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Philosophy Conference
16-17 February 2018
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Contents
Conference Schedule............................................................1
Keynote Address...................................................................5
Acknowledgement of Country..............................................6
Abstracts..............................................................................7
Abercrombie Business School Floor Map..........................28
Conference Schedule
Friday 16 February 2018
Panel 2
Panel 3
11:30 - 12:30
(Chair Nishan Varatharajan) 2290
Nicholas Southwood Feasibility for Collectives
Panel 5
Panel 8
RAWLS ABS SR
15:30 - 16:30 Lukas Opacic Diverging Paths: Rawls and Anscombe on Theorising about Justice
(Chair Alexandre Lefebvre) 2290
Panel 10
FEELING AND
ABS SR The Judgement of Taste: The Philosophy and Politics of Australia’s
AESTHETICS 15:30 - 16:30 Deborah Mills
2040 National Arts Policy
(Chair Annette Pierdziwol)
Panel 11
Commentators:
AUTHOR MEETS READERS
ABS SR Andrew Benjamin Panel on Dimitris Vardoulakis, Stasis Before the Law: Nine Theses
1 15:30 - 16:30
2050 Romand Coles on Agonistic Democracy (Fordham 2017).
(Chair Andrew Benjamin)
Dimitris Vardoulakis
Danielle Celermajer
ABS CS LT Telling Responsible Stories: Can Theories of Distributed Agency
Keynote 16:45 - 18:00 (Chair Alexandre
2080 Help us Prevent Torture?
Lefebvre)
ABS SR
Meeting 18:00 - 18:45 Meeting for the Political Theory Association of Australasia
2280
Dinner 19:00
Page 2
Conference Schedule
Saturday 17 February 2018
ABS SR
POLITICAL THEORY 9:30 - 11:15 Blue Screen Biosphere: the Absent Presence of Biodiversity in
2290 Anthony Burke
(Chair Jeremy Moss) International Law
Panel 13
Panel 14
Panel 16
JUSTICE ABS SR
11:30 - 12:30 Nicholas Barry Facts, Principles, and Egalitarian Justice
(Chair Nicholas Barry) 2050
Panel 19
José-Miguel Bello y
Economic Foundations of Inalienable Rights
Villarino
INEQUALITY ABS SR
13:30 - 15:00
(Chair Annette Maguire) 2050
Annette Maguire Gendered Violence & Feminised Resistance in the Age of Empire
Panel 21
Commentators:
Nicholas Barry
AUTHOR MEETS READERS ABS SR Luara Ferracioli Panel on Daniel Halliday, The Inheritance of Wealth: Justice, Equality, and
15:30 - 16:30
2 2050 Stewart Braun the Right to Bequeath (Oxford 2018).
(Chair Nicholas Barry) Daniel Halliday
Page 4
Keynote Address
A number of bodies of contemporary thought, including new materialisms, actor network theories and
2nd Australian Political Theory and Philosophy Conference
assemblage theories challenge the modernist image of the sovereign individual as the site of agency and
source of action. Two types of political implication generally follow. First, they require that we remap
our causal stories, embedding humans within (not above) ontologically flatter structures. Second, they
place ethical demands on humans’ relationships with the more-than-human or non-human world. At the
same time, by challenging traditional conceptions of agency, they carry implications for the attribution of
responsibility, implications that are especially troubling when it comes to the crimes which, in the words of
the UDHR, ‘shock the conscience of mankind’.
In this paper, I argue that, if skilfully deployed, these theories provide rich resources for efforts to prevent
human rights violations, and potentially afford the theoretical infrastructure to support more systemic,
and potentially more effective preventative strategies. This potential will not, however, be self-executing.
Its realisation requires careful re-storying of the field of human rights. We need to distinguish between
punishment and prevention, and the objectives each seeks to achieve, between the systemic interventions
that may be most effective in altering behaviours and our moral intuitions and affective responses to
atrocities and perpetrators, and between the narratives that animate outrage and those that support
systemic prevention strategies.
Danielle Celermajer is Professor in the Department of Sociology and Social Policy at the University of
Sydney. She was the recipient of two European Commission grants to work on human rights in the Asia
Pacific, one on education and the other on torture prevention. She has two forthcoming books, Poisoned
Orchards: A systemic approach to the prevention of torture (Cambridge University Press) and, with Richard
Sherwin, A Cultural History of Law on the Modern Age (Bloomsbury).
The University of Sydney
Page 5
Keynote Address
Artificial intelligence, in the computational form, is held up as a problem insofar as it promises to have
enormous power, to lack empathy and to be out of intentional control. But artificial intelligence, in the
corporate form, is already with us. And it already has the three characteristics that make it into a serious
political problem.
Philip Pettit is L.S. Rockefeller University Professor of Politics and Human Values at Princeton University,
and Distinguished University Professor of Philosophy at the Australian National University. He is author of
many books, including most recently On the People’s Terms: A Republican Theory and Model of Democracy
(Cambridge, 2012), Just Freedom: a Moral Compass for a Complex World (Norton, 2014), The Robust
Demands of the Good: Ethics with Attachment, Virtue, and Respect (Oxford 2015), and The Birth of Ethics:
Reconstructing the Role and Nature of Morality (Oxford 2018).
Acknowledgment of Country
The conference organisers would like to acknowledge and pay respect to the traditional owners of the land
on which we meet; the Gadigal people of the Eora Nation. It is upon their ancestral lands that the University
of Sydney is built. As we share our own knowledge, teaching, learning and research practices within this
university may we also pay respect to the knowledge embedded forever within the Aboriginal Custodianship
of Country.
Page 6
Abstracts
Panel 3: INDIGENEITIES
(Chair Adrian Little)
Comparative Political Theory and An Indigenous Voice to Parliament
Indigenous-settler Relations: The
David Allinson
Genealogy of Makarrata University of Melbourne
Adrian Little The Uluru Statement from the Heart and the Referendum
University of Melbourne
Council’s report have called for, among other things,
a constitutionally enshrined Voice to Parliament. The
This paper builds on a recent article (Little 2018) analysing
Voice will give advice to government on Indigenous
the methodological foundations of comparative political
affairs, but the Prime Minister has called for more detail
theory (CPT). CPT has emerged in the 21st Century as a
before Cabinet will discuss the Referendum Council’s
distinctive strand of contemporary thought focused on
recommendations.
The University of Sydney
The New Nature of Human Action: Young role of luck and the moral culpability of ignorance in late
modernity. What remains under-theorised for Young,
and Jonas on Technology, Possibility and
however, is the modern relationship between power and
Responsibility responsibility. This paper thus seeks to expand Young’s
social connections model by reference to Hans Jonas’
Nishan Varatharajan
University of Sydney reflections on just this relationship. Here, I hope to
explore how modern technology has expanded the sphere
Iris Young’s ‘social connections model’ rests on three of human action (scales, objects and consequences)
distinctive insights; that individualistic and regressive beyond anything we have possessed before - i.e. our
models of responsibility are ill-suited to cases of global influence can stretch beyond contemporaries, beyond the
structural injustice; that all individuals ‘connected’ to foreseeable reach of a human life, and irreversibly impact
social processes which produce global structural injustice the earth and generations of human/nonhuman animals
share responsibility (even victims); and, finally, that such - to argue that techno-political arrangements necessarily
shared responsibility must be discharged politically in a pre-empt moral reasoning about responsibility.
remedial, forward-looking manner. These insights not only
highlight the contours of contemporary ethical issues (e.g.
global fast fashion) but, more broadly, they point toward
Page 10
A Right to Parent and the Role of characteristics of such federal states: one being the
existence of multinational groups within such states and
Commitment
the other being the introduction of democracy and the
Luara Ferracioli right for self-determination. My interest lies in exploring
The University of Sydney/University of Amsterdam what are the causes for federal disintegration under
the conditions mentioned above, what are the best
In this paper I focus on the following question: what gives institutional arrangements for prevention of this event,
a person a moral right to parent a particular child? I first but also whether the break-up of federal structures is
argue that the correct answer to this question must (i) necessarily a negative effect that needs to be prevented.
take seriously the interests of both parents and children,
(ii) include the claims of adoptive parents, and (iii) do
justice to the entirety of the parent-child relationship. I Measuring the Value of Health Care
then put forward a novel account of moral parenthood
that meets all of these conditions. I call this account the Susan Pennings
commitment account. On this account, a moral parent is Australian National University
a moral parent is someone who engages in certain kinds health care interventions: Disability Adjusted Life Years
of moral actions due to a recognition of the value of the (DALYs) and Quality Adjusted Life Years (QALYs). These
parent-child relationship. measures are intended to help policymakers allocate
funds impartially and efficiently, and are widely used in
national health policies as well as by the World Health
Organization. I will discuss a number of objections about
The Paradox of Multinational Federalism
the use of these health metrics: that they are inaccurate
Aleksandar Radakovic about the lived experiences of people with disabilities,
University of Auckland that they involve forced conflation of incommensurable
goods, that their current usage fails principles of public
Multinational federations are federal states in which justification, and that they obscure issues of distributive
territorial subunits are formed as to correspond to the justice. I will go on to discuss alternative health metrics
geographic presence of particular national groups. It is a and the importance of including measures of subjective
common argument to say how territorial self-rule in such well-being in considering how to prioritise health care
federal states can bring about two opposing effects; one interventions.
effect being the strengthening of the state and integration
of sub-territories and the other being succession or
disintegration - the so-called paradox of federalism.
The last effect, the effect of political disintegration,
Page 11
Counting Miscount in Democratic Politics yield electoral results that signal when a newly elected
government has a genuine mandate, and how strong that
Vivek Yadav mandate is. On these terms, voters would be afforded a
Indian Institute of Technology Indore choice between candidates and, supplementary to this, a
binary choice indicating their level of support. Were this
The study will examine the exclusion of untouchables device instituted, it would transform the folkish notion
within the framework of ‘demos’ in democratic politics. of a mandate into a powerful normative concept, one
Ambedkar call this process of exclusion Slaves of that could guide political and institutional evaluation and
Slaves and Ranciere defined this process of exclusion compel parties in a deliberative direction.
as Archipolitics. This part of exclusion of untouchables
will amalgamate with the term ‘miscount’ given by
Rancier, where he navigates democracy as not a system
Associative Political Duties: Is Political
of government, but always as the incompatible and
disruptive appearance of the principle of equality. By Membership Intrinsically Valuable and
extracting these major points, this study will suggest a way Does it Matter?
of overcoming deficiencies and propose indispensability
of disagreement to achieve equality in democracy. Robbie Arrell
Wuhan University
Recent genealogies of human rights have increasingly Critics of global egalitarianism often claim that duties
2nd Australian Political Theory and Philosophy Conference
emphasized the Christian origins of two fundamental of distributive justice-i.e. duties to reduce unfair
concepts involved in the idea of human rights, namely, inequalities-depend on agents being jointly subject
dignity and humanity. One thinks in this context of recent to a coercive state, and thus do not pertain across
works by historians like Tierney and Oakley, philosophers international borders. (Duties to address absolute
of law like Waldron, and intellectual historians like Moyn. deprivation, in contrast, are natural duties.) This claim
In this paper I would like to contest this genealogy and is perplexing, and not just because it is most intuitive to
propose an alternative one. Its origins are to be found in think that the state is merely necessary for such duties
the reception of Averroism in the Latin West, principally to be fulfilled. First, the most familiar argument for
by Dante. In this context I will reconstruct the idea of non-natural distributive duties is the argument from fair
dignity discussed in Kantorowicz with regard to Dante, play, which is premised on corresponding right-bearers
and show its influence on the Kantian construal of rights restraining themselves rather than being coerced. More
and human dignity. The main philosophical purchase of significantly, it is perplexing because the canonical
this exercise is to show that neither dignity nor humanity philosopher to whom such critics often appeal, Hobbes,
pertains to the individual “person” but always and only to was concerned with self-defence and commutative
the individual as a member of the human species-being; obligations rather than distributive justice. In this
additionally, I will argue that on this Averroistic construal, paper, then, I seek to delineate two broadly Hobbesian
human dignity is not a status that is exclusive of the claim arguments that might be offered in support of this
that other species of living beings also have claim to equal position. The first is a corollary of an extensive right to
dignity. self-defence. The second presumes that, unfortunately,
assurance of others’ likewise behaviour is necessary for
any individual agent to be able to even contribute to a
Moses and the Origins of Authority just distribution. And, at least globally, there can be no
assurance without coercion.
Dimitris Vardoulakis
Western Sydney University
Sandra Field
Moses is regarded as the most significant prophet of the Yale-NUS College
Old Testament. Even though Moses is also the most talked
about figure in Spinoza’s Theological Political Treatise, Spinoza’s politics confronts the reader with an unstable
still his position in the text is ambivalent. I will explore mix of political realism and idealism. On the one hand,
this ambivalence by noting how Moses is presented as Spinoza insists that the political theorist must consider
the paradigmatic figure of personal authority in Spinoza’s people as they are, not as she would like them to be. But
Treatise. I will also explain how Spinoza’s epicureanism on the other hand, Spinoza presents democracy as the
is geared toward a critique of all forms of authority most absolute of all regimes, celebrating the spontaneous
(auctoritas). To highlight Spinoza’s position, I will compare goodness of the multitude, against the corrupt reality of
his construction of Moses to two baroque representations political life.
of Moses that are contemporary to the composition of his How should the realist and idealist veins in Spinoza’s
Treatise, one by Ferdinand Bol and another by Rembrandt. politics be rendered consistent? Some commentators
have turned to Spinoza’s ethics for a solution. For Spinoza,
ethical ideals are not justified as true, but as useful.
People cannot freely choose to be virtuous, but their
increase in virtue might concretely be brought about
by imagining an exemplary model of ethical conduct.
Perhaps the more idealised invocations of democracy
Page 13
Emancipation Is Not an Epistemic Project particular moral topic if we have a sufficient amount of
fundamentally moral judgments in common with A. I argue
Kate Phelan that we should accept this view and then explore whether
RMIT University
this view can be utilized to solve the aforementioned
problem that Rawlsian public reason liberals face. I
Women have been seen as lesser persons to men and
discuss whether Rawlsian public reason liberals can
treated as such. Feminism believes that this treatment
coherently, or should, hold that states and/or state
is oppressive and strives to emancipate women from
policies only need to be justifiable to those whom we can
that. Tacitly accepting that people’s natures determine
judge to be our epistemic peers about those policies and
how they ought to be treated, feminists have seen
whether this view provides public reason liberals with
emancipating women as a matter of shattering the belief
something very similar to the reasonable/unreasonable
that women are lesser persons and revealing the truth
person distinction that is not arbitrary, unjustified or
of what women are - full persons, men’s equals, entitled
ad-hoc.
to treatment as such. In other words, they have seen
emancipation as an epistemic project - a project of
revealing the truth of who women are. But in this paper
I argue that the depth of the damage of oppression is Truth and Rhetoric: the Case of Vladimir
such that women are, for having been seen so, lesser Putin
persons. We thus cannot shatter the belief that women
are lesser persons or reveal the truth that they are full Albina Kartavtceva
The University of Newcastle
persons. Emancipation cannot be an epistemic project.
I therefore argue that, however appealing this approach
Rhetoric is a specific technique of verbal communication
to emancipation and however lost we feel without it,
often exercised by politicians. It is most often identified
we feminists ought to abandon it and develop a new
as a means of persuasion and so is often either associated
one - one that allows us to face squarely the depth of the
or contrasted with ideals of “truth”. Philosophically, the
damage of oppression to women.
idea of rhetoric as a political tool that can be taught and
practiced stretches back to ancient Greece. This paper
will focus on the inaugural addresses of Russian leader,
Public Reason and Epistemic Peerhood Vladimir Putin, and will consider the relationship between
“truth” and “rhetoric” in those speeches. The paper
Richard Rowland
Australian Catholic University will explore how this modern political leader, exercising
authority within a Russian political context, employs
Rawlsian public reason liberals claim-and seem to need both “truth” and “rhetoric” to his political advantage. I
to claim for the sake of their project-that the state describe this process as “Political PR”. The advantage of
and its policies only need to be justified to reasonable analyzing Putin’s speeches within a framework of “Political
persons. But it has been argued that such a reasonable/ PR” is that this framework allows us to explore both
unreasonable persons distinction is either arbitrary, verbal and non-verbal rhetorical techniques, focusing on
unjustified, or makes versions of public reason liberalism both the discursive and the emotional elements within
that employ it un-interesting or lack normative this process of political communication. In this way, the
force. Recent developments in the literature on the framework of “Political PR” enables us to explore more
epistemological consequences of peer disagreement deeply the relationship between “truth” and “rhetoric” in
about moral issues suggest that we can only be justified the verbal strategies of politicians.
Page 14
assumed to have inherent normative force. To deny what over-confident in material power.
seems evidently true (or to fail seriously to inquire into
the truth of relevant matters) is deemed hubristic folly
that invites practical comeuppance, as some recent
foreign policy choices confirm (see invasion of Iraq by
Panel 9: RAWLS
(Chair Alexandre Lefebvre)
What would it mean for liberalism to be depicted as a This paper sketches two different ways of conceiving of
self-standing way of life? Or, to use terms favoured by the task of theorising about justice centred on the work
liberal political philosophers, what would it mean for of John Rawls and G E M Anscombe. I outline these two
liberalism be a depicted as comprehensive doctrine: not conceptions of theorising, before going on to offer some
in the sense of being an offshoot of some other kind or criticisms of Rawls’ approach based on some observations
worldview (whether religious or secular), but as itself about the way in which Rawls conceives of the task of
an ethos and system of moral beliefs that encompasses political theory and what this means about the efficacy of
abstract theorising more generally. My contention is that
The University of Sydney
Panel on Dimitris Vardoulakis, Stasis and democracy. In response to the exclusions that are
the result of the way sovereignty operates Vardoulakis
Before the Law: Nine Theses on Agonistic
proposes a theory of democracy that emphasises and
Democracy (Fordham 2017) insists on an inherent and productive agonism within
the social. He draws on a range of thinkers that have
Commentators:
Andrew Benjamin (UTS/Monash) been central to the work of contemporary political
Romand Coles (ACU) theory. The two papers will set the stage for a detailed
Dimitris Vardoulakis (Western Sydney University) examination of what has to be one of the most important
reconceptualisations of democracy since the work of
The aim of the panel is to engage with the new theory of Chantal Mouffe.
democracy that emerges in Vardoulakis’ new book: Stasis
Before the Law: Nine Thesis on Agonistic Democracy.
The book explores the relationship between sovereignty
Analysing Political Deception: The only to institutions. A society enjoys pure republican
Virtues of Bernard Williams’ Anti-Tyranny freedom when every citizen is fully committed to not
interfering arbitrarily with another. The paper also argues
Argument
that the ideal of non-domination is context-insensitive-it
Ben Cross is what it is regardless of time and place. A consequence
Wuhan University of this view is that pure non-domination may be neither
feasible nor desirable in real societies because it conflicts
According to Bernard Williams’ “Anti-Tyranny Argument”, with other values. It is one value in a plurality of values,
it is important for citizens to have access to true and may have to be traded off against other values.
information about the exercise of political power in order
to check the tendency of governments and politicians
to become tyrannous. Although Williams thinks the The Ethics of Political Vandalism
argument is one of the better arguments for the
importance of truthfulness in politics, he acknowledges Ten-Herng Lai
two limitations. First, it appears to offer little more than Australian National University
and the principle of progress. Crucially, Mill thinks that which he himself wants to stake his ethical claims.
these principles relate to one another in very different
ways, depening on whether the society is “civilized”
Wollstonecraft’s Legacy for Citizenship But from the late nineteenth century onwards, orthodox
economics began to distinguish its science from ethical
Studies
and philosophical reflection. Familial behaviour became
Melanie White reduced to a function of an individual’s rational choice
UNSW over a set of preferences. The paper’s second stage tracks
this change, and shows that orthodox agnosticism about
Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the RIghts the ethical value of preferences cannot be sustained.
of Woman (1792) was published over 200 years ago. From Alfred Marshall’s household economics, through
Nevertheless, her claim that humanity is a status to be the forgotten work of Hazel Kyrk, Elizabeth Hoyt and
earned for both men and women alike has contemporary Margaret Reid, to the New Household Economics of Nobel
relevance for contemporary debates over the role of Prize laureate Gary Becker, the study reveals how ethical
affect and sexuality in citizenship studies. The purpose judgments about families comprise the unacknowledged
of this paper is to consider the legacy of Wollstonecraft’s backdrop of this purportedly neutral economics.
arguments for the present moment.
The study hereby uncovers the important but contested
The University of Sydney
Unorthodox History
Miriam Bankovsky A Pluralist Account of Educational Justice
La Trobe University
Kristy Macfarlane
For much of the history of Western political and La Trobe University
economic thought, the family was conceptualised as the
origin of the State and the motor of a progress that was In recent decades political philosophers have increasingly
both ethical and economic. This paper briefly illustrates been engaged with the issue of educational justice.
developments in the philosophical understanding of the The importance of education is widely acknowledged
family-state and family-economy nexus, from Aristotle’s in modern liberal democracies. Education brings a
account of “virtuous” household production between range of benefits to both individuals and societies
deficiency and overabundance, to the Christian family’s more broadly, so examining what justice in education
moral role in socialising labour productivity, to the requires is crucial. Nevertheless, there is no consensus
Enlightenment defence of family privacy, property and about how educational justice is best understood or
democratic love as conditions for public participation and pursued. This paper will examine a number of different,
moral individuality. competing conceptions of educational justice. Theorists
Page 21
On reexamining jus ad bellum, a number of scholars designations like collateral damage appear factual,
within the Just War tradition have offered compelling neutral and tragically unavoidable, in actuality, they
arguments against the inclusion of the Right Intention designate those who deserve to live and those who are
Criterion. The purpose of my paper is to demonstrate fated to die.
that a revised version of the Right Intention Criterion
ought to remain part of jus ad bellum. In section one, I lay
the analytical groundwork: I outline the Right Intention Collective Traumas as a Force for Political
Criterion, distinguish the three dominant interpretations Activism and Change: Examples from
of ‘intention’ within the context of Just War Theory, and
Tunisia, and Egypt
clarify the ways in which intentions are distinct from
motives and plans. In section two I look beyond the Ahlam AbuKhoti
scope of Just War Theory and examine the spectrum of University of Sydney
conditions under which intentions have no relevance,
minimal relevance, and much relevance to permissibility. The correlation between Trauma and the Political
I then delineate, examine, and ultimately defend two lines has often circled around the ways in which political
of argument endorsing the limited view that an agent’s prosecution, political terror, and political violence
intentions can play a role in the permissibility of an act. resulted in the creation of individual and collective
I return to Just War Theory in section three to assess traumas. My discussion of this correlation looks into
the applicability of this view to jus ad bellum. I conclude the possibilities of reversing the process and moving
with the assertion that a more limited formulation of the from traumas towards political activism and change.
Right Intention Criterion, which I will call the ‘Intentions Jeffrey C. Alexander argued that traumas are not merely
Criterion’, ought to remain a necessary condition of jus ad psychological, they transcend that domain into the
bellum. social realm. In this view, Traumas can be presented
and re-presented in a manner that is closely related to
Antonio Gramsci’s “War of Positions”. This “war” creates
the social and political tensions eventually leading to
RAND Corporation: Decision Making
triggering uprisings, revolutions, and by extension, if
Theoretic and The Uncertainties of
The University of Sydney
and (ii) are interdependent. I then distinguish between specific applications of the concept.
Radical Political Realism and Non- varieties have advocated engaging with ‘real politics’ such
sectarian Meta-theory as the of actions, motives, etc., of politicians, there has
been little consideration in radical realism of its relation
Gearóid Brinn to the history of radical political theory or the ‘real radical
University of Melbourne politics’ of contemporary grassroots activism, theory, and
street politics. This paper will contend that there is value
The recent revival of realism in anglophone political
to the radical realist project in considering such issues,
philosophy has included efforts to challenge realism’s
and will argue the case for an appropriate approach for
conservative reputation and advance a radical form.
doing so.
However, this ‘new’ realism has also been criticised as
overly abstract and philosophical. While liberal realist
2nd Australian Political Theory and Philosophy Conference
The neoliberal global political economy was established A review of the legal literature, starting from as early as
in the 1980s and its principal motive was to abolish the the 16th century with Francisco de Vitoria and arriving
welfare state, which evolved from the ashes of the second to philosophers of our days, shows a continuous quest
World War and was influenced and embedded by the for the foundations of the rights on which the essence
social economics of John Maynard Keynes. The welfare of human life relies. The aim of this paper is to create a
state that Keynes advocated came under increasing different avenue altoghether in that debate.
pressure from the free market proponents who argued
against state intervention in market situations. The This essay replies mainly to the “cultural relativist”
neoliberal discourses which emerged were based on critique . As the objection is typically articulated, there is
three pillars of scientific and free market principles: no possibility to find “universal” rights because the law is
deregulation, managerialism and instrumentalism based created within a society which may not share the values of
on the primacy of scientific knowledge and these were any other society. Like others, I disagree. I will try to show
supported by the rational choice theory where individual in the following pages that any economically-rational
human being would like to live in a society that guarantees
The University of Sydney
and nationalism, the idea of hospitality, and the image of transnational civil society and policy activity required to
the foreign-founders. support these institutions and moderate contemporary
forms of domination. As such, it contends that a wider
consideration of different types of citizenship and
governance is required to developed by republicanism in
the contemporary context of globalisation. This paper first
outlines Pettit’s account of republicanism and globalised
sovereignty, then it outlines prominent alternatives to
Pettit’s account, and then lastly outlines the various forms
of citizenship and governance required to support global
governance and support republican politics.
Panel on Daniel Halliday, The Inheritance slow to engage with the moral issues at stake in these
debates. Daniel Halliday’s new book, The Inheritance
of Wealth: Justice, Equality, and the Right
of Wealth corrects this gap in the literature, providing
to Bequeath (Oxford 2018) a systematic philosophical examination of the moral
foundations of the right to bequeath wealth, and the
Commentators:
Nicholas Barry (La Trobe University) legitimacy of inheritance taxes. Throughout the book,
Luara Ferracioli (The University of Sydney/University of Halliday engages with historical work on inheritance
Amsterdam)
The University of Sydney
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2nd Australian Political Theory and Philosophy Conference
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