased perceptions of men as natural leaders, work-home conflicts, discrimination, prejudice toward women leaders, re-
sistance to women's leadership, self-doubt, differences in leadership style and effectiveness between men and women, and organi-
zational culture and practices. Several labyrinth obstacles were clearly evident in the women's stories. Eagly and Carli also main-
tained that routes to top leadership roles exist, but unlike men's relatively clear and direct route, women encounter twists and turns.
The study identified two advancement routes; internal and external. Neither provided an advancement advantage nor an un-
complicated path to the SITE role. Both routes included a variety of barriers that created an indirect and/or problematic advancement
route. This research also confirms their contention that attaining a senior executive role does not mean obstacles cease to exist.
However, their struggles were not limited to the gender-based barriers posited by Eagly and Carli. The participant's ongoing obstacles
also stemmed from occupational stereotypes and gendered racial/ethnic stereotypes, which the labyrinth metaphor does not address.
Second, to some extent, this study corroborated the existence of advancement barriers unique to WOC. Maxine, for example,
noted how the “perpetual foreigner” stereotype (Huynh, Devos, & Smalarz, 2011; Omi, 2008; Tuan, 1999) negatively affected her
performance ratings. The African American/black women in this study spoke of the “angry black woman” stereotype–a gendered
racial stereotype that stems from the Sapphire stereotype identified by Reynolds-Dobbs et al. (2008)–but they did not speak of a
double outsider status with regard to building relationships with white women. In general, they recounted positive interactions and
meaningful mentoring relationships with white female colleagues. The Hispanic American/Latina women's advancement experiences

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Table 5
Constructs of the individual differences theory of gender and IT (expanded).

Construct Sub-construct Examples

Individual Identity Personal demographics Age, ethnicity, socio-economic class

Type of IT work Software development, IS design
Leadership position Team lead, IT manager, CIO
Individual Influences Personal characteristics Educational background, personality traits, abilities
Personal influences Mentors, role models, significant life experiences
Environmental Influences Cultural influences Attitudes about women & IT
Attitudes about women in IT leadership roles
Economic influences Cost of living
Societal infrastructure influences Availability of childcare
Policy influences Laws about gender discrimination

did not reflect cultural norms or traditional gendered expectations posited in the literature (Armijo, 2009; Bonilla-Rodriguez, 2011;
Catalyst, 2003b; Dusch, 2015; Trouyet, 2014). In general, they framed their experiences around barriers faced by WOC.
Third, the study's findings do not support prior research which prioritizes soft skills and business acumen over technical expertise
(Bagchi-Sen et al., 2010; Carter et al., 2011; Groysberg et al., 2011; Karanja & Zaveri, 2012; Pemberton, 1992; Reich & Nelson, 2003;
Willcoxson & Chatham, 2006). Rather, the study highlighted how the women's technical/operational and SITE roles necessitated a
combination of technical expertise, soft skills, and business knowledge. The responsibilities of the women's SITE role influenced the
degree to which technical skills were perceived necessary. For example, when the role included IT management functions such as
managing IT professionals, the women's technical background and experience helped them garner respect from subordinates.
Nonetheless, it is plausible to extrapolate that the women developed and honed these skills to present themselves as capable leaders
and combat gendered leadership stereotypes.
Fourth, the individual differences theory of gender and IT enabled an exploration of a variety of factors the hindered and helped
advancement and provided a better understanding of how gender and race or ethnicity affected advancement. Certain elements of the
labyrinth metaphor and Roldan et al.'s (2004) chilly IT climate are congruent with explanations of the double bind and most of the
participant's advancement stories revealed this obstacle, particularly in discussions about leadership style and behavior (e.g., not
wanting to appear aggressive, bitchy, soft-spoken, or uncertain). The theory can be made more robust by taking into account issues of
leadership (see Table 5). As it stands, the theory claims to explain the under-representation of women in IT. By adding leadership role
to the individual identity construct, the theory would be able to address the under-representation of women in IT leadership roles.
Specifically, it could address Eagly and Chin's (2010) concerns about the lack of systemic investigations of how group memberships
other than gender can affect women's leadership behavior. Adding leadership role would also deepen the investigation into the
credibility and legitimacy theme, especially regarding WOC. Eagly and Chin (2010) mentioned that expectations of established
hierarchical relations between identity groups might elicit resentment and resistance from some people when women and POC obtain
leadership positions. Thus, adding leadership augments the environmental influences construct, allowing it to address attitudes about
women in leadership roles specifically. Rather than view women's leadership difficulties as those faced by all women (which is
emblematic of much the leadership literature), adding leadership role would highlight the variety and variation of obstacles that
contribute to the small number of women in SITE roles.

8. Implications for policy and practice

Findings from this research revealed several obstacles for women who advanced from technical/operational IT positions to SITE
roles. Some obstacles were within the women's ability to change; they could develop skills and build confidence. Other obstacles were
beyond their control, such as established and gendered beliefs about leadership, and the organization's traditions around informal
networking and promoting practices. To circumvent these obstacles, study participants adopted various behaviors: monitoring in-
teractions with colleagues, altering speech patterns, and repeatedly proving their technical and leadership capabilities. Participants
used these strategies to gain legitimacy and disprove negative stereotypes. While they may have been partially successful in achieving
the esteem of their colleagues and employers, these changes originated from individual efforts. A few study participants emphasized
that individual efforts worked hand-in-hand with a fair and inclusive organization culture in their advancement successes; but most
participants described an exclusive work culture that served to hinder career progression.
While there are various practices responsible for advancement difficulties, academic research and industry literature repeatedly
conclude that the smoking gun to the underrepresentation of women in senior leadership and executive roles is their lack of access to
informal networks in their respective organizations. But is access to informal networks the focus of recommendations because it is the
most obstructive organizational practice or simply because it is the low-hanging fruit? In some cases, organizational efforts have been
made to increase socialization and networking opportunities for women. Despite these efforts, women's representation in senior
executive roles in corporate America and IT remains low. Senior leaders and practitioners could, and perhaps should, question the
traditional importance of informal networks as a route to advancement in the hi-tech software industry, which widely touts a
meritocratic culture. Perhaps increasing networking opportunities for women is an easy approach rather than an effective one.
At the outset, this paper mentioned that individuals in technical-level IT roles might not represent the pool from which SITEs are

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chosen, mentored, or developed. Additionally, a plethora of research, scattered across various fields, identifies a lack of mentors,
sponsors, and leadership development, as persistent obstacles that prevent women from reaching the senior executive ranks of U.S.
corporations. A popular strategy to address women's underrepresentation in the senior ranks of IT is mentoring. However, several
women in this study identified sponsors as more vital to advancement. Rather than mentors who offered advice, sponsors advocated
for the women when conversations about promotions arose or new opportunities became available. Researchers find that sponsorship
has positive outcomes for the advancement of women and POC (Catalyst, 2010; Hewlett, Jackson, Cose, & Emerson, 2012; Ibarra,
Carter, & Silva, 2010). This research recommends that senior leaders and practitioners develop formal sponsorship programs to
intentionally link senior leaders with candidates from historically marginalized populations. It is important to note that sponsorship
requires a higher level of commitment than mentoring because it involves a professional investment in the woman's career and an
awareness of the range of organization-culture and societal barriers that stand in the way of advancement (Church, Rotolo, Shull, &
Tuller, 2013).
Many forward-thinking companies are realizing that employee development does not solely rest with an employee's initiative but
can be part of the organization's talent management strategy, which Church et al. (2013) describe as “the process of identifying,
assessing, developing, planning, and moving talent throughout the entire employee lifecycle to satisfy critical and strategic business
objectives” (p.281). For talent management strategies to address issues related to women's advancement in IT, it is paramount for
senior leaders and practitioners to identify specific biases, practices, and policies that create barriers and to understand how women
are affected by them. This research demonstrates that exclusion, for instance, is not solely based on gender but includes one or more
combinations of race, ethnicity, educational pedigree, and organizational role. As such, talent management strategies should go
beyond gender-based frameworks and address a variety of exclusion criteria. Likewise, viewing women and POC as homogenous
groups might lead decision-makers and practitioners to erroneously implement one-size-fits-all or off-the-shelf policies when cus-
tomized strategies are needed to maximize the success of employees and organizations.
This research also stressed that advancement in IT is not straightforward, and argued against assumptions that employees at lower
levels naturally advance up the corporate ladder. Nevertheless, recruitment remains the primary focus of many IT talent management
strategies and several high-tech companies looking to increase the diversity of their technology workforce are recruiting from HBCUs.
Apple, for example, committed $40 million to the Thurgood Marshall College Fund, a non-profit that supports students enrolled at
HBCUs. Apple's stated goal is to expand the pipeline of people of color in the technology industry (Lev-Ram, 2015). Google partnered
with Howard University, an HBCU, to launch a three-month summer residency program for junior and senior computer science
students with the stated goal of recruiting and retaining black software engineers (Guynn, 2017a; Yurieff, 2017). Evidence suggests,
however, recruitment does not necessarily translate to advancement. Twice in this study, a participant entered her organization
through diversity recruitment initiatives at her HBCU. One woman noted that once she joined the organization relationships built in
affinity groups helped her acclimate to the culture, but, retention of people of color was a higher priority than advancement. The
other woman described how negative perceptions of HBCU graduates within her organization created an additional layer of strati-
fication, which made the advancement journey more problematic. This study demonstrates that recruitment efforts alone may have
little impact on advancement if organizational norms and culture remain unchanged.
Much has been written about the need to build a more diverse and equitable IT workforce, especially in the senior executive ranks.
However, attempting to create such a labor force through policies that target a single group might prove problematic. For instance,
initiatives aimed at increasing women's representation may alienate men and have a negligible impact on WOC. Additionally, fo-
cusing on diversity statistics ignores the root causes of women's low representation namely gender and racial discrimination em-
bedded in society and male-dominated organizations (Yoder, 1991, 1994; Zimmer, 1988). Increasing the number of women and POC
in a traditionally male and white workforce may result in more incidents of sexual harassment and exclusion, and may raise the level
of hostility and escalate resistance to their authority. As one participant noted, WOC are likely accustomed to being around different
kinds of people whereas the majority group would likely be uncomfortable in a room full of African Americans or Latinos. She went
on to suggest that (un)comfortability plays an important role when individuals begin to consider forging personal relationships or
serving as sponsors. To address such issues, this research recommends senior leaders and practitioners understand the commitment
required and act to develop an inclusive culture where everyone has opportunities for career progression and all feel valued and
respected regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, organizational role, etc.

9. Future research

This study illuminated several opportunities for future research. A larger and more evenly distributed sample could lead to new
insights about factors that help and hinder women's advancement from technical/operations roles to SITE roles. Modifications to the
sample can result in increased understandings about the role gender, and race or ethnicity may play in the advancement journey.
Additionally, a closer analysis of the organization's size, career opportunities, and industry could also provide further insight.
Another area for future research concerns the importance placed on IT within the organization. Two participants noted that their
organization viewed IT as a support function rather than a strategic partner. Future research could investigate if these views extend to
individuals in technical roles. Specifically, the views may serve to characterize individuals in technical positions as unsuitable for
strategic roles, thus creating another layer of stratification for women.
The study's findings also showed that participants made specific efforts to pair technical expertise with soft skills and business
acumen. These participants recognized a reality in the IT field, corroborated by research, that a strong technical background may not
align with skills perceived by hiring authorities as necessary for SITE positions. Technical/operational IT positions typically do not
provide a career path to executive-level roles. Though debates continue about the importance of technical skills for the SITE role, this

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study adds to the discussion by considering the centrality of technical knowledge for women in SITE roles. As such, it offers three
postures when it comes to whether or not senior IT executives “get in the weeds” (i.e., participate in design meetings, software
development, or other hands-on development activities).

• Can and Will—Being hands-on garners credibility and respect from technical subordinates.
• Can but Won't—The organization believes that leadership means delegating hands-on responsibilities to technical subordinates.
• Can and Must—Organizational structure and size rely on IT leaders' ability to be hands-on when necessary.
Future research could examine the extent to which these postures manifest in organizations; how the postures influence the
perceptions and effectiveness of women in SITE roles; and how women's race or ethnicity (or other identity characteristics) influences
those perceptions.
The study's interpretive lens illumined factors that helped and hindered women who advanced from technical/operational roles to
SITE roles. von Hellens et al. (2012) find that gender and IT research using an interpretive lens tends to focus on the lived experiences
and successes of women who overcame obstacles. Alternatively, gender and IT research that takes a critical approach seeks to
understand issues of power, control, and ideology that might frame the experiences that limit women's participation and advance-
ment in IT and also serve to reproduce inequality (Howcroft & Trauth, 2004; von Hellens et al., 2012). Future research could take a
critical approach and challenge the structural inequalities raised in this study. Though this study identified factors that hindered and
helped, it also revealed systemic and structural barriers that prompted the women to adopt certain behaviors or develop skills meant
to combat negative perceptions. A critical approach might examine in more detail the systems that create the need for women to
adopt certain behaviors, find sponsors, or refute challenges to their credibility and legitimacy.

10. Limitations

The primary limitation of the study is the sample size, which is likely indicative of the difficulties finding women who met the
study's criteria. Discussed earlier, the sample size limits the ability to generalize the findings. However, generalizability was not the
intent. The study assumed that women are not all the same, and gender within race or ethnic group creates different experiences.
Additionally, the participants work in different geographical areas and types of organizations. The organizations had various types of
IT environments, promotion practices, and cultural norms. Therefore, the results of the study do not generalize to every IT workplace.
It is possible that a more evenly distributed sample (e.g. equal number of African American/black, Asian American, European
American/white and Hispanic American/Latina women) would uncover different factors related to gender, race, or ethnicity. In
particular, increasing the number of Asian American and Hispanic American/Latina women may reveal factors not found in this
study.

11. Conclusion

This study investigated the experiences of African American/black, Asian American, European American/white, and Hispanic
American/Latina women who advanced from technical/operational IT roles to senior executive IT roles. The intent was to understand
how individual and organizational factors influenced the women's career advancement journey and what role, if any, gender and
race/ethnicity played in the journey. Advancement research that solely focuses on gender, race, or ethnicity provides an insufficient
and limited examination of the complex issues affecting workforce diversity. This study was designed to counteract over-
simplification. It investigated how individual and organizational factors intersect with gender, race, and ethnic group. As such, the
study allowed the women's individual advancement journeys to be nuanced rather than stereotypical.
Results showed a variety of barriers and facilitators to advancement. Six themes emerged. Although some of the findings support
existing research on women's career barriers, the intent of the study was not to generalize findings. Rather, the study assumed, and
showed, that women are not all the same, and race and ethnic variation create different experiences. Additionally, the various types
of organizations and IT environments in which the women work greatly affect their individual advancement journeys.
Ongoing news reports and high-profile allegations about the culture of sexual harassment and gender inequality in Silicon Valley
companies continue to raise awareness about the hostile environment women must navigate in tech (e.g., Conger, 2017; Fiegerman,
2017; Kelly, 2017; Levin, 2017a, 2017b; Simon-Lewis, 2017). Nevertheless, conversations about the lack of diversity in the high-tech
industries are one dimensional, tending to focus on equipping women with “essential advancement tools” (e.g., leadership devel-
opment, mentors, executive training) or designing programs to counteract structural barriers (e.g., transparent promotion practices,
reducing bias in promotion decisions, ensuring advancement candidates include people traditionally underrepresented in senior-level
positions). In other words, fix the women and/or create a level playing field (Ely & Meyerson, 2000). However, neither method questions
the organizational traditions and practices that impede women's career progression. There is a systemic culture of exclusion that is
rarely addressed.
This research shows that women's advancement in IT is a complex problem. As such, solutions will require multiple, customized
strategies. As U.S. corporations, and high-tech companies in particular, continue to focus on talent management and on increasing the
representation of women and WOC, it is imperative that decision-makers and practitioners go beyond the numbers, understand the
root of each problem, recognize the unique context and content of issues that women encounter, and commit to creating a diverse and
inclusive workplace culture. This research concludes by recommending senior leaders embrace the complexity of workforce diversity
and inclusion issues and consider the obstacles through the eyes of those whose path to senior executive IT role remains unjustly

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hindered.

Acknowledgments

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Appendix A. Additional participant information

Ethnicity Age Marital status # of children Highest degree earned

Natalie African American/black 50–59 Divorced No children Graduate

Valerie African American/black 50–59 Single or Never Married 2 Bachelors
Kathy African American/black 50–59 Married No children Doctorate
Maxine Asian American 50–59 Married 1–2 Doctorate
Susan European American/white 50–59 Divorced 3–4 Graduate
Jennifer European American/white 40–49 Married 1–2 Graduate
Lori European American/white 50–59 Married No children Graduate
Rachel European American/white 50–59 Preferred not to answer 1–2 Bachelors
Cindy Latina/Hispanic American 40–49 Married 3–4 Graduate
Reena Latina/Hispanic American 50–59 Married 1–2 Graduate

Current title Current company industry # of organizations Previous senior executive

worked for roles

Natalie Chief Information Officer, Aerospace 1

Director of IT
Valerie CIO Technology 6
Kathy Deputy Director for IT; Deputy Aerospace 6
CIO
Maxine Founder/Principal Technology 8 CTO, CIO, COO, CEO
Susan Executive Vice President Financial Services 6 CTO
Jennifer Director of Engineering Wafer Chip Manufacturing 3
Lori CEO Training 9 CTO, COO, CEO
Rachel Vice President Industrial 2 CIO
Cindy CTO Government – Law 2
Enforcement
Reena Vice President, CISO Technology 11

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