Under the patronage of
The President of the Italian Republic
Ministero per i Beni e le Attività
Culturali
Comitato Nazionale per il v
Centenario della Nascita di Andrea
Palladio (1508-2008)
Regione del Veneto
Comitato regionale per le
celebrazioni del cinquecentenario
della nascita di Andrea Palladio
(1508-1580)
Fondazione Cassa di Risparmio di
Verona Vicenza Belluno e Ancona
palladio 500 anni
This exhibition has been organised
by the Centro Internazionale di Studi
di Architettura Andrea Palladio,
Vicenza, and the Royal Academy of
Arts, with the collaboration of the
Royal Institute of British Architects.
Vicenza, Palazzo Barbaran da Porto,
20 September 2008 - 6 January 2009
London, Royal Academy of Arts,
31 January - 13 April 2009
Barcelona, CaixaForum,
19 May - 6 September 2009
Madrid, CaixaForum,
6 October 2009 - 17 January 2010
Exhibition curators
Guido Beltramini and Howard Burns
with Charles Hind and
MaryAnne Stevens
Assistant curators
Ilaria Abbondandolo, CISA Andrea
Palladio
Katia Pisvin, Royal Academy of Arts
Exhibition organisation
Roberta Colla, CISA Andrea Palladio
Sunnifa Hope, Royal Academy of Arts
Exhibition administration
Nicoletta Dalla Riva, CISA Andrea
Palladio
Cayetana Castillo, Royal Academy
of Arts
Models
Guido Beltramini, Howard Burns
and Mauro Zocchetta, design
Simone Baldissini, executive designs
Ivan Simonato, Pesavento Felice
& Figli s.n.c., construction
Digital model of the Rialto Bridge
Alberto Sdegno, co-ordinator
and director
Paolo Ravagnan, computer graphics
Plaster casts
gm di Marchiori Giuseppe, Vicenza
Restorations
Susanna and the Elders
(Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien,
Gemäldegalerie, cat. 69) was restored
thanks to I Palladiani. The drawing
entitled Sketch Plan for a Villa
(Archivio di Stato di Vicenza,
cat. 146) was restored thanks
to the Rotary Club Vicenza. The
manuscript mock-up of an illustrated
Italian edition of Polybius’ Histories
(The British Library, cat. 177)
was restored and digitised thanks
to Sotheby’s, Milan.
Catalogue editors
Guido Beltramini and Howard Burns
with the assistance of Charles Hind,
David Kerr and MaryAnne Stevens
Editorial office
Ilaria Abbondandolo
Picture research
Elisabetta Michelato, Alba Scapin
Architectural plans
Simone Baldissini
Translation from the Italian
David Kerr
Graphic design and cover design
Stefano Bonetti
Editorial co-ordination
Rossella Martignoni, assisted
by Camilla Mozzato
Copy-editing and typography
in.pagina s.r.l., Mestre-Venice
Printed in Italy by Grafiche Nardin
Original Italian edition © 2008
Centro Internazionale di Studi
di Architettura Andrea Palladio
© 2008 Marsilio Editori ® s.p.a.,
Venice
© 2008 Royal Academy
of Arts, London
English edition © 2008 Royal
Academy of Arts, London
Any copy of this book issued by the
publisher as a paperback is sold
subject to the condition that it shall
not by way of trade or otherwise be
lent, re-sold, hired out or otherwise
circulated without the publisher’s
prior consent in any form of binding
or cover other than that in which it
is published and without a similar
condition including these words
being imposed on a subsequent
purchaser.
All Rights Reserved. No part of this
publication may be reproduced or
transmitted in any form or by any
means, electronic or mechanical,
including photocopy, recording or any
other information storage and retrieval
system, without prior permission in
writing from the publisher.
British Library Cataloguing-in-
Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is
available from the British Library
isbn 978-1-905711-24-6 (hardback)
isbn 978-1-905711-25-3 (paperback)
Distributed outside the United States
and Canada by Thames & Hudson
Ltd, London
Distributed in the United States
and Canada by Harry N. Abrams,
Inc., New York
 Contents

vi Supporters of the exhibition 136 14. Gardens 300 29. Drawing the project
Howard Burns Howard Burns, T. Barton Thurber, Jim Bennett
vii Presidents’ foreword
146 15. The Façade of San Francesco della Vigna, 314 30. Building the project
ix Curators’ preface Venice Mario Piana, Guido Beltramini
Andrea Guerra, Howard Burns
xii Lenders to the exhibition 322 31. Publication and publicity:
156 16. The Refectory of San Giorgio Maggiore the Guides of Rome
xiii Acknowledgements and the Monastery of the Carità, Venice Francesco Paolo Fiore, Guido Beltramini,
Guido Beltramini, Susanna Pasquali Howard Burns, T. Barton Thurber
xiv Editorial note
Photographic acknowledgements 164 17. Housing in Venice 328 32. Publishing the projects:
Guido Beltramini, Mario Piana, The Four Books of Architecture
Part 1 Howard Burns Howard Burns, Maria Beltramini,
2 Andrea Palladio 1508-1580 Pierre Gros, Giorgio Bacci, Guido Beltramini
Guido Beltramini 172 18. The Church of San Giorgio Maggiore,
Venice 342 33. Ancient Battles
16 1. Born in Padua Andrea Guerra, Susanna Pasquali, Guido Beltramini
Guido Beltramini, Jeremy Warren Vitale Zanchettin
356 34. An unfinished project
24 2. Vicenza 184 19. Venice: the Rialto projects Howard Burns, Donata Battilotti,
Edoardo Demo, Manuela Barausse Guido Beltramini Pierre Gros, Susanna Pasquali

28 3. Role models and sponsors 196 20. Palazzo Valmarana, Vicenza

Guido Beltramini, Glenn Most, Davide Gasparotto Guido Beltramini Part iii
372 An eternal contemporary
40 4. Giulio Romano and the Palazzo Thiene, 202 21. Loggia del Capitaniato, Vicenza Howard Burns
Vicenza Guido Beltramini
Howard Burns, Ugo Bazzotti 384 35. Vincenzo Scamozzi (1548-1616)
208 22. Palazzo Barbarano, Vicenza Franco Barbieri
54 5. Rome Guido Beltramini, Pierre Gros
Howard Burns, Valeria Cafà, Pierre Gros, 386 36. Inigo Jones (1573-1652)
Pier Nicola Pagliara 218 23. France and Spain Charles Hind, Christy Anderson
Howard Burns, Fernando Marías,
64 6. Villa Pisani at Bagnolo Lionello Puppi 392 37. Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington
Howard Burns (1694-1753)
228 24. The Church of the Redentore, Venice Charles Hind
72 7. Palazzo Porto, Vicenza Andrea Guerra, Susanna Pasquali
Guido Beltramini 394 38. Giacomo Quarenghi (1744-1817)
236 25. Mediterranean dialogues: Palladio and Sinan and Charles Cameron (1746-1812)
80 8. The Basilica, Vicenza Howard Burns, Paul Davies Federica Rossi
Guido Beltramini
244 26. The Teatro Olimpico 398 39. Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826)
90 9. Palazzo Chiericati, Vicenza Howard Burns Kurt W. Forster
Guido Beltramini
400 40. Le Corbusier (1887-1965)
100 10. Designing a villa Part ii Kurt W. Forster
Howard Burns 258 Making a new architecture
Howard Burns
108 11. Villa Chiericati at Vancimuglio 403 Bibliography of works cited
Howard Burns 276 27. Guiding ideas: Vitruvius
and the theory and practice of design 428 Glossary of architectural terms
114 12. Villa Barbaro at Maser Howard Burns, Arnold Nesselrath, and Italian words
Howard Burns, Guido Beltramini, Pier Nicola Pier Nicola Pagliara
Pagliara, Carmelo Occhipinti, Sergio Marinelli 430 Index
286 28. Models to follow:
130 13. Villa Foscari or ‘La Malcontenta’ studying and ‘restoring’ the ruins
Guido Beltramini Howard Burns
Supporters of the exhibition
The Royal Academy of Arts would like to express its
gratitude to those who have generously supported this
exhibition:

Harvey and Allison McGrath

Castello di Reschio

The Gatsby Charitable Foundation

Lucy Flemming McGrath

Guy Dawson

Foster + Partners

Lady Iveagh

Conte and Contessa Barel di Sant Albano

Mrs Henry J Heinz hon dbe

Michael Manser and the Manser Practice

Ove Arup Foundation

Mr and Mrs Patrick Doherty

The Fletcher Priest Trust

Mr and Mrs Jon Hunt

Daniel Katz Ltd

Ian Ritchie Architects

Wilkinson Eyre Architects

Grimshaw-Architects llp

Hopkins Architects

Chipperfield Architects

Ann and Trevor Dannatt

Mr and Mrs David Fear

Richard and Ruthie Rogers

The Royal Academy of Arts also acknowledges with thanks

the support in kind of iGuzzini illuminazione UK Ltd VI
 Presidents’ foreword
This exhibition marks the 500th anniversary of the birth of the great Renaissance architect Andrea Palladio
(1508-1580). Although it is the first in London since 1975 to be devoted to his work, two exhibitions in
Vicenza, in 1980 in the Basilica and in 1999 at the Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea
Palladio (cisa), acclaimed Palladio’s achievement and legacy. Furthermore, his contribution to the
evolution of the villa was explored in Andrea Palladio and the Venetian Villa, presented at the cisa in 2005.
For five centuries Palladio’s name has been synonymous with architecture. It is associated with such
exceptional buildings as the Villa Rotonda near Vicenza, the Villa Barbaro at Maser, the great Venetian
churches of San Giorgio Maggiore and the Redentore, and the Basilica and the Teatro Olimpico in
Vicenza. A near-contemporary of the great Renaissance artists Raphael and Michelangelo, an associate of
Veronese and El Greco, and friend of many of the leading Humanists of the day, Palladio practised
architecture as a profession of high and singular importance. His publications and buildings successfully
brought together practice and theory: he engaged with the building of palaces and churches, but he also
democratised architecture by attending to the design of modest villas, farms, barns and bridges, and proved
that structures could be beautiful without the use of expensive materials. His profound knowledge of the
architecture of the classical world, which he studied, measured and reconstructed on paper, formed the
basis for the harmonious system of plans and elevations which delivered buildings that nonetheless surprise
and thrill in their inventiveness. Through his celebrated treatise I Quattro Libri dell’Architettura (‘The Four
Books of Architecture’, 1570), the circulation and collecting of his drawings, and the experience of his
buildings, his architecture provided subsequent generations of practitioners with a model for a new style –
Neo-Palladianism – which spread across Europe, from England to Russia, Spain and Scandinavia, and even
to America. Today, as the architect who not only stood within the classical tradition but also forged that
tradition into a new language of architecture, Palladio has a profound resonance for contemporary
architects.
At the Royal Academy, this exhibition is presented within the context of the Architecture Programme, a
vital and flourishing manifestation of the institution’s engagement with the discipline and its wider cultural
contexts. It has been created through a major collaboration with the cisa, where the exhibition was
inaugurated. This is the second time that we have worked together: the relationship began with the
exhibition John Soane, Architect: Master of Space and Light, which was shown in 1999-2000. On the Palladio
project, we have worked very closely with the Royal Institute of British Architects (riba), the unequalled
repository of the architect’s drawings. The exhibition has been curated by Howard Burns, President of the
Scientific Committee of the cisa, and Guido Beltramini, Director of the cisa, with Charles Hind of the
VII riba and MaryAnne Stevens of the Royal Academy. Irena Murray of the riba has also been closely involved.
 Although the majority of drawings by Palladio reside at the riba, a major lender to the exhibition, many
other collections in Europe have lent most generously. We acknowledge our sincere thanks both to public
institutions and private lenders.
Architecture exhibitions are never simple undertakings. The nature of the material – plans, elevations
and models – and the impossibility of exhibiting the buildings themselves mean that the mediation of the
story through the design of the exhibition is of paramount importance. In Vicenza the exhibition was
strikingly presented through the designs of Aldo Cibic, in collaboration with Mauro Zocchetta. In
London, the clear yet dramatic installation has been developed by Eric Parry ra, with assistance from
Nicholas Hornig.
To make the realisation of the exhibition possible, we have been supported by a number of exceptionally
generous individuals, companies, trusts and foundations. We express our deep gratitude to them for their
faith in the exhibition, and for their commitment to the continued engagement of our two institutions
with architecture.

amalia sartori sir nicholas grimshaw cbe

President, cisa Andrea Palladio President, Royal Academy of Arts

VIII
 Curators’ preface
To mark the 500th anniversary of the birth of Andrea Palladio, the Centro Internazionale di Studi di
Architettura Andrea Palladio (cisa) was convinced that it was important to reassess the great architect’s life,
career and influence. The Royal Academy of Arts, which is not only housed in Lord Burlington’s Neo-
Palladian residence in London but has, since its foundation in 1768, included architects among the Royal
Academicians, welcomed the idea of dedicating an exhibition to the Vicentine architect. The Royal
Institute of British Architects (riba) was also enthusiastic, as its collection includes the majority of
Palladio’s surviving drawings, the result of acquisitions by Inigo Jones in 1613-1614 and by Lord Burlington
in 1719 and 1721.
The steering group for the exhibition and its catalogue consisted of MaryAnne Stevens, Director of
Academic Affairs at the Royal Academy; Irena Murray, the Sir Banister Fletcher Director of the riba British
Architectural Library; Charles Hind, Associate Director and H.J. Heinz Curator of Drawings at the riba;
and ourselves. We have greatly benefited from the support and advice that these friends and colleagues have
given us throughout the planning and delivery of the exhibition. The deep commitment to the project of
these two major British cultural institutions is demonstrated by the exhibition being presented in London,
in the splendid setting of Burlington House, and by the inclusion of at least sixty drawings from the riba,
by far the largest loan. These works bring us directly into contact with the way that Palladio conceived and
created architecture.
We also wish to thank the Musei Civici di Vicenza, which hold the second largest collection of works
by Palladio, and its director, Maria Elisa Avagnina, for lending another exceptional group of drawings. We
offer our sincere thanks to the Provost and Fellows of Worcester College, Oxford, and the college’s
librarian, Dr Joanna Parker, for agreeing to lend four drawings from the collection of Dr George Clarke
that were once in Inigo Jones’s collection, and to the Trustees of the Devonshire Collection for lending the
magnificent drawings from the Burlington collection housed at Chatsworth. We would also like to express
our gratitude to our colleagues on the Scientific Committee of the cisa, to the chairpersons of the 2008
symposium on Palladio and his influence, whose proceedings were published in October 2008 and
complement this catalogue, and to the many scholars who have contributed fresh ideas and discoveries to
the catalogue and the exhibition. We are grateful to all the lenders, who, aware of the importance of the
occasion, made it possible to bring together such a rich and wide-ranging group of works. The visual
impact of the presentation in Vicenza was due to the architect Aldo Cibic and to Mauro Zocchetta, who
also designed several new models, masterfully built by Ivan Simonato. In London, the insightful
installation of the exhibition is the result of a design by Eric Parry RA.
IX In planning this exhibition, we have derived much inspiration from presentations of the architect’s work
over the past thirty-five years. The last important Palladio exhibition, curated by Douglas Lewis, was held
in Washington dc in 1981. Since then Palladio’s drawings have only been exhibited sporadically, with the
exception of a significant group that was included in the exhibition Andrea Palladio and the Venetian Villa,
shown in Vicenza in 2005. Equally, there were earlier exhibitions, accompanied by excellent catalogues,
such as that held in 1973 in Vicenza (curated by Renato Cevese), in 1975 in London (curated by Howard
Burns with Linda Fairbairn and Bruce Boucher) and in 1980 in Verona (curated by Paola Marini), together
with others in Padua and Venice curated by Lionello Puppi. As in the 1973 and 1981 exhibitions, our focus
is on a close examination of the drawings. And as in the 1973 and 1975 exhibitions, we have included large-
scale models, not as surrogate buildings, but as a way of translating into three dimensions the forms and
relative sizes of the architect’s designs, both realised and unrealised. Drawing upon the approach of the 1975
and 1980 exhibitions, we have sought to reconstruct Palladio’s social and political context and his
relationships with friends and patrons who supported his career or inspired his ideas. However, the
historical context for Palladio’s engagement with the villa has not been explored in the same depth as in
Andrea Palladio and the Venetian Villa, in order to allow more space for the presentation of Palladio’s
commitment to architectural enquiry and research.
These areas of focus have led us to adopt an approach that is in many ways close to that of Palladio’s
I Quattro Libri dell’Architettura (‘The Four Books of Architecture’, 1570): there is an emphasis – at least as
far as the exhibited material is concerned – on tangible, practical aspects such as buildings, people and
ideas. We have tried to tell ‘Palladio’s story’ without overlooking the darker side of the age, but we have
fought shy of dwelling on more sensational aspects, such as blood feuds between the families for which
Palladio worked, anguished religious debates and persecution, or plague-carrying rats. Perhaps only film,
theatre or fiction can truly do justice to these aspects.
We have written most of this catalogue. Had we involved other authors, the book would probably have
had more scholarly depth and variety but it would also have been denser and longer. We have tried to create
a concise, uniform style, leaving a good deal of room for the illustrations, and especially Palladio’s
drawings. We are indebted to the pioneers of modern Palladian studies, most notably Wittkower, Dalla
Pozza, Zorzi, Forssman, Cevese, Barbieri, Ackerman, Tafuri and Puppi, as well as to those who have
followed in their footsteps. Although we have signed most of the entries, the catalogue is the result of
collective research work undertaken mainly thanks to the existence of the cisa, which was founded in 1958,
rather than simply a reflection of our own individual commitment. We hope to have raised issues or
highlighted aspects which will be explored further in the future, for example, the influence exercised on
Palladio by his godfather, the sculptor and architect Vincenzo Grandi; the importance of structural aspects X
 in Palladio’s architectural system; the relationship between Palladio’s architecture and his interest in ancient
military tactics; his reputation even before his death; and his ‘remote dialogue’ with the great Ottoman
architect Sinan.
This year, the cisa celebrates its fiftieth anniversary. We feel sure that all our colleagues on the Scientific
Committee and other scholars variously associated with the Centro will share our wish to dedicate this
catalogue to four people who have made an invaluable contribution to the first fifty years of our
institution, and to furthering the academic study of Andrea Palladio: James S. Ackerman, Franco Barbieri,
Renato Cevese and Maria Vittoria Pellizzari.

guido beltramini and howard burns, 2008

XI
Lenders to the exhibition
amsterdam oxford
Rijksmuseum The Ashmolean Museum
Museum of the History of Science, University of Oxford
bergamo The Provost and Fellows of Worcester College
Civica Biblioteca ‘Angelo Mai’
Piervaleriano Angelini padua
Archivio di Stato di Padova
budapest Parrocchia degli Eremitani
Szépmüvészeti Múzeum
paris
cambridge Musée du Louvre
Syndics of the Fitzwilliam Museum
parma
chatsworth Galleria Nazionale
Trustees of the Chatsworth Settlement
rome
cividale del friuli Biblioteca Angelica
Museo Cristiano e Tesoro del Duomo di Cividale del Friuli Biblioteca di Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte
Biblioteca del Senato della Repubblica
copenhagen Bibliotheca Hertziana, Max-Planck-Institut
Statens Museum for Kunst für Kunstgeschichte
Istituto Nazionale per la Grafica, Gabinetto delle Stampe
florence
Soprintendenza Speciale per il Polo Museale Fiorentino, treviso
Galleria degli Uffizi Museo Civico ‘Luigi Bailo’
Kunsthistorisches Institut, Max-Planck-Institut
venice
hatfield Archivio di Stato di Venezia
The Marquess of Salisbury Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana

london verona
The British Library Biblioteca Civica di Verona
Daniel Katz Ltd, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Museo di Castelvecchio
Oxford
The Dean and Chapter of Westminster vicenza
The National Gallery Archivio di Stato di Vicenza
RIBA Library Drawings and Archives Collection Biblioteca Civica Bertoliana
The Royal Collection Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea
The Samuel Courtauld Trust, The Courtauld Gallery Palladio
Victoria and Albert Museum Pinacoteca Civica

manchester vienna
Manchester City Galleries Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Gemäldegalerie

mantua
Provincia di Mantova/Regione Lombardia di Milano,
Museo Civico di Palazzo Te

XII
 Acknowledgements
The curators of the exhibition and those responsible
for the making of this catalogue would like
to extend their grateful thanks to the following:

Lord Aldington David Landau

H. E. The Italian Ambasador to London, Ronald de Leeuw
Giancarlo Aragona Emilio Lippi
Egidio Arlango Annalisa Lombardo
Maria Elisa Avagnina Sir Richard MacCormac ra
Simone Baldissini Guido Magnaghi
Conte and Contessa Barel di Sant’Albano Dr and Mrs Gabriele Magnani
Ugo Bazzotti Sara Maragotto
Julia Blanks Alessandro Martini
Ian Blatchford Jeremy Melvin
Monica Bosco Piero Morseletto
Bruce Boucher Peta Motture
Christopher Brown Andrea Nante
Francesco Brunelli Lisa Nash
Walter Brunello Charles Noble
Stephanie Buck Karsten Ohrt
Duncan Bull Stephen Parkin
Valeria Cafà Nicholas Penny
Attilio Carta Paola Pezzoni
Piero Casarotto Carol Plazzotta
H. E. Chaplin Vladimiro Riva
Martin Clayton The Hon. Jane Roberts
Catriona Cornelius Veronica Sandbichler
Tommaso Corà Nicholas Savage
Massimo Dalle Ave Adele Scarpari
Riccardo Facci Richard Schofield
Gian Pietro Favaro Karl Schütz
Rupert Featherstone Jennifer Scott
Andreas Fingernagel David Scrase
Simon Fleury Serena Serblin
Lucia Fornari Schianchi Desmond Shawe-Taylor
Bruno Frinzi Padre Rino Sgarbossa
Mario Giulianati Irina Tolstoy
Elisabetta Gominato Marjorie Trusted
Kate Goodwin Adalberto and Carolina Valmarana
Jean Habert Ugo Vescovi
John Harris Leonardo Vigato
Hugh Hildesley Lena Westkott
Matthew Hirst Robin Harcourt Williams
Italian Cultural Institute, London Timothy Wilson
Mark Jones

XIII
Editorial note
Bibliographic references are in abbreviated form: i.e. the
author’s surname or the first part of the title followed by
the date of publication. Full details are given in the
Bibliography of works cited on pp. 404-427.
Palladio’s I Quattro Libri dell’Architettura (‘The Four
Books of Architecture’) are abbreviated throughout
the catalogue as the Quattro Libri.
Figures are indicated by the section number followed
by figure number, except for those in the three
introductory essays.
In catalogue entries, ownership of all works other than
drawings is indicated under ‘Provenance’. In the case of
drawings, the history of their ownership is denoted by
‘History and ownership’, with names of owners given
within and without parentheses. Where a name is given
without parentheses, the drawing’s ownership is
confirmed, e.g. John Talman; Lord Burlington. On the
basis of such confirmed ownership, it is possible to infer
previous ownership of the drawing, although no firm
record exists as proof. In this case, its ‘history’ is recorded
by placing the name or names within parentheses, e.g.
(Inigo Jones); (John Webb).
In the ‘Notes on the drawing’ found in catalogue entries
exact quotes are in quotation marks with no italics, e.g.
‘mεzurato co[n] εl piεdε antiquo’, but all other Italian
words are in italics, e.g. p(iedi).
cat./cats: entry/entries in this catalogue
fol./fols: sheet/sheets
ms: manuscript
r: recto
v: verso
cisa: Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura
Andrea Palladio, Vicenza
h.b.: Howard Burns
pcvi: Pinacoteca Civica di Vicenza
riba: Royal Institute of British Architects, London
U: Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence
Illustration on page ii: Andrea Palladio, Palazzo
Chiericati, public passageway through the ground floor
portico
Photographic acknowledgements
Front cover: photo © Pino Guidolotti
Back cover: © The Dean and Chapter of Westminster,
London
Full-page photographs of buildings by Palladio © Pino
Guidolotti
Piervaleriano Angelini, Bergamo: cat. 199 (photo by Luca
Lucchetti).
Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività
Culturali, Archivio di Stato di Padova, n. 11/2008, prot. 3536
CI. 28.13.07/1.2 del 28/07/2008: cat. 2 (photo by Sezione di
fotoriproduzione dell’Archivio di Stato di Padova).
Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività
Culturali, Archivio di Stato di Venezia, n. 72/2008, prot.
5028/28.13.07: cats 53, 91, 153 (photo by Sezione di
fotoriproduzione dell’Archivio di Stato di Venezia).
Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività
Culturali, Archivio di Stato di Vicenza, n. 4 del
15.05.2008 prot. 2041: cat. 146.
Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford: cats 24, 27.
Biblioteca dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei e
Corsiniana, Rome: cat. 130.
Biblioteca Angelica, Rome: cat. 179.
© Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City: cat. 92.
Biblioteca di Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte, Rome.
Per gentile concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le
Attività Culturali: cat. 68.
Su concessione della Biblioteca Civica Bertoliana di
Vicenza: cats 7, 9, 38, 50, 76, 143, 144, 174; fig. 3, p. 4.
Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid: cat. 114.
Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività
Culturali, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, aut. n. 58 del
16/07/2008: cats 61-63, 173, 178.
Biblioteca del Senato della Repubblica Italiana: cat. 160.
© Bibliotheca Hertziana, Max-Planck-Institut für
Kunstgeschichte: cat. 200.
© British Library Board. All Rights Reserved: cats 6
(11427.a.19), 164 (C.107.k.8), 177 (293.g.20).
Howard Burns: figs 23.3–4, p. 220; 2, 3, p. 261; 6, p. 262;
8, p. 264; 11, p. 265; 16, p. 268; 18, p. 269; 2-3, p. 374; 5-7,
pp. 375-377; 9-15, pp. 378-383.
Donatella Buson and Maela Zanta: cat. 155.
Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea
Palladio, Vicenza: cats 10, 21, 32, 33, 39 (photo by Alberto
Carolo), 44, 56, 64, 65 (photo by Alberto Carolo), 85, 99,
111, 117 (photo by Alberto Carolo), 123 (photo by Alberto
Carolo), 133, 134, 156 (photo by Alberto Carolo), 158, 159,
161, 163, 166, 171, 172, 176, 183 (photo by Alberto Carolo), XIV
 187, 190, 201; figs 7, p. 7; 4.4; 5.4; 5.10; 6.5; 7.7; 7.10; 8.4; Photo by Ottica Nodari, Biblioteca Civica di Verona: cat.
8.7; 9.6; 10.7; 11.2; 11.4-5; 12.10; 16.7-9; 16.12-13; 17.3; 18.2; 124.
19.6; 20.7; 21.2; 22.5; 24.2; 26.2; 15, 17, p. 268; 29.4; 29.5 Photo by Ottica Nodari, Museo di Castelvecchio,
(photo by Alberto Carolo); 32.8; 39.1-4. Gabinetto di Disegni e Stampe, Verona: cats 89a/b.
Chester Beatty Library, Dublin: cat. 5; fig. 25.1. Provincia di Mantova/Regione Lombardia, Museo Civico
Civica Biblioteca ‘Angelo Mai’, Bergamo: cats 197, 198. di Palazzo Te di Mantova: cat. 15.
Civici Musei di Udine, Gabinetto di Numismatica e The Provost and Fellows of Worcester College Oxford:
Medaglistica: cat. 145. cats 23, 46, 66, 150, 175a/b, 192; fig. 9.10.
Cividale del Friuli, Museo Cristiano e Tesoro del Duomo: riba Library Photographs Collection: cats 11, 17-20, 22,
cat. 121 (photo by Viola). 26, 28, 31, 34a/b, 37, 40-42, 45, 47, 48, 52, 54, 55a/b, 57-59,
Courtauld Institute of Art Gallery, London: cat. 116. 67a/b, 73-75a/b, 77, 82, 86a/b, 87, 90, 101, 105-110, 118,
Courtesy of The Marquess of Salisbury: cat. 112. 125, 126a/b, 128, 129, 132, 135, 138, 139, 141, 142, 147,
Daniel Katz Ltd, London, Courtesy of the Ashmolean 148a/b, 167-169a/b, 182, 185, 186; figs 5.1-2; 7.11; 26.6; 28.7-
Museum, Oxford: cat. 4. 8; 8, p. 377.
The Dean and Chapter of Westminster: cats 127a/b. © Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam: cat. 60.
© Devonshire Collection, Chatsworth. Reproduced by © Photo rmn - Réunion des Musées Nationaux: cat. 8.
permission of Chatsworth Settlement Trustees: cats 16, 43, Royal Academy of Arts, London: cat. 170.
137, 181, 191, 193-196. The Royal Collection © 2008 Her Majesty Queen
Diocesi di Padova, Ufficio Beni Culturali: cat. 1. Elizabeth ii: cats 78, 84 (photograph prior to restoration).
Reproduction by permission of the Syndics of the Alberto Sdegno and Paolo Ravagnan: cat. 100.
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge / © The Fitzwilliam Soprintendenza Speciale per il Polo Museale Fiorentino:
Museum, University of Cambridge: cat. 3. cats 14, 29, 30 (photo by Antonio Quattrone), 36, 79, 81,
Fondazione Cassa di Risparmio di Padova e Rovigo: fig. 5, 184; figs 6.8; 13, p. 266.
p. 6. Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen: cat. 113.
Fototeca dell’Archivio Messaggero Sant’Antonio Editrice: Szépmüvészeti Múmzeum, Budapest: cat. 162.
fig. 1.3. Fototecnica srl, Torri di Quartesolo (Vicenza): figs Vaclavv Šedy: fig. 5.9.
10, p. 8; 24.6; 27.5. Su concessione del Ministero per i Victoria and Albert Museum, London: cat. 12.
Beni e le Attività Culturali, Galleria Nazionale di Parma:
cat. 188.
Pino Guidolotti: figs 1, p. 3; 14, p. 13; 1.3-4; 3.2; 4.5; 4.6;
4.8; 4.9; 6.4; 6.6; 6.7; 7.4; 7.5; 7.8; 8.5; 8.6; 8.8; 9.5; 9.8;
9.9; 10.4; 10.5; 10.9; 10.10; 12.4-9; 13.4–7; 15.3-6; 16.4-5;
16.10-11; 16.14-15; 18.4-6; 20.4-6; 21.4-8; 22.6-10; 24.4-7;
25.6-7; 26.4-5; 4, p. 261; 10, p. 265; 14, p. 267; 25, p. 273;
27.2; 27.4; 27.6-9; 29.6; 30.6; 30.12; 34.5-10.
Istituto Nazionale per la Grafica, Roma: cat. 93.
Kunsthistorisches Institut, Max-Planck-Institut: cat. 165.
© 2008 Kunsthistorisches Museum mit mvk und ötm
Wissenschaftliche Anstalt öffentlichen Rechts: cats 69, 119.
Manchester City Galleries: cats 88, 115.
Musei Civici Veneziani: figs 13, p. 12; 33.6.
Museo Civico ‘Luigi Bailo’, Treviso: cat. 180.
Museum of the History of Science, Oxford: cat. 151.
The National Gallery, London: cat. 152.
önb Vienna: cats 120a/b (Cod. 8615, fol. 152r/153r).
Mario Piana: figs 30.1-2; 30.4-5; 30.7; 30.8-11.
Pinacoteca Civica di Vicenza: cats 13, 25, 49, 72, 80,
94a/b, 96, 97, 102, 103, 136, 140, 149, 154; figs 5.6; 1, p.
XV 259; 33.13.
Part I
 Guido Beltramini
Andrea Palladio 1508-1580
1543
For one day, on 16 September 1543, Vicenza dressed itself up
as ancient Rome to welcome Cardinal Niccolò Ridolfi,
Bishop of Vicenza, who had arrived to take charge of the
dioceses. In the Gothic city of coloured painted plaster and
precious marbles, Giangiorgio Trissino and Andrea Palladio
constructed an all’antica stage-set of temporary white
architecture: triumphal arches, pediments, inscriptions, and
chiaroscuro paintings were placed on the buildings along a
route which was punctuated by a series of obelisks and
colossal statues.
The bishop’s procession entered the city from the west
through a large all’antica arch, abutting the mediaeval walls
of the castle. In the courtyard, an artificial grotto made of
canvas and branches sheltered fountains fed with water
poured from amphorae held by two statues personifying the
city’s rivers, the Retrone and Bacchiglione. Metaphorically,
they invited the illustrious traveller to quench his intellectual
thirst. After going down the Strada Maggiore, past the
basilica and two colossal statues of Happiness and Security,
the procession then turned through a triumphal double-
fronted arch, decorated with inscriptions, statues and painted
panels, and, before entering the main piazza, arrived at ‘La
Rua’ (‘The Wheel’), a triumphal machine erected by the
Notaries Guild, surmounted by Fortune. The route
continued towards the cathedral and, at the apsidal east end,
came to a meta (turning post), as in ancient Roman circuses,
with the four Virtues holding the globe of the world. The
procession finally halted at the cathedral’s Gothic façade,
temporarily surmounted by the pediment of an ancient
1. Andrea Palladio, temple, with Faith, Hope and Charity as acroteria (fig. 2).
Teatro Olimpico,
Vicenza On the house opposite was a painting of Vicenza surrounded
by ancient ruins, with the lion of Venice alongside.1
The temporary wooden and stucco decorations were
dismantled over the next few days and sold off in sections.
Only written descriptions survive, and a small sketch of the
Grotto of the Rivers, although allusion to the temporary
architecture might have been made in the colossal statue of
Hercules and the Doric triumphal arch made by Ammannati
in the Mantova Benavides Court, Padua, two years later (figs
3 and 4).2
The temporary decorations made for the triumphal entry
of Bishop Ridolfi prefigured Trissino’s dream to transform
Vicenza, a dream which he had conceived but never saw
realised, and on which Palladio was to work for the whole of
his life. The bishop at the centre of the celebrations was a
remarkable man. A grandson of Lorenzo il Magnifico, he
was a refined art collector and owner of one of the most
celebrated libraries of his day. Many artists worked for him,
including Michelangelo (the bust of Brutus), Cellini and
Valerio Belli.3 In designing the triumphal entry decorations,
Trissino was inspired by a similar structure erected in
Florence to greet Ridolfi’s maternal uncle, Pope Leo x, at
whose court they had met.4 For both men the event in
Vicenza was rich in memories and meanings: for Ridolfi it
evoked the past glories of his own family history; for
Trissino, an unforgettable period in his personal history,
which had changed his life and outlook. In September 1541,
on his way back from his first visit to Rome with Palladio,
Trissino stayed in Ridolfi’s villa at Bagnaia, and may well
have discussed the cardinal’s long-awaited triumphal
entrance into Vicenza, whose bishop he had been appointed
almost twenty years earlier.5 The two men knew each other
very well. Ridolfi addressed Trissino as his ‘compatre et 2
 [2.] [3.]

2. Route taken by
Bishop Ridolfi’s
quanto fratello’ (‘fellow father [Ridolfi was the godfather of 1508-1549
procession through
Vicenza (1543),
Trissino’s son] and brother’),6 and Trissino had dedicated the Andrea, son of Pietro della Gondola, was born in Padua on
reconstructed on the
Mappa Angelica edition of his book of verse entitled Rime (‘Rhymes’; Vicenza, 30 November 1508, a few months after a terrible war had
(1580) with the
principal elements in 1529) to Ridolfi and also offered him hospitality in his villa devastated the city and left its population living in fear for
the temporary
architecture
indicated: 1.
at Cricoli on the days leading up to his entry into the city. four long years. His father contracted out flour mills. He
Triumphal Arch
abutting the door of
A year earlier, in October 1542, Marcantonio Thiene was, however, a friend of the young Vicentine sculptor,
the castle; 2. The
Grotto of Rivers; 3 signed a contract with masons for his palace at Santo Vincenzo Grandi, who agreed to be the child’s godfather
Statue of Happiness;
4. Obelisks; 5. Statue Stefano. In this document Palladio is still simply referred to and probably oversaw his first working years, before sending
of Security
(suggested position);
6. Double-fronted
as ‘Andrea, son of Pietro, stonecutter’.7 But in the account him on to the well-established Padua bottega of the
Triumphal Arch; 7.
‘La Rua’; 8. The meta
book for the Ridolfi apparatus ‘master Andrea Palladio’ was stonecutter Bartolomeo Cavazza. From here Andrea was to
with the four Virtues
holding the globe; 9. paid ‘for his architecture’.8 His new musical, classicised move to the more modern workshop of Giovanni da
Pronaos abutting the
façade of the name, very probably suggested by Trissino, had first Porlezza and Girolamo Pittoni, the so-called ‘maestri da
Cathedral; 9.
Painting of Vicenza appeared in some documents in spring 1540. Other artists Pedemuro’, in Vicenza. Andrea is recorded as being an
surrounded by
ancient ruins with
the lion of Venice
were also often known by a name referring to their native apprentice to the Pedemuro in 1524, a key date for archi-
alongside
cities: Giulio Pippi as Giulio Romano, Jacopo Tatti as tecture in the Veneto: it was the year in which Falconetto
3. Giovanni Battista
Maganza (?), Sketch Sansovino and, in some documents, Sanmicheli is referred to completed the loggia in the courtyard of Alvise Cornaro’s
for the Grotto of
Rivers. Vicenza, as ‘il Verona’.9 Vasari recounts that Falconetto was known as house in Padua with an ‘archaeological’ Doric order,11 and
Biblioteca civica
Bertoliana ‘Rosso di San Zeno’, after the quarter in Verona where he Giulio Romano settled in Mantua.12 A couple of years later
lived (and rosso possibly on account of his ‘red’ hair).10 But Sanmicheli returned to Verona after a long stay in central
the name Palladio refers to an imaginary, not personal Italy;13 in 1527, Sansovino arrived in Venice,14 and the
geography, pertaining to the classical world, its mythology following year Sebastiano Serlio.15 All of these men, albeit in
and writers. The design of the Ridolfi apparatus, under the different ways, had witnessed how the golden age of Papal
careful guidance of Trissino, was Palladio’s first public Rome (from Julius ii to Clement vii) had permanently
commission as Vicenza’s city architect. It marked the changed Western architecture, until it was brusquely ended
beginning of a career that was to lead, on 1 May 1549, to the by the sack of the city in 1527. Palladio was fascinated by the
commission for the construction of the loggias of the Palazzo achievement of those Roman years, in which Bramante,
della Ragione. But who was Palladio at that time, and what Raphael and Peruzzi had caused great architecture to
did he become? emerge from the mists which had shrouded it for centuries,
and to which Trissino had also been an eyewitness. Remote
from them in time and space, Palladio did not simplify their
lesson through provincial interpretation, but, from an
appropriate distance, he absorbed the Roman experience 4
 [4.]
into his own particular vision by combining it with the
examples of Vitruvius and Alberti, as well as with ideas from
local tradition and practice. This enabled him to lay the
basis for an ‘architectural system’ which was stripped of
regional inflections and in subsequent centuries would
make him the ‘architects’ architect’.
Palladio developed this system progressively. In the first
decade of his career, the 1540s, his projects reveal how an
initially eclectic style gradually evolved into a more personal
language. In the design for the loggias of the Palazzo della
Ragione, Vicenza (1546-1549), for example, he turned to
several models: Sanmicheli inspired the massive rustication
of the early designs, and Sansovino’s Library in Venice and
Serlio’s books provided the idea of the serliana, although
Palladio’s use of it as a flexible element to conceal differences
in the widths of the bays came from Giulio Romano’s church
of San Benedetto Po. Palladio had probably met all of these
architects. Sansovino was in Vicenza in 1538 to work on the
Cathedral tribune and in touch with the Pedemuro.16 In
winter 1541-1542, Sanmicheli stayed with Giovanni da
Porlezza; both were originally from the same area.17 Serlio
was a very close friend of Trissino and inspired the façade of
his villa at Cricoli (1536-1537).18 At a city council session in
Vicenza in December 1542, Giulio Romano presented in
person a proposal for the loggias of the Palazzo della
Ragione. Palladio may even have accompanied Giulio
Romano on his travels from Mantua to Vicenza, and would
certainly have been impressed by the standing of Raphael’s
collaborator as a gentleman, a status which Titian accurately
records: he does not portray him as a professional artist but
as an intellectual holding a drawing of a central-plan church,
5 a genuinely erudite ‘author’ of architecture (cat. 15, p. 44).
Palladio’s education was further influenced in various equally 4. Bartolomeo
Ammannati,
important ways by a number of other figures whom Serlio, Benavides Court,
Padua, 1545
in the dedication to his Fourth Book (Venice 1537), includes
with the great architects mentioned above, referring to them
as, ‘gentlemen of the nobility, who are no amateurs, but as
well-versed in this art as the best masters’. These included
enthusiastic builders such as Alvise Cornaro, and scholars
like Pietro Bembo, who had read Vitruvius, Pliny and
Alberti. These men had visited the Rome of Bramante and
Raphael, and their conversations might have offered the
young Palladio easy access to texts and reflections on ancient
and modern architecture, which they knew from first-hand
experience.19
Palladio’s youthful drawings of the 1540s and the first
works attributed to him, such as the Palazzo Civena in
Vicenza (1540), show a vocabulary of new motifs, mainly
derived from Veneto circles: the works of Falconetto in
Padua (fig. 5), Sanmicheli’s buildings in Verona and Serlio’s
treatises (Venice 1537 and 1540; Palladio had probably read
them before their publication), Giulio Romano’s Palazzo Te
at Mantua and even Antonio da Sangallo’s studies of Roman
works. Palladio adopted not only individual elements but
also compositional schemes, such as setting windows at
regular intervals across a façade instead of concentrating
them in the middle as in the typical Venetian Gothic
polyforate arrangement or, as Burns has noted, the sequence
of differently-shaped rooms with proportioned relationships,
which Trissino invented at his villa at Cricoli. But in the
Palazzo Civena the overall effect is still ‘academic’: the façade
appears to be cut out of a sheet of paper, with little sculptural
depth. This approach began to change with the Villa Pisani
at Bagnolo (1542): the façade overlooking the river still owes
[5.] [6.]
5. Gianmaria
Falconetto, Monte
much to Sanmicheli, but the large central T-shaped sala with
di Pietà, Padua
a powerful, elaborate brick vault has proportions that would
6. Luigi Trezza, Plan
and section of Porta not have been feasible using traditional ceilings constructed
Savonarola, Padua,
built by Gianmaria with beams. This design for a space was derived from the
Falconetto, 1530, late
eighteenth-century
drawing. Verona,
ancient baths, and was hitherto unknown in the Veneto, at
Biblioteca Civica
least for residential buildings; the only precedent was the
powerful vaulted spaces of Falconetto’s Porta Savonarola
(1530) and Porta San Giovanni (1528) in Padua (fig. 6).20
What had happened? Palladio had examined ancient
Roman architecture in Serlio’s treatise. He had also copied
drawings of antique buildings by other architects –
including, as we now know, those of Giovanni da Porlezza –
and studied them in situ in Verona. Then, very probably in
autumn 1541, Palladio had his first direct experience of great
ancient architecture on his first trip to Rome in the company
of Trissino. The impact, which was also emotional, can still
be felt in the Quattro Libri, written almost thirty years later,
where Palladio describes how he found these ancient
buildings even more striking than he had expected. For an
architect from the Veneto, even though he was familiar with
the large dimensions of mediaeval churches, seeing the
mighty pronaos and great dome of the Pantheon and the
vaults of the Basilica Maxentius or the Baths of Caracalla
must inevitably have spurred him to develop that mastery of
dimensions which was to distinguish his compositions from
both the designs of his predecessors, such as Falconetto, and
the Palladianism of later centuries. In Rome, Palladio saw
the supremely skilled control of large masses not only in the
ancient buildings, but also in the new architecture of
Bramante and Raphael, which in many cases, given that they
were building sites, paradoxically must have appeared like
enormous ruins: St. Peter’s, the Vatican Belvedere and the
Villa Madama. Palladio was to return to Rome possibly a
further four times: from 1545 to the early months of the
following year (in March 1546 he was in Vicenza presenting
his designs for the loggias of the Palazzo della Ragione); from
November 1546 to July 1547; possibly in late summer 1549,
and lastly in 1554, the year he published the small guides on
antiquities and the churches of Rome.21
His new sensibility can also be seen in the drawings for
the Palazzo Porto, Vicenza, for example, the changes from
the early studies of the façade (around 1542) to the final
design used for the building site when it was opened in 1546:
the tall smooth pilasters, inspired by Giulio Romano’s
‘Italian building’ of Duke Ludwig x at Landshut (1536),
become half-columns with a projecting entablature, as in the
arch of Constantine, while statues of the Porto family are set
on the attic, as in ancient models. The four-columned
entrance atrium to the palace are the outcome of Palladio’s
reflections on a similar element in the domus, although in
the Roman house the piers support the roof of the
impluvium, whereas in the Palazzo Porto they are a very
solid, economic and fire-proof way of supporting the large
room on the piano nobile. As Burns has shown, the
references to ancient architecture are interwoven with local
models (such as the nearby oratory of San Cristoforo; fig. 7)
‘translated into Latin’.22 Another new feature lies in the fact
that the disengaged columns are not made of stone (as in the
atrium of the Palazzo Thiene; 1542), but brick, specially
moulded as segments of a circle. The Palazzo Porto stands on
a street where there were already other buildings belonging
to various branches of the powerful family and a telling
comparison can be made with the adjacent building,
constructed in the mid-fifteenth century and known in 6
 [7.] [8.]
Palladio’s day as the ‘Cha Granda’ (figs 8 and 9).23 Both
buildings have a raised ground floor inhabited by the owner
rather than being used for shops or service rooms. However,
Palladio clearly distinguishes his building by designing the
base to imitate stone blocks. In the earlier palace, the
entrance room with a wooden beam ceiling leads to a double
loggia overlooking the garden. An external stairway in the
loggia provides access to the piano nobile, dominated by an
enormous rectangular sala giving onto the street (the sala is
also lit on the opposite side by windows in the upper loggia),
flanked on the short sides by smaller chambers. The Gothic
palazzo is basically very wide and fairly shallow, set between
parallel streets, with the façade curved to follow the bend of
the road. The position of the windows reflects strictly
functional needs, the provision of light to the internal spaces
and a respect for the existing walls, and they are all framed
by finely carved stone surrounds. The façade of Palladio’s
palace, on the other hand, does not follow the bend of the
street but, pivoted on the left-hand side, is aligned with the
entrance axis into the site. The atrium is no longer a simple
passageway but becomes a clearly defined vaulted
architectural space, harmoniously proportioned with the sala
which it supports on the piano nobile, and surrounded by a
sequence of rooms spatially proportioned to one another.
Similarly, the staircase is not a simple vertical passage, but an
integral part of the overall plan, albeit recorded with
difficulty on the drawings, while the identically framed,
evenly distributed windows give the façade a regular rhythm.
The statues of the owner, Iseppo Porto, and his firstborn
son Leonida, still look down at us from the middle of the
attic on the façade of the Palazzo Porto, dressed all’antica, in
7 keeping with the style of the palace. Iseppo, like Girolamo
[9.]
Chiericati, Gianalvise Valmarana and other later patrons all 7. Oratory of San
Cristoforo, Vicenza,
played leading roles in this ‘Palladio story’, directed by interior, fifteenth
century
Trissino. Recent studies have changed the traditional view of 8. Palazzo Colleoni
Porto, Vicenza
the Vicentine nobility as being intent on individual self-
9. Palazzo Colleoni
celebration or, fuelled by anti-Venetian sentiment, spending Porto, plan of ground
floor and piano
ruinously on grandiose buildings which were often left nobile (survey
by Demus Dalpozzo)
unfinished. As Edoardo Demo shows below, the Vicentine
noble families actually formed an exceptionally dynamic
élite in the Veneto. They had business and commercial
interests on a European scale and, as Burns has suggested,
the modern style of their palaces also reflected their
requirements for public relations and the provision of
hospitality to leading members of the great ruling houses to
which they sent their sons to further their diplomatic or
military careers. At least until the mid-sixteenth century,
Vicenza was divided into factions: the first, led by the Porto
and the Thiene families, had solid ties with Venice and
France; the second, which included the Valmarana, was
closely bound to Spain. Their loyalty was rewarded in
money, as is demonstrated by Leonardo Valmarana, who
grew up in the Hapsburg court and was granted an annual
pension of 600 ducats by Phillip ii of Spain. The conflicts
were due to atavistic rivalry and blood feuds, but also to the
struggle to carve up lucrative public appointments. Trissino’s
vision of transforming Vicenza through the introduction of
a new style of architecture inspired by the ancient world
provided a common cause which brought reconciliation
between the factions when specifically focused on the project
for the Palazzo della Ragione (Basilica). Palladio was also to
design palaces for families who had traditionally belonged to
the rival factions.24
As in the Palazzo Porto, in his villas Palladio organised
 new elements and traditional components, ‘translated into
Latin’, according to his own rational system. His research in
the 1540s also led him to experiment with new types of
country residences. Traditional estate farmhouses had been
surrounded by buildings and functional spaces, from the
courtyard to the barchesse (barns), dovecote and brolo
(walled orchard). Palladio began to weld these buildings and
spaces to the central block of the house, according to a
model which he believed derived from ancient country
residences. This was the case with the villas for Giuseppe and
Antonio Valmarana at Vigardolo (1542-1543), Bartolomeo
Pagliarino (c. 1542-1545), for Biagio Saraceno at Finale25 and
for Bonifacio Poiana at Poiana Maggiore, both of which date
from the later 1540s. In the country residences, the atrium of
city palaces became an open loggia, a space mediating
between the building’s exterior and interior. The loggia led
to a sala surrounded by groups of rooms of various
concatenated dimensions, whose harmonious proportions
were more easily achieved because there were no pre-existing
walls. The traditional beam ceilings were gradually replaced
by vaults of various forms and sizes, and the apertures were
screened by pillars or columns, modelled on the ancient
baths. The absence today of plaster on the vault of the
loggias of the Palazzo della Ragione, although Palladio
almost certainly envisaged plaster, makes it difficult to see
how the long central corridor with a series of cross vaults
ending with two serliana openings is in fact similar to spaces
such as the loggia of the Villa Valmarana at Vigardolo. If
anything, the difference between the loggias of the Palazzo
della Ragione and the more austere early Vicentine villas lies
in the building system adopted, evidence that by the time
that he came to address the Vicenza building, the young
architect had reached maturity.
The arcades of the loggias have no brick nucleus and are
entirely built in Piovene stone: a technical exploit combining
ancient Roman strength with Gothic boldness. In the
Quattro Libri, Palladio describes the building as a ‘basilica
de’ nostri tempi’ (‘basilica of our time’), alluding both to its
ancient genealogy and the fact that, as for the villas, the
building uses the language of Roman architecture to create
something that had never been seen in ancient Rome. Set
beside the Forum, the ancient Roman basilica was a covered
space for doing business or discussing politics and was wide
open to the urban fabric and its streets. This was also a
feature of Palladio’s basilica in Vicenza until 1954, when it
was raised by two steps as a result of the lowering of the level
9 of the piazza. In the original design, the flexible nature of the
serliana system is used to maintain a public passageway
through the building, corresponding to the ancient Roman
cardus, an urban axis for which Palladio gradually designed
various buildings: the Palazzo Thiene (the part never built),
the Palazzo Porto, the Palazzo Barbaran and the Loggia del
Capitaniato (fig. 10).
1550-1558
The design of the palace for Iseppo Porto also has an urban
logic, with its two blocks (one for the owner, the second for
guests) giving onto parallel streets linked by a courtyard. The
urban-scale logic is even more evident in the Palazzo
Chiericati (1550), which is so well integrated into the city
fabric that the whole length of the ground-floor of the main
façade consists of a continuous loggia, a fully articulated,
covered public passageway. Unlike the Palazzo Civena,
where the portico is separated from the road by arcades –
essentially a wall, albeit with several openings – the row of
free-standing columns in the Palazzo Chiericati creates a
transparent screen. In this house built for Girolamo
Chiericati, Palladio expresses himself in a totally personal
style. Some ideas are derived from identifiable models, but it
represents a kind of ‘new species’, an evolutionary leap in his
language and the outcome of a decade of experimentation.
He was helped by the specific nature of the site, then on the
edge of the city, opposite the river port. Today we have lost
the perception of the Palazzo Chiericati as a ‘river gateway’
to the city, because a continuous row of houses blocks the
view to the river. But in Palladio’s day there were many gaps
and the area surrounded by water was known as ‘l’Isola’ (‘the
Island’). Hence the building’s ambiguous nature, noted by
Michelangelo Muraro, as both city palace and suburban
villa, with large loggias on the piano nobile providing views
of the open area beyond.
The key feature in the design is the free-standing
columns, to which Palladio once more gives a structural,
load-bearing function, as Peruzzi had done in the Palazzo
Massimo, Rome. The corresponding pilasters on the walls
are not the simple rectangular projections of Palladio’s early
projects and designs: on the basis of the experience of
Sanmicheli, who had seen the Greek temples, they show an
entasis as they swell out to a third of the height before
tapering up to the capital. As in the atrium of the Palazzo
Porto, the extensive use of columns was made possible by
using specially designed bricks and avoiding the prohibitive 10. Vicenza, Basilica
and the piazzas,
cost – at least for a private owner – of transporting and aerial view
 [11.]
11. Villa Roberti
at Brugine (fifteenth
dressing stone blocks. From this time on, free-standing
and sixteenth
centuries)
columns would characterise Palladio’s buildings, replacing
12. Andrea Palladio, the pillars used in the loggias in the villas of the 1540s. He
Villa Emo at Fanzolo,
c. 1558 was even to use columns for the first time to set a real
projecting temple pronaos on the front of an estate-owner’s
house in the villa at Vancimuglio for Girolamo’s brother,
Giovanni Chiericati (c. 1552).
Although we should be cautious about establishing
potentially arbitrary chronological periods for Palladio’s
career, it can be noted that Palazzo Chiericati fits neatly at
the end of the so-called ‘eclectic’ period and marks the
beginning of a new phase, characterised by a qualitative
change in patronage as he started to work, mainly, for more
powerful Venetian families with greater financial resources.
The success of the Palazzo Chiericati quickly led to two
further ‘palace-villas’: one for the very wealthy Giorgio
Cornaro (1552), dominating the road from Piombino Dese
to Castelfranco,26 and the other for Francesco Pisani at
Montagnana (1552),27 a cultivated friend of Palladio. In both
these buildings we find two-story loggias of free-standing
columns, and in the case of the Villa Cornaro the façade has
a double projecting pronaos, very close to the intermediate
solution in the design of the Palazzo Chiericati.
The considerable economic resources of Venetian
patrician families, such as the Emo, Badoer, Zeno and
Barbaro, offered new opportunities to Palladio. This is
evidenced by an annotation of 1555 in the account books for
the construction of the Basilica, in which the architect is
given explicit permission to accept commissions from
‘certain Venetian gentlemen’.28 Relations between the
Vicentine architect and the Venetian patriciate were thus
probably established in Vicenza, a supposition supported by
[12.]
the fact that Venetian administrators often came from the
major Vicentine families. But in 1550, Palladio lost the
person who had exercised most influence over his early years:
Giangiorgio Trissino. After his death, Palladio’s centre of
gravity gradually shifted towards Venice, where he was
establishing an increasingly solid relationship with a new
mentor, Daniele Barbaro (1513-1570). This Venetian noble
had studied in Padua in the early 1540s, and had been
involved in the construction of that city’s Botanical Gardens.
Having returned to Italy after an embassy to England, he
devoted himself to the first ‘scientific’ Italian translation of
Vitruvius (Venice 1556), which Palladio was to illustrate with
innovative, clear and highly effective architectural drawings.
Many of the typologies of Palladio’s Venetian designs, the
way he represented them and therefore conceived them, had
their origins in his studies for this edition of Vitruvius.
It was on the large Venetian agricultural estates that
Palladio’s new type of country residence, first experimented
with in the Vicenza area, transformed the villa into a
business headquarters for the property, by increasing its scale
and logically integrating the main farmhouse and the
outhouses (figs 11 and 12). In the countryside around Treviso
and Rovigo, villas designed by Palladio became impressive
architectural and production ‘machines’, visible from a great
distance on the plain, a political reference point for the
surrounding territory and even a source of credit for small
holders. The landowners stayed in these villas at various
times of the year: when they had to exercise direct control
over farm activities, escape the summer heat in the city, or go
hunting.
The new type of country residence devised by Palladio
reached a peak of understated perfection in the villa created 10
 for Giorgio Emo (c. 1558) at Fanzolo.29 In an area where even
today the grid of the Roman centuriation (the regular square
division of land in allotments) is still visible in the
patchwork of fields laid out in relation to the axis of the Via
Postumia, Palladio aligned farmhouses, dovecotes and
barchesse in a continuous straight block, fronted by a
continuous covered passageway. In the estate-owner’s
residence, functional distribution of the spaces was
organised vertically: a vaulted basement housed service
rooms below the piano nobile, while the loft was sometimes
used to store grain produced by the farm. Villa Badoer at
Fratta Polesine (1556)30 is a variation of the same model, with
the barchesse curving round a quarter circle (like the portico
of ancient temples or the battalions of soldiers in one of the
formations studied by Palladio, cat. 175a, p. 350); the villa is
raised on a double podium allowing the building to
dominate the surrounding territory like the mediaeval castle
it had replaced.
The Villa Barbaro at Maser (mid-1550s) enhances the villa
type with a complexity and wealth directly proportional to
the refined taste of its owners, Daniele and Marcantonio
Barbaro. The elaborate façade is unprecedented in Palladio’s
output, the Nymphaeum was compared by Vasari to that of
Villa Giulia in Rome, and Paolo Veronese’s cycle of frescoes
in the interior is considered to be among the most beautiful
made in the Veneto in the sixteenth century. In the Quattro
Libri, Palladio claimed responsibility for the hydraulic
system which pumped water through the villa complex, and
introduced a design element which would only have been
noted by eyes trained through the study of ancient forms:
the Ionic corner capital with diagonal volute, a citation of
the so-called Temple of the Virile Fortune. Puppi suggests
this was Palladio’s reaction to a cluttered drawing table,
under pressure from the Barbaro brothers and perhaps also
Veronese.
The season of great villas made for Venetians closes with
the Villa Foscari, called ‘La Malcontenta’ (1557-1558),
situated at the edge of the Venetian lagoon. Like the Villa
Rotonda with its overtly classicising character, the model for
the Villa Foscari is the Temple at the source of the
Clitumnus, a building that had already inspired Alberti in
his design for the church of San Sebastiano, Mantua. The
strongly antiquarian character of the villa, standing as it does
on the boundary between the mainland and the lagoon,
establishes it as a stepping stone to Palladio’s next Venetian
period in which the antiquarian character was to dominate.
11 The end of the decade seems to bring to a conclusion the test
of the architect’s skill in designing country residences as he
was drawn ever nearer to the city of Venice. The Villa Foscari
also marks the beginning of a new development in Palladio’s
work as his typically white architecture undergoes a colour
change. Most of the column shafts and the string courses on
the walls of the Villa Foscari would almost certainly have
originally been covered with a thin layer of red plaster,
contrasting with the white bases, capitals and background
walls. This twin colouring was to characterise many of his
buildings in the 1560s, both in Venice and Vicenza.
1559-1569
There can be little doubt that Palladio was given the
opportunity to work in Venice thanks to the support of a
lobby, including the Barbaro brothers and a group of
patricians, who saw him as the champion of a new
architecture based on the antique. The return to the antique
had become a metaphor for the rational transformation not
only of Venice and its surrounding territory, but also for its
consolidated institutional forms, from law to the defence of
the state. These major families – such as the Barbaro,
Grimani, Cornaro and Pisani – established privileged
relations with the Holy See and basically monopolised the
bishoprics in the whole region.31 Not surprisingly, then,
almost all Palladio’s Venetian projects were commissioned by
religious institutions, such as the new façade for the church
of San Pietro di Castello, a peripheral but prestigious
patriarchal seat. In January 1559, Marcantonio Barbaro was
present when the contract with the stonecutters was signed,
but the project was then interrupted due to the sudden
death in December of the same year of the patron, the
patriarch Vincenzo Diedo. Palladio’s design was eventually
built, with alterations, at the end of the century.
Five years later Palladio did, however, build his first
church façade in Venice. At San Francesco della Vigna (1564-
1565), he completed the building started by Jacopo
Sansovino in 1534. The choice of Palladio was probably not
greeted enthusiastically by the Florentine architect. By then
almost eighty years old but still a figure of authority in the
eyes of the main magistrature of the Republic, Sansovino
had official state lodgings in Piazza San Marco, where he had
built both the Library and Loggetta. The decision to give the
commission to Palladio signified a handing over of power
and is the key to a change in taste and outlook amongst the
patrons, in this case Giovanni Grimani, Patriarch of
Aquileia, a sophisticated collector of ancient and modern
 [13.]
13. G. de Moustier,
Temporary
works, housed in his palace at Santa Maria Formosa, and,
architecture
for Henry III’s entry
behind the scenes, Daniele Barbaro, Grimani’s designated
to Venice in 1574.
Venice, Museo Correr successor. In the stone façade of San Francesco, Palladio
14. Andrea Palladio, experimented with the intersection between major and
Tempietto Barbaro,
Maser, 1580 minor orders, which he had already addressed in 1556 in his
reconstruction of the basilica in Fano as described in
Vitruvius’ text. The design issue which demanded resolution
was the intrinsic conflict arising from the application of
temple pediments to the main profile of a Christian church
which was usually organised into a nave and side aisles or –
as in this case – side chapels. A solution to the problem had
already been proposed by Bramante in the parish church of
Roccaverano, and by Peruzzi in the Sagra di Carpi. In both
instances, it consisted in intersecting the main pediment
with a second pediment corresponding to the secondary,
lateral spaces. In San Francesco della Vigna, Palladio,
although still at the beginning of a process that would lead
to the mature solution adopted for the Redentore, makes
brilliant use of an erudite citation, namely the triangular
semi-pediments in the Market of Trajan, in order to avoid
the design problems raised by the application of a second
pediment.
Prior to the design for San Francesco della Vigna, Palladio
had become involved in the remodelling of the Refectory of
San Giorgio Maggiore (1560) and the construction of the
Lateran Canons’ Monastery of the Carità (1561). Although
religious commissions, they involved designs for large
collegiate residences. In both cases the patrons were wealthy,
well-educated and sophisticated.
The black-habited monks of San Giorgio were part of the
powerful Cassinese Congregation, whose Cardinal Protector
had been Pietro Bembo. In both projects, it would seem as
if Palladio’s change in personal outlook and career heralded
by his arrival in Venice had led to a need to change his
architectural language when faced with new design issues in
terms of building type, scale of project and financial
resources. The focus of his research consequently shifted
towards the wholesale reconstruction of ancient spaces.
However, these were never used merely as antiquarian
references, but always as the means to create the spatial
experience of movement, which he controlled on a large
scale with scenographic skill.
The Refectory of San Giorgio is a fragment of an ancient
baths complex with a sequence of spaces which always varied
in form, size and type of vault. The building was also a
triumph of engineering, because the huge roof over the
Refectory was the first all’antica masonry vault successfully
to be built in Venice; almost twenty years earlier, Sansovino
had paid with a spell in prison for the collapse of the vault
of his Library in Piazza San Marco. In the Monastery of the
Carità, the design is inspired by the reconstruction of the
ancient domus, an elaborate large-scale building complex
with a roofless all’antica atrium and a peristyle with three
orders of arches. Here Palladio addressed the triumphal
dimensions of the modern Roman domus, the Palazzo
Farnese, on which Antonio da Sangallo and Michelangelo
had worked. In the case of San Giorgio Maggiore (Vasari saw
the model in 1566), while respecting the needs of Christian
rites and the traditional format of Cassinese Benedictine
churches, the design stemmed from Palladio’s speculations
on the spaces of ancient baths complexes. The church
interior was originally decorated, surprisingly, using two
colours: some masonry parts were painted red to contrast
with the white stone elements. Visible from the whole of the 12
Bacino di San Marco, the church façade was designed with
a pronaos projecting on colossal columns like an ancient
temple, as in Michelangelo’s somewhat similar proposal for
St. Peter’s, Rome, in order to obtain a powerful articulation
of light and shade which would have been reinforced by the
open vista.
Palladio’s engagement with the Rialto bridge dates from
1566-1567. His proposals for a Roman bridge with several
arches provided continuity with ancient models, despite the
fact that he was aware that they would not be accepted. He
made two alternative designs: one was published in the
Quattro Libri, and the other showed two Roman forums at
the ends of the bridge, one of the few known Palladian
projects on an urban scale to be recorded on paper.
The increase in scale and overall vision found in the
Venetian buildings is also seen in Palladio’s Vicentine works
of the same period. Although smaller in size, they become
complex ‘machines’ with more elaborate compositions. In
the façade of the Palazzo Valmarana (1566), Palladio further
experimented, this time in the context of civil architecture,
with the superimposition of planes which he had already
tried out in his Venetian churches: on pairs of minor
Corinthian pilasters, he superimposed six giant Composite
pilasters, except in each end bay, thus allowing the onlooker
to follow his reasoning. In the Loggia del Capitaniato (1565)
this concept works on a three-dimensional level: elements
are placed on the main front which can only be understood
through an appreciation of the fact that the minor façade is
the side of a smaller building slotted into the main building
like a drawer. With the Villa Rotonda (1566), Palladio adopts
an even more overtly antiquarian approach, giving rise to the
most abstract of his built works, while in the Palazzo
Barbaran da Porto (1569), he even reconstructs a fragment of
the domus peristyle in the courtyard.
1570-1580
In 1568 Vasari added a short biography of Palladio to the
section on Sansovino in the second edition of Le Vite.
Sansovino and Daniele Barbaro both died two years later,
just as Palladio was publishing the Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura, which his friend Barbaro had announced in
his 1556 edition of Vitruvius. Thus in 1570 the period begun
twenty years earlier came to a close and a new phase in the
architect’s life began.
With the death of his rival Sansovino, Palladio effectively
became the chief architect of the Venetian Republic. He was
consulted on major issues and was given important state
commissions, such as the temporary architecture for Henry
iii’s entry into Venice (1574) (fig. 13),32 work on the Doge’s
palace (1574 and 1577)33 and the new church of the
Redentore (1576). A great deal of importance has been
attached to the fact that Palladio did not win the official
competition to replace Sansovino as Proto di San Marco
(chief architect of St. Mark’s). But if we look at related fields,
such as military architecture, we find that the role of the
proto in the administrative structure of the Venetian state
had greatly changed. While Sanmicheli had continued – not
without difficulty – to play a central role in managing the
building sites for the defence of the Serenissima, the second
half of the sixteenth century saw professional soldiers
gradually beginning to take control of this field, relegating
the technicians, who were more often engineers, to a
supporting role. After Sansovino’s death, a Venetian
technician was appointed Proto di San Marco, but no one
turned to him for important designs. However, the fact that
Marcantonio Barbaro lost his struggle for a more markedly
all’antica version of the Redentore, consisting of a central
plan with projecting pronaos, like the Pantheon, was
emblematic of a more cautious response to the project to
renew Venice than that promoted by Palladio and his
sponsors. The church of the Redentore, as it was eventually
built, was the result of research pursued over several decades
and still stands as one of Palladio’s greatest achievements. On
the façade, the structure of the internal spaces (nave, side
chapels, and vault buttresses) is projected onto a single plane
with unprecedented lucidity. Inside the church, the various
elements of the plan (the rectangle of the nave, the tablinum
chapels, and the three-part structure of the apses, columnar
screen and choir) are clearly defined and perfectly integrated
by purpose-designed joints. With the same ease, Palladio
refers to both the ancient baths and modern sources, such as
the studies of Bramante, Raphael and Antonio da Sangallo
for St. Peter’s, Rome.
Having failed to have his preferred design for the
Redentore approved by the Venetian Senate, Marcantonio
Barbaro commissioned Palladio to build a chapel for the
family villa at Maser (1580). The result was the Tempietto
(fig. 14), a free-standing building with a dome and
projecting pronaos, reminiscent of the forms of the central-
plan design for the Redentore. Arguably the most interesting
part of this building is not so much its triumphal front as the
sculptural massing of the rear elevation, consisting of austere
but powerfully dynamic masonry. Here we have the laconic 14
 Palladio, the architect of simple, bare, vaulted spaces in villa
basements, of the towering masonry of the San Giorgio
Refectory exterior required for the large vaults, and of the
rear of the Redentore, with the shallow curve of the apse
tightly bound by the two abstract cylinders of the bell-
towers. This abstract Palladio was taken up by the best
eighteenth-century Palladianists, as well as twentieth-
century admirers such as Aldo Rossi.
Equally relevant to Palladio’s status in Venice in the 1570s
was the publication of studies undertaken in his youth on the
tactical organisation of ancient armies. In 1575 he published
an illustrated edition of Julius Caesar’s Commentaries, and
the following year he worked on the Histories by Polybius
(uncompleted). Palladio had always proclaimed himself as an
author: in 1554 he had published two guides to Rome; two
years later he had illustrated Barbaro’s Vitruvius, and in 1570
he published the Quattro Libri. He certainly moved in
particularly lively publishing circles in Venice, which
involved not only the publishers themselves, but especially
the intellectuals committed to devising new methods of
communicating knowledge, such as his friend Cosimo
Bartoli (who, in 1565, published the second illustrated
edition of Alberti), Francesco Patrizi or Tommaso Porcacchi.
Palladio’s reconstructions of the battles of Caesar, Hannibal
and Scipio reveal his desire to broaden his professional
horizons. They are the outcome of an all-encompassing
transposing functions: Palladio designed the theatre as he
imagined Vitruvius would have done, despite the restraints
of a rather shallow site. The fact that the Teatro Olimpico is
not equipped for the requirements of modern theatre and its
consequent rare use after the inaugural performance in 1585
was the price that was paid for a reconstruction dreamed of
for almost a century, but built too late. The members of the
Accademia Olimpica, who funded the construction, had
statues of themselves placed in the niches set within the frons
scaenae (fig. 1). Very much men of their own time, they were
dressed as ancient Romans, just as Palladio had earlier
dressed their palaces all’antica. The permanent triumphal
stage of the Teatro Olimpico and its occupants all’antica still
echo Trissino’s powerful vision of a new Vicenza and the
temporary architecture made by Palladio for Bishop Ridolfi’s
entry to the city almost thirty years earlier.
I was able to work on this essay and the other texts in the catalogue during my stay as a
Craig Hugh Smyth Visiting Fellow at the Harvard University Center for Italian
Renaissance Studies, Villa I Tatti. I should like to thank Joseph Connors for making this
possible.
1
The Ridolfi apparatus can be reconstructed on the basis of a letter by Donato Giannotti
(1974, ii, pp. 98-102) and the account book drafted by Gianalvise Valmarana and other
documents in envelope 124 in the Archivio Torre, Biblioteca Bertoliana, Vicenza
(transcribed in Beltramini 2002b). Attention was first brought to the apparatus by Magrini
(1845, pp. 12-13). See also: Milanesi 1863, pp. 158-161; N.N. 1864, pp. 1-15; Morsolin 18942,
pp. 251-255; Zorzi 1965, pp. 167-169, 175-176 and 247-248; Puppi 1973, p. 257; Burns 1975,
pp. 14-15, 73, 235-236; Barbieri 1980, pp. 198-199; Battilotti 1999, p. 452.
2

3
Beltramini, in Beltramini, Burns 2005, pp. 279-281.
Ridolfi 1929, pp. 173-193; Ridolfi 1953, pp. 890-892; Keller, in Frommel, Adams 2000, pp.
vision, acquired from Trissino, of the ancient world as a 257-258.
4
model for the present. This vision was applicable to the field Shearman 1975, pp. 136-154; Burns 1975, p. 73; on the connection between apparati
effimeri and urban renewal, see Tafuri 1992, pp. 145-146 with bibliography.
of architecture, but also to the design of Venice’s defences, 5
Morsolin 18942, p. 251.
6
Morsolin 1878.
which involved shifting the emphasis from the building of 7
Barausse 2007, p. 166.
walls and fortifications to the organisation of the army. The 8

9
Beltramini 2002b, doc. 8.
Davies, Hemsoll 2004, p. 24.
image of Palladio bent over his worktable carefully reading 10
Vasari 1550, 1568, eds Bettarini-Barocchi 1966-1997, iv, p. 591.
11
Beltramini, in Beltramini, Burns 2005, pp. 270-274.
the texts of Caesar and Polybius in order to translate them 12
Shearman 1989, p. 297; Ferrari 1992, i, pp. 69, 71.
into illustrations shows his remarkable development as an 13

14
Davies, Hemsoll 2004, p. 30.
Morresi 2000, p. 427.
intellectual. Indeed, once we enter the sphere of his 15
Frommel 1998, pp. 15-16.
16
Morresi 2000, pp. 229-230
publishing ventures, it is apparent that he played a leading 17
Zorzi 1964, pp. 105-106; Davies, Hemsoll 2004, pp. 49 and 368-369.
role in the production process as well, investing his own 18
Burns 2002, p. 382 with bibliography.
19
Beltramini 2005, pp. 55-63.
resources in making the copper plates for the illustrations 20
Beltramini 2002, pp. 419-420.
21
and thus relegating the publisher to the role of printer. Beltramini, Demo 2008, pp. 128-131.
22
Burns 1975, p. 231.
In August 1580, Palladio died, five months after 23
Morresi 1990, pp. 97-120.
24
Burns 2002, p. 388.
inaugurating the building site for his last project, the Teatro 25
Goldhahn 2000, pp. 302-303; Battilotti 2001, pp. 73-87; Burns 2005, pp. 65-103.
Olimpico in Vicenza. This was the realisation of a dream, 26

27
Goldhahn 2000, p. 292; Burns 2005, pp. 65-103.
Goldhahn 2000, p. 299; Burns 2005, pp. 65-103.
pursued by generations of architects before him, that had 28
Zorzi 1965, p. 332.
29
Goldhahn 2000, pp. 292-294; Burns 2005, pp. 65-103.
produced works such as the theatre designed by Raphael and 30
Goldhahn 2000, pp. 286-287; Burns 2005, pp. 65-103.
Antonio da Sangallo in the Villa Madama, Rome. As in his 31

32
Tafuri 1994, pp. 367-441; Cooper 2005.
Cooper 2005, pp. 213-227.
Venetian projects, the idea was the re-creation of an ancient 33
Goldhahn 2000, pp. 266-267; Cooper 2005, pp. 197-211.
15 space, but this time the operation did not involve
1. Born in Padua
Palladio was born in 1508 in the Padua of Donatello, Mantegna and,
before them, Petrarch. The University had been active since the
thirteenth century. The city forged an identity from the pages of the
Aeneid, claiming to have discovered the putative body of the
legendary Trojan founder Antenor and, equally optimistically, that of
Livy, the object of a secular cult. As much as, or even more than
Florence, fifteenth-century Padua was the epicentre of antiquarian
studies. It was the city of books, those collected by Pietro Donato,
and those illuminated by Bartolomeo Sanvito, and a place where men
of letters gathered in the University. At the end of the previous
century, Giovanni Dondi had set off from Padua to investigate the
ancient ruins of Rome. Home to Ciriaco and Feliciano, Padua was
where Leon Battista Alberti had grown up, and where, from the mid-
century, the new architecture was being created, inspired by the
antique and sculpted and painted rather than constructed, in
Donatello’s reliefs in the Basilica del Santo and in Mantegna’s frescoes
in the Ovetari Chapel.
A few months after Andrea’s birth on 30 November 1508, Padua
was also a city ravaged by a terrible war. In June 1509 German armies
occupied the city and, in July, it was reconquered by the Venetians,
who attacked it with such ferocity that Girolamo Priuli was
prompted to write: ‘If they had been Turks, Infidels, Moors and
Barbarians, they would not have meted out such cruelty, plundering,
assaults and violence as that perpetrated by the Venetian nobles’
(Priuli 1941 edn, iv, p. 163). Besieged and bombarded again by the
imperial army, the city remained in danger until autumn 1513.
Andrea’s early years were thus marked by fear and destruction, but
also by the subsequent intense period of reconstruction which,
according to the Venetian rettore (chief administrator), Marcantonio
Grimani, in 1553, led to a forty-five per cent rise in the number of
houses in the city and also involved the transformation of wooden
structures into masonry buildings (Tagliaferri 1975, p. 37).
Recent studies have called into question the received image of
Andrea’s father, Pietro della Gondola, as a humble miller who
transported sacks of flour by boat. He was probably, in fact, a small
businessman who rented out or subcontracted mills. He was literate,
able to keep the books and to do business with investors who came
from much higher social classes than his own (Zaupa 1990b, pp. 7-18).
1.1. Giovanni Valle,
Plan of Padua, 1784,
detail:
1. Torreselle;
2. Borgo Rogati;
3. Borgo della Paglia;
4. Area of
Bartolomeo
Cavazza’s workshop
1.2. Cat. 152, detail
16
[1.1.]

[1.4.] [1.5.]
Andrea’s legendary flight from the vexations of his first master, the
stonecutter Bartolomeo Cavazza, should also be reconsidered both in
the light of his father’s possible Vicentine interests and by focusing
more closely on a figure who has often remained in the background:
the sculptor Vincenzo Grandi (c. 1493-1577/1578). In a document of
1563, Grandi proudly declares that the by then famous architect, ‘is
the godson I held to be baptised in the city [Padua]’ (Rigoni 1970, p.
324).
Grandi came from a family of stonecutters who had worked in
Vicenza for three generations. His grandfather Giovanni had been
four times gastaldo (chief administrator) of the guild of masons and
stonecutters, and his father Lorenzo had worked there for almost the
whole of the second half of the fifteenth century. In 1501, Gian
Matteo moved to Padua, probably followed soon after by his brother
Vincenzo. In August 1508, Gian Matteo was paid for work at the
Palazzo Candi (now Via Rogati 16); in May 1517 both brothers
worked on the interior and exterior of the Casa Ruggeri (now Via
Manin 17); and in December Gian Matteo was paid for work at the
Casa Viaro (now Via dei Tadi 15). In 1521 they received a much more
demanding commission: the tomb of the Veronese Bishop Antonio
Trombetta in the Basilica del Santo (fig. 1.4). Ten years later
Vincenzo, with his nephew Gian Gerolamo (born in 1508), moved to
Trent to work on the residence of Bernardo Cles. In this city he
created his masterpiece: the cantoria (organ loft) in the church of
Santa Maria Maggiore (1534-1541). Vincenzo signed the organ loft as
‘Vicentinus’, and these Trent works and his letters reveal a far from
superficial knowledge of the ancient world, Vitruvius and Alberti.
The young Andrea’s godfather Vincenzo may have had a part in his
move from Cavazza’s provincial bottega to the more modern
workshop of the stonecutters in Vicenza.
In 1524, the year in which the Grandi brothers completed the
Trombetta monument, Andrea moved to Vicenza. It is also the year
engraved on the architrave in Falconetto’s Doric Loggia of the Corte
Cornaro, Padua, the first building in the Veneto accurately to employ
19 the language of the new architecture based on the antique (fig. 1.5).
1.3. Palazzo Thiene,
Vicenza, corner
capital which,
according to Inigo
Jones, Palladio
carved with his
own hands
1.4. Gian Matteo
and Vincenzo Grandi,
Monument to Bishop
Trombetta, Basilica
del Santo, Padua,
1524
1.5. Gian Maria
Falconetto, Doric
loggia in the Corte
Cornaro (lower
order only, 1524)
Palladio was often to see that building in the years to come. But the
architectures of his adolescence in Padua were others: the Basilica del
Santo, the church of the Eremitani, the Palazzo della Ragione, the
church of the Carmini, and the convent of San Giovanni in Verdara.
The largest undertaking he would have seen during his early years in
Padua, with mountains of building material heaped up on the
building site, was undoubtedly the construction of the basilica of
Santa Giustina. Perhaps he, too, went to place something in the
newly excavated foundations, like the notary Ludovigo Valmarana
who recorded in his register: ‘1515, Monday, 6 August. They have
begun to mark out the foundation of the building for the Madonna
Santa Justina in Padua... and I Ludovigo placed a brick there in the
foundations with my own hand. Laus Deo’ (Beltramini 1995, p. 85).
Literature: Zorzi 1922, pp. 120-150; Dalla Pozza 1941, pp. 31-90;
Rigoni 1948-1949, part 2, pp. 67-72, now in Rigoni 1970, pp. 319-
324; Zorzi 1949, pp. 140-152; Tagliaferri 1975; Battilotti 1980c, pp.
168-173 and 338-341; Bellinati 1980, pp. 164-167; Weiss 1989; Cevese
1990, pp. 83-96; Zaupa 1990b, pp. 7-18; Pesenti 1992, pp. 96-104;
Donato 1995, pp. 379-454; Beltramini 2002, pp. 414-433; Di Monte
2002, pp. 515-518; Di Monte 2002a, pp. 487-489; Lenci 2002; Casu
2003, pp. 244-247.
Guido Beltramini
 1. Andriolo de Santi (active
from 1342, died before 1375)
Model of the City of Padua
1345-1351
Istrian stone; damaged
on the right edge
Height 24 cm; length 34 cm;
width 14 cm
Padua, Parrocchia degli Eremitani
The city is represented in an imagin-
ary condensed view from the North
with, at the centre, the large ship’s-
keel roof of the Palazzo della Ragione
and, in the upper left, the Basilica del
Santo with its domes. This small
model lay at the feet of the reclining
figure of Ubertino da Carrara (died
1345) on his sarcophagus originally
placed in the choir of the church of
Sant’Agostino in Padua. It was sub-
sequently moved to the parish church
of the Eremitani after Sant’Agostino
had been destroyed in 1819-1822. The
church of Sant’Agostino was located
halfway along the route from
Cavazza’s workshop, at Ponte dei Tadi,
and Andrea’s home in Borgo della
Paglia.
Literature: Wolters 1976, pp. 35-36,
168; Tigler 2000, pp. 386-387.
guido beltramini
[1.]
2.
Minutes from the procedure
for Palladio’s Paduan citizenship,
written by the notary
Antonio Saviolo
ms, pen on paper
330 × 250 mm
Padua, Archivio di Stato, Archivi
Giudiziari Civili, Ufficio del Porcello,
b. 43, t. 34, fasc. 12, fol. 14v
These are the minutes of the
testimony of the boatman Giovanni
Maria Sordi, recording the residence
of Pietro della Gondola in the quarter
of Torreselle, the birth of Andrea in
Borgo Rogati and the subsequent
move to the adjacent Borgo della
Paglia. Other documented changes of
residence by Pietro do not actually
confirm this testimony with any
certainty: until April 1508 he resided
in Borgo della Paglia, in April 1509 in
Torreselle, and in September 1512 at
the other end of the city near Ponte
Peocioso, where he lived at least until
1514. Sordi’s testimony was followed
by the two basically concordant
testimonies of another boatman,
Pietro Matarello, and the sculptor
Vincenzo Grandi.
Literature: Rigoni 1948-1949, part 2,
pp. 67-72, now in Rigoni 1970, pp.
319-324; Zaupa 1990b.
guido beltramini
[2.]
3. Vincenzo Grandi
(c. 1493-1577/1578) and
Gian Gerolamo Grandi (1508-1560)
Incense Burner
Trent, c. 1530-1540
Bronze
Height 34.6 cm; length 21.5 cm;
∅ 17.5 cm
Provenance: M. Boisot, Président
de Besançon by 1719; Cecil Leitch
and Kerin Ltd, London, by 1937; sold
to Lt. Col. the Hon M.T. Boscawen
in 1940; bequeathed by the Hon.
Mrs. Pamela Sherek, from the
collection of the late Lt. Col.
Boscawen, in his memory, in 1997
Lent by the Syndics of the
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge,
M.7 & A-1997
Originally from Lombardy, the
Grandi settled in Vicenza in the early
fifteenth century, where they practised
as stonemasons over several gener-
ations (Barbieri 1984a, pp. 9-11). In
around 1507 Gian Matteo Grandi and
his younger brother Vincenzo moved
to Padua where, apart from a decade
in Trent between 1532-c. 1541, they
spent the rest of their careers (see:
Cessi 1967; de Gramatica 2001). Vin-
cenzo quickly assumed a dominant
role within the workshop, becoming
its intellectual driving force. He was
an architectural sculptor par excellence,
whose innovative decorative sculpture
in both stone and bronze reflects a
keen awareness of developments in
contemporary architecture, including
the work of Serlio and Palladio.
Vincenzo Grandi was also Andrea
Palladio’s godfather. Indeed, Grandi
made a declaration to this effect in
1563 in support of the application by
Palladio’s son Silla for a subsidised
place at the University of Padua,
which required Palladio to
demonstrate that he was a Paduan
citizen (Rigoni 1970, pp. 320-321,
doc. iii). Furthermore, he conceivably
assisted in some way Palladio’s move to
Vicenza in 1524.
In 1532 Vincenzo and his nephew
Gian Gerolamo arrived in Trent,
entering the service of the city’s
Prince-Bishop Bernardo Cles (see
Passamani 1995). Their first task was
the carving of the large marble
chimneypiece in the ‘Stua Grande’ or
Great Hall of Cles’s residence, the
Castello del Buonconsiglio or Magno
Palazzo (Cessi 1967 pp. 20-22, pl. 5;
Passamani 1995, pp. 304-308, figs
209-213). Then, in 1534 they received
the commission to create a new organ
loft (cantoria) for the church of Santa
Maria Maggiore (Cessi 1967, pp. 26-
33, pls 6-13; Passamani 1995, pp. 321-
328, figs 231-237; de Gramatica 1991).
Completed in 1541, the cantoria
contains on its underside three
spectacular bronze roundels of pro-
phets. A multifaceted artist, described
on his funerary inscription as ‘always 20
 excelling in bronze’ (‘Qui semper
praestitit aere’; from his lost funerary
monument in the demolished church
of San Agostino, Padua; Salomonio
1701, p. 84, no. 239), Gian Gerolamo
was probably primarily responsible for
extending the range of the workshop’s
activities to include working in
bronze.
This incense burner is most likely
to have been made in Trent in the
1530s, when the Grandi worked both
for Cardinal Cles, for whom they
made a bronze bucket (secchiello) and
a doorknocker (Dal Prà 1993, pp. 372-
373, nos. 110-111; Bacchi, Camerlengo,
Leithe-Jasper 1999, pp. 192-193, no. 4,
and pp. 196-197, no. 6) and for other
local clients, for example, a bell for a
member of the d’Arco family (Museo
Civico, Inv. 929; Donatello e il suo
tempo 2001, pp. 284-285, no. 80). It
was during this decade that Vincenzo
and Gian Gerolamo Grandi brought
their mastery of the application of
decorative ornament to a high point,
creating functional bronzes of extra-
ordinary sophistication. The finest of
these bronzes are this incense burner
and a candlestick, now in the Ash-
molean Museum, Oxford (Inv. WA
1899.CDEF.B1005; Warren 1999, pp.
82-83, no. 25; Warren forthcoming,
no. 51). These pieces share a distinctive
decorative repertoire, including grot-
esque masks, fluttering ribbons, swags
and thick veined leaves. With its flared
waist, sharply-angled handles and the
finial figure of a funerary genius, the
incense burner is one of the most
daring and original bronzes of the
sixteenth century. Although neither
bears marks of his ownership, it is
possible that the incense burner and
the Oxford candlestick were made for
Cardinal Cles, as part of the furnish-
ings of the Castello del Buonconsiglio,
which were carefully designed to
harmonise with and complement the
rich painted and sculptural decoration
of the rooms. In his 1539 description
of the Magno Palazzo, Pietro Andrea
Mattioli commented on the famous
Torre Aquila, at the time fitted up as a
space to receive ladies: ‘I was more
pleased by the heavenly scents of
musk, amber, orange-leaf water and
civet which, issuing from many
perfume vessels, swirled around me
and soothed me’ (Mattioli 1539;
modern transcription, see Lupo 1995,
pp, 66-231, and for the quotation
cited here, p. 204, stanza 398). Incense
burners were employed to fumigate
homes and keep the environment
sweet-smelling during an age when
odours were more universally preva-
lent; they were also viewed by medical
science to be potentially both bene-
ficial and injurious to people’s health
(Palmer 1993, pp. 61-68).

Literature: Montfaucon 1719, v, p. 56,

21 pl. xx; ‘The Boscawen Collection’
[3.]
 1997, p. 911, no. 54, fig. ii; Warren
1999, p. 82, fig. 1; Donatello e il suo
tempo 2001, p. 276, no. 75; Avery
2002, pp. 126-131, no. 14.
jeremy warren
4. Vincenzo Grandi
(c. 1493-1577/1578) and
Gian Gerolamo Grandi (1508-1560)
Writing casket with a satyr handle
Padua or Trent c. 1540-1550
Bronze
Height 19 cm; length 24.2 cm;
width 13.7 cm
Provenance: Fernand Adda, his sale,
Collection d’un grand amateur, Palais
Galliera, Paris, 29 November-3
December 1965, no. 381
On loan from Daniel Katz Ltd,
London, courtesy of the Ashmolean
Museum, Oxford, LO1028B.1,
LI204.2
This elegant bronze work is a writing
casket, consisting of an inkwell, a pot
for sand, used for drying wet ink on
letters, and spaces for pens. The casket
is extremely well-designed for its
purpose, the solid base and low centre
of gravity ensuring excellent stability.
The half-length armless satyr figure
rising from the centre of the roof of
the casket, which at first sight seems
anomalous, is in fact a handle,
designed to allow the relatively heavy
lid to be lifted easily and safely.
The decoration includes acanthus
leaves, scale and wreath ornament,
swelling leaves and, along all four
sides, a frieze of cow skulls (bucrania)
connected by swags and with ribbons
attached to the horns. There is a shield
with an unidentified coat-of-arms at
the centre of each long side of the lid.
The distinctive, sharply-defined decora-
tive ornamentation and the stippling
of the ground is paralleled in other
bronzes from the Grandi workshop,
such as the incense burner in Cam-
[4.]
bridge (cat. 3) and the Oxford candle-
stick.
The writing casket was probably
made in Padua during the 1540s, by
which time Vincenzo and Gian Ge-
rolamo Grandi had both returned to
Padua from Trent. However, they
maintained close contacts with Trent,
not least through the person of the
new Prince-Bishop, Cristoforo Ma-
druzzo (1512-1578). Madruzzo com-
missioned a pair of large candlesticks
for the Cathedral of San Vigilio, Trent
(Dal Prà 1993, p. 375, no. 114; Bacchi,
Camerlengo, Leithe-Jasper 1999, pp.
200-201, no. 8) and possibly a series of
handbells (bells with the arms of
Madruzzo are in: Berlin, Stätliche
Museen [Skulpturensammlung], Inv.
3146; Krahn 2003, pp. 124-127, no.
30; and Trent, Museo Diocesano
Tridentino, Inv. 667, Dal Prà 1993, p.
374, no. 113). In 1546 Vincenzo wrote
a letter to Madruzzo, which he sent
with a writing casket that the Prince
Bishop had also commissioned (Trent,
Biblioteca Comunale, ms 612. For a
full transcription see Benedetti 1923,
pp. 34-38). Although this casket was
surmounted by a figure of St. John the
Evangelist seated on his eagle, in other
respects it may have been very similar
to the present casket, and certainly
had an identical frieze with bucrania
and festoons. Vincenzo’s accompany-
ing letter is of great importance since
it demonstrates that decorative
elements on this type of object some-
times had iconographic significance
beyond that of simple ornamentation.
It also indicates Vincenzo’s familiarity
with Roman architectural decoration,
as discussed in Alberti and Vitruvius
and as seen in Rome itself: ‘Those ox
skulls with festoons which run round
the inkstand, which the ancient
architects were accustomed to use on
their Doric works, as can be seen from
the books of Leon Battista Alberti and
Vitruvius, and as you may see even
today in Rome in the ancient arches
and other Doric edifices, and in which
the merit of glorious deeds is
demonstrated; and because the ink-
stand is the instrument which assists
high minds when they are writing
noble matters worthy of remem-
brance, winning for themselves
perpetual fame and immortal glory
through the exercise of their genius,
dedicating their name to the Temple
of Glory, thus those dry ox skulls
signify the labour on which glory
depends, whilst those swags suspended
from them demonstrate nothing less
than the triumph of virtue and the
honour of glory, just as today, when
we wish to celebrate some great
triumph in the palaces of princes or in
the temples of God, we put up
festoons of leaves, flowers and fruit.’
Literature: unpublished.
jeremy warren
22
 5. Benedetto Bordon (c. 1450-1530)
The Massacre of the Innocents
Miniature on fol. 6v in Evangelario,
written by Laurentius Gazius
Cremonensis (1523-1525) in Padua
c. 1523
Vellum; 335 × 239 mm
Provenance: Santa Giustina, Padua,
1525; Lt. Col. Sir George Holford
(d. 1903); purchased from the
executors of the Holford estate,
4 January 1928, by Sir Alfred Chester
Beatty (1875-1968)
Dublin, Chester Beatty Library,
W.107
[Not in the exhibition]

In November 1516, the Cassinese

monks of Santa Giustina commis-
sioned Andrea Briosco, called Riccio,
to design the mother church in Padua.
The artist had a wooden model made,
for which payments are recorded from
April to December 1517. Although the
model was replaced by later projects,
the Cassinese historian Cavacius, who
saw it with his own eyes in a store-
room in the monastery in the late
sixteenth century, described it as being
little different from the built church
(Beltramini 1995).
It is possible that Riccio’s model is
represented in the background of a
page depicting the Massacre of the
Innocents in an evangeliary (illu-
minated manuscript of the Holy
Gospel) commissioned in 1523 by the
Abbot of Santa Giustina, Andrea da
Venezia. Other works of architecture
depicted in the illuminated manuscript
have been compared to those of Pintu-
ricchio in the Libreria Piccolomini,
while the figures in the Massacre are
greatly indebted to an engraving by
Marcantonio Raimondi, after Raphael
(Armstrong 1994, p. 226). The façade
in this particular illumination, how-
ever, shows a church with three naves
and chapels on both sides, like the
built church, while at the sides of the
large entrance niches are statues of a
bishop and a martyr, probably St.
Prosdocimo and St. Giustina, who
also appear on the church foundation
medal of 1515.

Literature: Armstrong 1994, pp. 223-

226; Beltramini 1995, pp. 63-94; Szepe
1999, pp. 412-415; Beltramini 2004.

guido beltramini

[5.]

23
 2. Vicenza
A city ‘of very abundant wealth’ inhabited by men ‘of keen invention,
great boldness and very inclined to letters, arms and trade’ is how
Leandro Alberti introduces us to Vicenza in his Descrittione di tutta
Italia (‘Description of all Italy’) published in Venice in 1551 (Alberti
1551, fol. 383). This vivid portrayal immediately identifies the key
features of the city, which was a dependency of Venice in the age of
Palladio. It is a city dominated by a particularly dynamic aristocracy.
Although prone to bitter conflicts and divided into factions, the local
aristocracy was notable for its considerable economic resources, was
well versed in the latest cultural products, both literary and artistic,
and had a remarkable capacity for leadership, even outside the narrow
confines of the region. Its almost complete control of the city’s
institutions, in particular the Council of One Hundred and the
magistrature dealing with justice and other matters, combined with a
quasi total monopoly of lucrative ecclesiastical livings and the College
of Canons, laid the basis for what Claudio Povolo (1997, p. 271)
termed ‘the assertion and defence of the prerogatives of the Vicentine
aristocracy’ and formed a springboard for the brilliant military careers
of several of its nobles in the service of foreign powers, such as France
and Spain, or at Italian courts. The opportunities for careers outside
the city were also open to the city’s nobles as a result of privileged
relationships with the Holy See and the Roman Curia. This situation
was to continue until the late sixteenth century, when the political
scene changed radically. Increasingly pressing directives emanating
from the central government in Venice sought to limit the
‘considerable political independence enjoyed by the city’ and ‘the
economic and social rise of classes wishing to enter the sphere of
power’ (Povolo 1997, pp. 283-284). At that time the situation began
to change dramatically: the nobility’s effective power was curbed and
there was a dramatic rise in conflict and tensions between the various
aristocratic houses. But the Vicenza ruling class in the age of Palladio
– in contrast to how it has tended to be described – does not seem to
have been only interested in fighting over the political supremacy of
the city, the exercise of arms, and the pursuit of ecclesiastical livings
2.1. Cat. 7, detail or investments in land. Equally important was the fact that sixteenth-
century Vicenza was also a centre for international trade, which
contributed to its distinct cosmopolitan character.
For a long time scholars associated the oligarchic monopoly of the
ruling groups during the early Modern Age with a stagnant economy
and an eagerness to invest in land as a way of safeguarding monies
previously invested in commerce. It was claimed that the leading
members of the noble class in the early decades of the sixteenth
century turned to land as the economic base for safeguarding their
patrimony. More recent research, however, while stressing the move
to invest in land, albeit driven as much by pressure of a sharp rise in
population and the consequent effects on the price of cereals, have
shown how the Veneto mainland continued to be one of the most
important manufacturing areas in Europe throughout the so-called
‘long sixteenth century’. In fact a variety of activities involving the
processing and production of goods both for local markets and for
export to ones considerably further afield continued throughout the
century. This is the case with the two main industries in the Republic
of Venice: the manufacture of wool and, most importantly, of silk.
These provided the basis of the Veneto economy, and were the major
driving forces of international trade due to the presence of
enterprising merchants who managed a range of trade routes through
the creation of sophisticated mercantile networks. Members of some
of Vicenza’s leading ruling families were engaged in this activity.
This aspect was particularly evident in Vicenza. Its economy
benefited from a combination of favourable conditions from the
1530s to the 1540s, enabling the city to reach the apex of its wealth
from the 1570s to the 1590s. Those involved in the Vicentine textile
industry and in exporting its products to the main Italian and
European markets included members of some major aristocratic
families. To mention only the names that recur most often in the
documents, we find: Aleardi, Arnaldi, Angaran, Barbarano, Bissari,
Breganze, Caldogno, Capra, Chiericati, Franceschini, Godi, Loschi,
Magrè, Muzan, Nievo, Pigafetta, Piovene, Porto, Ragona, Saraceno,
Schio, Scroffa, Thiene, Trissino, Valmarana and Volpe. Even in the
late sixteenth century, these families still had considerable trade 24
interests. Naturally, some of them only acted through proxies or commerce’ (Lanaro 2005, p. 152), but rather an increasingly shrewd
figureheads, but others actually managed one or more companies and prudent diversification of investments.
with production and commercial interests. And they included a
number of Palladio’s most prestigious patrons. To cite two examples: Literature: Alberti 1551; Ventura 1964; Tagliaferri 1975; Battilotti 1980;
while, from 1538 to 1552, Marcantonio Thiene (who built the Zaupa 1990; Cosgrove 1993; Povolo 1997; Grubb 1999; Borelli 2000,
imposing Palazzo Thiene and the villa at Quinto Vicentino; section pp. 38-52; Burns 2000c, pp. 233-240; Molà 2000; Demo 2001; Burns
4) earned various sums of money for silks sold in Genoa and 2002, pp. 372-413; Demo 2003, pp. 177-199; Vianello 2004; Vianello
especially at the Lyon fair, in the 1540s and 1550s Girolamo di Nicolò 2004a, pp. 187-229; Lanaro 2005, pp. 148-153; Demo 2006, pp. 119-
Chiericati (patron of the Chiericati Palace designed by Palladio at the 158; Demo 2006a, pp. 217-243; Lanaro 2006, pp. 19-69; Demo 2008.
Isola; section 9) did business in the Antwerp market, selling silk
factories and continuing the profitable wool business previously Edoardo Demo
pursued by his father. During the same years, Girolamo’s brother,
Giovanni (patron of the Villa Chiericati at Vancimuglio; section 11)
is also documented as being involved in the business. Other figures
who were also certainly active in the silk trade were Losco Caldogno
(patron of the Palladian villa of the same name), Bonifacio Poiana
(patron of the villa at Poiana Maggiore; cat. 55a/b), Giangiorgio
Trissino’s son Ciro and his wife Laura, the daughter of Ludovico
Thiene, Iseppo di Gerolamo Porto (who had a Palladian palace built
in the Contra’ Porti; section 7) and Biagio Saraceno (patron of the
villa at Agugliaro). Guido Piovene’s son, the knight Giuliano, (owner
together with his brother Guido of an unfortunately now demolished
Palladian palace at Isola) had even more wide-ranging and diversified
trade and financial interests. In the second half of the sixteenth
century he paid large sums for levies on silk and salt and was the head
of two mercantile companies with interests in France, Flanders and
Germany, significantly called ‘Giuliano Piovene e compagni’
(‘Giuliano Piovene and partners’). Piovene produced textiles and
soap in Piedmont, insured ships in Venice, and managed the Mint in
Mantua on behalf of the Gonzaga family.
In conclusion, the members of the Vicenza nobility were wealthy,
proud and well-educated. Although they greatly extended their
landed properties, they never completely relinquished mercantile
activities. Indeed it can be argued that ‘there was no dramatic choice
between investing in land and investing in manufacturing and 26
 6. Giovanni Battista Dragoncino
(1497-c. 1550)
Nobilita di Vicenza./
del Dragonzino [1r]
Stampata nella inclita citta
di Vinegia/ Per Francesco
di Alessandro Bindoni/ & Mapheo
Pasini, compagni:/ Nel. 1525.
di Ottobre. [20v]
1525
Octavo
126 × 71 mm
London, The British Library,
11427.a.19
This work is only known in an edition
of 1525; one of the very rare examples
is now in the British Library, London.
Published in Venice, the Nobilita di
Vicenza (‘Nobility of Vicenza’) was
written by Giovanbattista Dragon-
zino, who was born in Fano around
1497 and then moved to the Veneto.
The poet tells in verse of two stays in
Vicenza, in 1521 and 1524, as a guest of
the noble Marco Antonio Valmarana.
His declared intention is to honour
the ‘eternal names’ of the Vicentine
nobility ‘so that their glory will live
on’. This was a tribute from a courtier
to the lord who had offered him
protection. The author also provides a
description of the major works of
architecture in the city, and churches,
palazzi, piazzas and towers are
strikingly illustrated in the engraving
on the opening page of the text. This
dense view of the city includes the
Palazzo della Ragione, with its ship’s-
keel roof, the tower in the piazza, the
cathedral and the city walls. In the
text, Dragonzino describes how he
entered the city from the east through
the Porta Padova: ‘I saw broad streets
and many visitors, / the superb
decorated palaces / with adamantine
rusticated plinths, / porticoes, arches,
columns and churches adorned / with
porphyries and serpentine marbles,
engravings, reliefs and paintings / in
various forms and dimensions // The
broad façades of each tall building /
shone with fine flaming gold, / which
with reason and pure artifice /
admirably adorn each work’ (i, 10-11).
Although far from being a literary
masterpiece, Nobiltà di Vicenza does
provide a vision of Vicenza at a precise
historical moment: the period when
Andrea Palladio arrived in the city, a
humble apprentice in the Pedemuro
workshop about to continue his
personal and artistic development by
forging a relationship with Vicenza
which was to prove beneficial for both.
Literature: Dragonzino 1981 edn.
manuela barausse
27
7.
April 1524: enrolment
of Andrea Palladio in the guild
of stonecutters, Vicenza
Sixteenth century up to early 1540
Vellum manuscript
220 × 162 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca civica Bertoliana,
Statuta sive ordinamenta fratalie
muratorum, ms 181, c. 99r
Among the scant surviving docu-
mentary material from the Vicenza
fraglia (guild) of stonemasons and
stonecutters is a precious mariegola
(statute book) containing the ‘statutes’,
or rules that the members had to obey.
The statutes are followed by a list of
members’ names, continuously re-
corded from the early decades of the
sixteenth century up to 1540. Joining
the guild was compulsory for anyone
wishing to work in the trade in the
city. Membership would only be
granted after passing a number of tests
of skill and on payment of a fee.
Glancing through the many names
of sculptors, foremen, masons or
simple apprentices, we find, under the
date of April 1524, that of ‘Andrea,
fiolo de Piero da Padoa monaro,
garzon de magistro Zuane e magistro
Ierolimo, compagni taiapria in
Pedemuro’ (‘Andrea, son of the miller
Piero from Padua, apprentice to
master Zuane and master Ierolimo,
fellow stonecutters in Pedemuro’; see
fig. 2.1). This marked the beginning of
the apprenticeship of Andrea di Pietro
dalla Gondola, born in Padua in 1508,
in the workshop of Giovanni di
Giacomo da Porlezza and Girolamo
Pittoni, situated in the quarter of
Pedemuro, Vicenza.
Literature: Zorzi 1922, pp. 120-150;
Puppi 1999, pp. 7, 22 note 6.
manuela barausse
[6.]
3. Role models and sponsors
In the Quattro Libri dell’Architettura, Palladio attributed his initial
professional success to the existence in Vicenza of ‘gentlemen of such
noble and generous spirit and of excellent judgement that they
believed in my reasoning and so departed from that old custom of
building without any grace and beauty whatsoever’ (Palladio 1570, ii,
p. 4). But who were these Vicentine gentlemen to whom the now
successful Palladio acknowledged his debt? Some of them stand out
clearly and we will come across them again in the following pages:
Girolamo Godi, a friend of Pietro Bembo, the patron of the villa at
Lugo; Gianalvise Valmarana (section 20), and Girolamo Chiericati
(section 8). In the foreword to the first book of the Quattro Libri,
Palladio recognises that some of these men have specific competence
in architecture, such as the Thiene brothers (section 4), Fabio Monza
‘knowledgeable about so very many things’, Valerio Barbarano, ‘a very
diligent observer of everything pertaining to this profession’, Elio
Belli, Antenore Pagello and Antonio Francesco Olivieri, a scientist,
‘architect and excellent poet’. The list begins with Giovan Giorgio
Trissino (cat. 8), ‘a shining example of our times’, who was a key figure
in Palladio’s education (Palladio 1570, i, pp. 5-6).
Trissino had an interest in architectural theory (a fragment of his
treatise survives; Puppi 1973b, pp. 79-86) but also a practical
enthusiasm. Evidence of this is to be found in three surviving
autograph drawings: a reconstruction of the ancient domus and two
drawings for the purposes of remodelling his house at Pozzo Rosso.
The suburban villa at Cricoli (fig. 3.3 and cat. 10), where, legend has
it, the encounter with the future Palladio took place, was probably
the product of Giangiorgio’s own design to restructure an old family
property. As Sebastiano Serlio noted in 1537, the term architectural
‘dilettante’ fails to do justice to the building skills of a figure like
Trissino – or of his friends Pietro Bembo and Alvise Cornaro – who
knew as much about architecture as the ‘best masters’ and who
worked through the proxy of a ‘diligent special master’, as was the
tradition in the Veneto (Serlio 1537, dedication to Ercole ii). These
men had a knowledge of the ancient sources, both written and built,
as demonstrated in the fact that Bembo visited Hadrian’s Villa with
his father as early as the 1480s), as well as of Alberti and of
contemporary authors (Beltramini 2005, p. 55).
However, Trissino’s influence on Palladio was not simply exercised
3.1. Cat. 11, detail 28
 [3.3.] [3.4.] [3.5.]

through a working relationship connected to building practice, albeit certainly Valerio Belli’s house on the Strada Maggiore, opposite the 3.2. Palazzo Civena,
Vicenza, façade,
informed by a sophisticated vision of architecture structured like a church of Santa Corona. Valerio Belli (cats 12 and 13) was one of the detail, 1540

linguistic system. Indeed, Trissino’s legacy to the young Palladio was most significant links between the Veneto and Rome in the early 3.3. Ottavio Bertotti
Scamozzi, Villa
rather an education integrating architecture with a general interest in decades of the sixteenth century. Evidence of this can be found in the Trissino at Cricoli,
plan, engraving
all that was best of the ancient world, including the theatre and prestigious commissions which he received from Popes Leo x, reproduced in Le
fabbriche e i disegni
military institutions, conjuring up a powerful vision of the Classical Clement vii and Paul iii, and in his friendship with men of letters of di Andrea Palladio
(Vicenza 1778, II,
world that was to inform Palladio’s own identity as an intellectual as the calibre of Pietro Bembo, Giangiorgio Trissino and Pietro Aretino, pl. XXXVIII)

well as an architect (Burns 2002, p. 378). Trissino’s familiarity with and of artists such as Raphael and Michelangelo. He also had 3.4. Ottavio Bertotti
Scamozzi, Palazzo
the world of publishing also accounts for the central role that it relations with the cultivated Florentine cardinals Niccolò Ridolfi and Civena, plan,
engraving
played in other aspects of the architect’s professional career, namely Giovanni Salviati, and was closely connected with the Venetian reproduced in Le
fabbriche e i disegni
the publication of the guides to ancient and sacred Rome in 1554, and cardinal Marino Grimani. In Grimani’s Roman palace, in autumn di Andrea Palladio
(Vicenza 1776, I,
the illustrated edition of Polybius, left incomplete on his death in 1539, Valerio met Francisco De Holanda, who gives a vivid, elegant pl. XXXV)

1580. portrait of him in his Dialoghi Romani (‘Roman Dialogues’). In his 3.5. Ottavio Bertotti
Scamozzi, Palazzo
Two places in particular were probably crucial for Palladio’s own house, Valerio built up such a rich collection of ancient marbles, Civena, elevation,
engraving
education in Vicenza. The first is undoubtedly the workshop of the drawings and paintings as to amaze Giorgio Vasari, who recalls reproduced in Le
fabbriche e i disegni
‘Compagni di Pedemuro’, that is Giovanni di Giacomo da Porlezza having copied some sheets from an album of drawings of Lombard di Andrea Palladio
(Vicenza 1776, I,
and Girolamo Pittoni, with whom Palladio spent at least twelve years. architecture, which he attributed to Bramantino (Vasari 1550, 1568, pl. XXXVI)

They are known to have had relations with Michele Sanmicheli, who
was from the same area as Giovanni and was offered hospitality by
the latter during his stay in Vicenza from 1541 to 1542. Giovanni and
Girolamo were also recommended by Sansovino in 1538 as reliable
builders for the tribune of the cathedral in Vicenza. Equally
important, although to date unpublished, is the hand-written note
made by Vincenzo Scamozzi on the life of one ‘Giovanni, stonecutter
engraver and architect’ in Vicenza in his copy of Vasari’s Le Vite: ‘I
have the largest number of drawings which he made in Rome’
(Beltramini, Demo 2008, pp. 125-126). The most probable
identification of Scamozzi’s reference is Giovanni da Porlezza, and it
implies that the young Palladio had direct access in his workshop to
a corpus of drawings of antique works which, according to Scamozzi,
would seem to have been substantial. It is possible that this range of
contacts and knowledge may have informed Palladio’s decision to
leave Cavazza’s more traditional bottega in Padua and enter the
Vicentine workshop of Giovanni da Porlezza.
31 The other key place for Andrea’s education in Vicenza was
eds Bettarini-Barocchi 1966-1997, iv, p. 627; v, p. 433). In Belli’s will
there is mention of drawings of Trajan’s Column and we learn from
a document of September 1542 that his house was a destination for
pilgrimages made by an ‘infinite number of foreigners’, who came to
admire one of his recent creations (Barausse 2000, pp. 431 and 437).
Literature: Morsolin 1894; Zorzi 1937, pp. 56-87; Battilotti 1980;
Barbieri 1984a, pp. 66-80; Puppi 1988; Zaupa 1988; Zaupa 1990;
Zaupa 1990a, pp. 311-325; Rigoni 1999, pp. 81-99; Burns 2000a, pp.
277-286; Burns 2002, pp. 372-413; Beltramini, Demo 2008, pp. 125-
139.
Guido Beltramini
 8. Vicenzo Catena
(doc. 1506-1531)
Portrait of Giangiorgio Trissino
c. 1525-1527
Oil on canvas
72 × 63 cm
Provenance: Bequeathed by Baron
Basile de Schlichting, 1914
Paris, Musée du Louvre, R.F. 2098

The sitter in this portrait has

traditionally been identified as Gian-
giorgio Trissino (1478-1550) (see p.
28) on the grounds of the provenance
of the painting from the collections
of the Conti Trissino from Vicenza
(Robertson 1954, p. 67). The attri-
bution to Catena is on stylistic
grounds, moreover no doubts are
raised by a comparison with an auto-
graph painting in Vienna, recently
identified as a portrait of Bernardo de
Marin, dated post 1521-ante 1536
(Pomorisac De Luigi 2001-2002, p.
44). Both the Viennese and Paris
portraits share Catena’s emphasis on
the book held by the sitter. Jasminka
Pomorisac has demonstrated that the
book in the Vienna painting is an
actual publication – Libro di
protocollo per le feste a San Marco e in
altre chiese (‘Book of protocol for the
festivities at St. Mark’s and in other
churches’), dated 1521 – now in the
archives of the Scuola di San Rocco,
Venice, of which Bernardo was the
Guardian Grando (Head Friar). This
suggests that the book Trissino is
holding is also an actual publication,
although the title has not been
identified. The Louvre portrait is
traditionally dated 1525-1527, because
Trissino looks in his forties or fifties.
The books in quarto published by the
Vicentine Humanist during those
years included: La Sofonisba (Vi-
cenza, Lodovico degli Arrighi, 1524),
Poetica (Vicenza, Tolomeo Gianicolo,
1529), and Rime volgari (Vicenza,
Tolomeo Gianicolo, 1529). However,
these books are just over fifty pages
long (the Poetica has sixty-eight) and
thus are slimmer than the book
which Catena places in the hands of
[8.]
Trissino in his portrait. It is also
possible that the book is the Iliad,
one of the ancient texts most loved by
Trissino.

Literature: Robertson 1954; Galante

1980, pp. 227-274; Marinelli 2001-
2002, pp. 47-48; Pomorisac De
Luigi 2001-2002, pp. 43-46; Macola
2007.

guido beltramini

9. Giangiorgio Trissino (1478-1550)

‘La Sofonisba/ Del Trissino./…
Stampato in Roma/ per Lodovico
de gli Arrighi Vicentino Scrittore,/
nel MDXXIIII di Settembre’
1524 32
 Small quarto
197 × 137 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca civica Bertoliana,
R. 36
Giangiorgio Trissino (cat. 8) was the
most important Humanist in Vicenza
in the first half of the sixteenth
century, a figure whose literary and
diplomatic importance extended
throughout and beyond Italy and his
lifetime. Born of wealthy but provin-
cial nobility, he had little opportunity
for a career of significance in Italian or
European politics. Rather than be-
coming a soldier or courtier, he
preferred the cultured and relatively
tranquil life of Papal ambassador and a
man of letters. He studied Greek in
Milan with Demetrius Chalcondylas
for two years (though it is unclear how
proficient he became in the language)
and philosophy in Ferrara with
Niccolò Leoniceno. After being ban-
ished from Vicenza in 1509 for polit-
ical reasons, he travelled throughout
Italy, establishing networks of friend-
ships with members of several literary
and artistic circles. Leo x (pope 1513-
1521) called him to Rome, where, like
his fellow Vicentine Valerio Belli (cats
12 and 13), he had direct contact with
the new art and architecture of
Raphael and Michelangelo. In 1532 he
was made a Count Palatine by the
Emperor Charles v, and thereafter he
devoted himself above all to his
writings and to his villa at Cricoli near
Vicenza (cat. 10). He was Palladio’s
first intellectual mentor – indeed, he
may have invented Palladio’s name –
and permanently shaped the archi-
tect’s interests and outlook.
Trissino’s significance as a Human-
ist lay at least as much in the stimulus
he provided for others as in his own
achievements. He took a lively but
largely unsuccessful part in the
contemporary debates about the Ital-
ian language, translating into Italian
and publishing Dante’s De vulgari
eloquentia (1529), and arguing in his
Castellano (1529) that the Italian
language should be enriched by
contributions from cultural centres
throughout the peninsula and not
only from Tuscany (the Tuscans
disagreed); he also proposed in his
Epistola de le lettere nuovamente
aggiunte alla lingua italiana (‘Epistle
on the letters newly added to the
Italian language’, 1524; cat. 164) that
the Italian alphabet should be enlarged
by the addition of several new letters
derived from the Greek alphabet to
indicate sounds not expressed by
Roman characters. Indeed, he printed
some of his own works with different
versions of this alphabet, but his
proposal was universally ignored. In
his Poetica in six books (Books 1-4,
1529; Books 5-6, composed c. 1549,
published posthumously 1562), he
33 provided normative rules for a large
number of literary genres, especially
the lyric and the dramatic, derived, in
Book 5, partly from Aristotle’s Poetics.
His own literary compositions in-
cluded Rime volgari (1529), a col-
lection of lyric poems in the vernacu-
lar; I Simillimi (1547), an adaptation
of Plautus’ Menaechmi, and La Italia
liberata da Gotthi (published 1547), a
lengthy epic poem in twenty-seven
books on the sixth-century war
between the Byzantines and the
Ostrogoths.
Trissino’s most important literary
achievement was his tragedy Sofonisba
(published in 1524). The play drama-
tises in a language of noble and
dignified pathos the tragic fate of its
title character, a Carthaginian noble-
woman trapped in the military, polit-
ical, and emotional turmoil of the
Second Punic War and eventually
coerced by her lover Masinissa, King
of the Numidians, to kill herself with
poison as a free woman rather than to
be humiliated as a prisoner of a
triumphant Rome. This may well be
the very first post-Classical attempt in
European literature to dramatise an
ancient story in a form imitating
Classical tragedy but written in the
vernacular. And yet it was not until a
quarter-century later that Trissino
studied Aristotle’s Poetics, and the
play’s borrowings from Seneca and the
Greek tragedians are few and super-
ficial: thus while the dying Sofonisba
does bear a few traces of Euripides’
Alcestis, she is in fact much closer to
Virgil’s Dido, interpreted as a quasi-
Christian martyr. In its essence the
play is not so much a response to real
Classical tragedy as a dream of what
ancient tragedy might have been like,
and it grows out of a creative variation
upon Livy’s account of the story of
Sophonisba in Book 30 of his Ab urbe
condita translation: Trissino constructs
a highly rhetorical dramatisation of
Livy’s already highly dramatic version,
following the Roman historian’s narra-
tive structure scene for scene and
[9.]
translating or paraphrasing his
speeches one by one.
The play was staged for the first
time in 1562 in Vicenza in a temporary
theatre designed by Palladio, and it
went on to influence dramatists of
greater stature than Trissino through-
out Europe.
Literature: Modern editions: Trissino
1969; Corrigan 1975; Ariani 1977;
Cremante 1988. Studies: Corrigan
1971, pp. 193-206; Ariani 1974; Pozza
1980; Lucignano Marchegiani 1990,
pp. 137-198; Musumarra 1991, pp. 65-
75; De Gregorio 1996, pp. 43-71;
Barilli 1997, pp. 27-59; Lieber 2000,
pp. 119-151; Alfonzetti 2001; Gallo
2002, pp. 67-103.
glenn most
 10. Marco Moro (1817-1885)
View of Villa Trissino at Cricoli
In: ‘Album/ Di/ Gemme
Architettoniche/ Ossia/ Gli Edifizj
Più Rimarchevoli Di Vicenza/ E Del/
Suo/ Territorio/ Rilevati Da Giuseppe
Zanetti/ Disegnati Da M. Moro/
e/ con cenni illustrativi dimostrati/
Da/ Giulio Co: Pulle’/ Venezia/
Litografia di Giovanni Brizeghel/
A Spese dell’Editore Antonio Barbaro
in Vicenza’
n.d. but 1847-1852
550 × 370 cm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi
di Architettura Andrea Palladio,
cap f xix 7
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
After returning to Vicenza in 1532,
Giangiorgio Trissino (cats 8, 9, 164 and
[10.]
p. 28) set about restructuring the villa at
Cricoli, just outside the city walls,
which his father Gaspare had bought
from Orso Badoer in 1482, when
probably still under construction. In
August 1537, in the minutes of a dispute
with the neighbouring Valmarana
family, Giangiorgio declared he had
employed a large number of workers
for around three months. This
statement is believed to refer to the new
work on the site, which, again
according to this document, ‘I made it
for ornament and honour for this city
and not only for my own convenience’.
The intention of making an archi-
tectural statement is quite clear: the
work did not involve the whole
building, but only modification, albeit
quite substantial, of the west front
giving onto the road from Vicenza to
Bassano by constructing a triple-arched
central loggia, framed by Ionic and
Corinthian strip pilasters. The design
of the façade shows an awareness of the
models of ancient and modern Rome,
hitherto unknown in Vicenza. The
design of the architectural elements is
erudite, as is demonstrated in the base
of the Ionic order which is of the
Vitruvian type without the second
torus. But the execution is often
ingenuous and the overall effect lacks
sculptural consistency: two-dimen-
sional like the frontispiece of a book,
the façade is above all a statement of the
new culture.
The authorship of the project has
been extensively discussed, including
attributions to the young Palladio and
especially to Sebastiano Serlio, who
published in his Third Book a modi-
fied version of the garden elevation of
the Villa Madama by Raphael, almost
literally replicated in the Cricoli villa
(Serlio 1540, fol. cxlix). The ‘literary’
consistency of the façade building,
however, suggests that Trissino may
have personally been responsible for
the remodelling. The internal distri-
bution of spaces is also of interest: on
two sides there is a sequence of a small
chamber, a square chamber and a large
chamber with proportioned relation-
ships – 24 × 16, 16 × 16 and 8 × 16
piedi. This combination has recently
been identified in Trissino’s archi-
tectural drawings and the most
plausible hypothesis is that this
sequence in the villa should therefore
be attributed to him (Burns 2002, p.
382). The systematic combinations of
space with proportioned relationships
was to become a distinguishing feature
of Palladio’s plans, and reflects the
earlier experiments of Giuliano da
34
35
[11.]
Sangallo and Francesco di Giorgio
when elaborating plans involving
groups of rooms organised in
apartments around a courtyard or a
central sala (Burns 2002, pp. 382-383).
Interestingly, the cellars, with their
strong brick vaults, have the same
sequence, suggesting that Trissino was
also responsible for remodelling the
basement zone, unless there was a
surprising precedent in the fifteenth-
century design.
Trissino reproduced in Vicenza a
type of house very similar to that built
in Padua by intellectuals such as Pietro
Bembo or Alvise Cornaro. Based on the
model of the ancient suburban villa,
this was reinterpreted in early sixteenth-
century Roman vigne (vineyard resi-
dences) to serve as a place of intellectual
life and the enjoyment of art. Nature
played an important role in these
buildings, and at Cricoli Trissino made
a ‘giardino, et uno horto di diverse
piante’ (‘a garden and orchard with
various plants’), for which in 1537,
Giangiorgio asked the Marquess of
Mantua if she would send her gardener
to tend to the box trees (Morsolin 1894,
doc. lx, pp. 198 and 419). By May 1538,
Giangiorgio was able to offer hospitality
to a group of friends in the villa, and so
presumably the work had been
completed. From 1798 to 1804, Ottavio
Bertotti Scamozzi made a number of
changes, such as replacing the earlier
Gothic elements and realigning the
windows to highlight the symmetry of
the building in an attempt to give it a
more ‘Palladian’ feel (Morresi 1994).
Literature: Serlio 1540; Morsolin 1894;
Puppi 1973b; Puppi 1987, pp. 72-91;
Frommel 1990, pp. 146-151; Morresi
1994, pp. 116-134; Beltramini 2002,
pp. 414-433; Burns 2002, pp. 382-385.
guido beltramini
11. Andrea Palladio
Elevation and plan of Palazzo
Civena (?)
Late 1530s
Verso: on the upper sheet, Talman
mark 257; on the lower sheet,
Talman mark 150
No watermark; ruler and stylus,
compasses, black chalk, pen
and brown ink, brush and sepia; red
border added later
The sheet was made by gluing
together two sheets (upper sheet:
231 × 151 mm / lower sheet 231 × 173
mm, with 4 cm underlapping)
No inscription
No scale indicated
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington, Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc228/xvii/14r
Howard Burns has recently suggested
that the first Vicentine building
attributed to Palladio, the house of the
Civena brothers, may have been the
result of collaboration between Gian-
giorgio Trissino (cats 8, 9, 164 and p.
28) and Palladio, on the grounds of the
many similarities that the palace has
with Trissino’s suburban villa at Cricoli
(cat. 10). The fact that the brothers
bought the house, inhabited by
Aurelio Dall’Acqua, in April 1540, and
that a new building site was opened
immediately (the foundation medal
bears the engraved date of the same
year) means that it is very likely that
the project was sold together with the
house and therefore should date from
the late 1530s (Burns 2002, p. 385).
In fact in a certain sense both the
villa at Cricoli and the Palazzo Civena
(figs 3.1-5) represent paper archi-
tecture: the façades are as if cut out of
a sheet of paper. In this respect they
relate to some of Falconetto’s
buildings, from which it would appear
that certain details derive, such as the
necking of the columns and the
mouldings of the bases, which, flat-
tened, continue on the background
wall (Villa dei Vescovi, 1534-1542). Fal-
conetto’s Monte di Pietà in Padua
(1532-1535) (fig. 5, p. 6) may have been
the source for the general scheme of
the Palazzo Civena façade, with a
continuous ground-floor portico and
a second level with the windows not
grouped in the middle of the façade, as
in the Veneto tradition, but opened at
regular intervals on the axis of the
arcades, with alternating triangular
and segmental pediments. There are,
however, also some interesting new
features, such as the ground-floor
rustication, very close to a drawing by
Antonio da Sangallo (Burns 2002, p.
384).
This sheet should be read in
sequence with a series of studies for
variations to the plan: that recorded
on riba xvi/17r (seven bays instead of
five), and the three variations on riba
xiv/11r. In all of them the common
theme concerns the positioning of the
stairs in relation to the covered en-
trance atrium. For a better under-
standing of these designs, comparison
should not be made with the present
plan, radically modified in the
nineteenth century, but with a
drawing published by Bertotti
Scamozzi (fig. 3.4), who claims to
have received it from the owners
(Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, i, pl.
xxxv).
This drawing appears to have been
for presentation to the patrons, even
though plan and elevation were put
together later.
Literature: Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-
1783, i, p. 70, pls xxxv-xxxvi; Zorzi
1965, pp. 183-187; Puppi 1973, pp.
242-245; Burns 1975, p. 35; Burns
1980, pp. 103-121, especially p. 117;
Barbieri 1987, pp. 65-66; Boucher
1998, pp. 35-38; Battilotti 1999, pp.
447-448; Burns 2002, pp. 384-385.
guido beltramini
12. Workshop of Vincenzo Grandi
(c. 1493-1577/1578) and Gian
Gerolamo Grandi (1508-1560)
Portrait of Valerio Belli
1530s-1550s
Marble
51.4 × 44.8 cm
Inscription: ‘valerivs bellvs
vicentinvs’ (engraved top left)
London, Victoria and Albert
Museum, Department of Sculpture,
A.4-1932
[Exhibited in London]
This bas-relief depicts the engraver of
gems and rock crystals Valerio Belli (c.
1468-1546) (see p. 31 and cat. 13), the
most celebrated Vicentine Renaissance
artist, to whom Giorgio Vasari
dedicated a biography (1550 and 1568),
and whose appearance is well known
due to a host of portraits in many
different media – paintings, drawings
and medals. Belli was one of the most
significant links between the Veneto
and Rome in the early decades of the
sixteenth century. This is evidenced in
prestigious commissions received from
Popes Leo x, Clement vii and Paul iii,
and his friendship with men of letters
of the calibre of Pietro Bembo,
Giangiorgio Trissino, Pietro Aretino,
and artists such as Raphael and
Michelangelo. He also had relations
with the cultivated Florentine car-
dinals Niccolò Ridolfi and Giovanni
Salviati, and was deeply bound to the
Venetian cardinal Marino Grimani. In
the cardinal’s Roman palace, in
autumn 1539, Valerio met Francisco
De Holanda, who gives a vivid elegant
portrait of him in his Dialoghi
Romani. Valerio Belli was thus also
without doubt an important cultural
reference point for the young Palladio.
The bas-relief portrait was certainly
made in the first half of the sixteenth
century, although thus far it has been
difficult firmly to identify its maker.
Around the mid-seventeenth century
the work was in the Gualdo collection,
Vicenza, where it was accurately
described by its then owner, Girolamo
the Younger, although attributed to
Michelangelo (Barausse 2000, p. 453,
doc. no. 155). It had very probably
been in the Gualdo household since
the sixteenth century, given the close
friendship between Valerio and
Girolamo Gualdo the Elder, who was
also the executor of his will. The
attribution to Michelangelo appears to
have been an ingenuous attempt to
elevate the sculpture and to highlight
Valerio’s distinguished friendships.
The London bas-relief resembles a
specific Cinquecento portrait type
derived from an antique prototype
depicting the two great ancient philo-
sophers, Plato and Aristotle. There are
many examples of this type, of varying
quality. Relevant to this specific work
are two sets: one in the Palazzo
Vescovile, Trent, and the other in the
Prado, Madrid. In both cases, the two
philosophers are shown, head and
shoulders, in profile, with a Greek
inscription at the top, as is also the
case in the portrait of Belli, and even
the dimensions of their marble blocks
are very close to those of the Victoria
and Albert bas-relief. Comparison
with the two chimney satyrs in the
Sala Grande in the castle of Buon-
consiglio, Trent, and some heads from
the cantoria in Santa Maria Maggiore,
Trent, has led Francesca de Gramatica
to suggest that the two Trent reliefs are
similar to the work of the sculptor
Vincenzo Grandi, active in Trent from
1531 (de Gramatica 1991, pp. 233-238)
(cats 3 and 4). While the Trent reliefs
were probably originally exhibited
there, the Prado works came from the
collection of Don Diego Hurtado de
Mendoza, a cultivated ambassador of
Charles v in Venice, where he lived
from 1539 to 1546. It is thus very
probable that both pairs of reliefs were
produced in the Veneto in the 1530s or
1540s: for the time being, the work-
shop of Vincenzo and his nephew
Gian Gerolamo Grandi appears to be
the most plausible attribution for this
portrait of Valerio Belli.
Literature: Maclagan, Longhurst 1932,
p. 134; Pope-Hennessy 1964, ii, pp.
488-489, fig. 513; Boucher, in Burns
1975, cat. 181, p. 98; Davis 1989, p.
284 note 12; Burns 2000a, p. 42;
Gasparotto 2000, p. 65; Gasparotto,
in Gasparotto, Shearman 2000, cat. 3,
pp. 271-273; Davis 2007, pp. 265-275.
davide gasparotto
13. Valerio Belli (c. 1468-1546)
Christ Washing the Feet
of the Disciples
c. 1535-1540
Rock crystal; chipped on the lower
right edge; gilded metal frame;
trapezoidal
61 × 66 mm (upper base)
/ 87 mm (lower base)
Inscription: (on the two tables on the
wall) ‘si non l / avero te / ·non
h· // abebis / partem / mecvm’
(St. John, xiii, 8)
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica, AP I 3
The Vicentine engraver received the
commission for this precious rock
crystal from Pope Clement vii (de’
Medici) in 1533. It was probably
originally intended to form part of an
altar service and was only completed
during the reign of Pope Paul iii 36
 [13.]

37
[12.]
[14.]

38
 (Farnese). On 28 November 1545
Valerio Belli received 45 gold scudi as
the first instalment of a total of 1,200
scudi, which he was to receive from the
pope for making a cross, two candle-
sticks and two crystal paci (Barausse
2000, p. 434, doc. no. 110). After his
death in 1546, his son Elio received the
remaining 1,155 scudi (Barausse 2000,
p. 438, doc. no. 121).
Although the goldsmith’s frame
round the crystal plaque has been lost,
it is possible, on the basis of a series of
crystal works and small plaques, all
trapezoidal in shape, to reconstruct a
typologically and iconographically
consistent group of works depicting
the key episodes in Christ’s Passion:
larger rock-crystal plaques showing
Christ before Pilate (Cincinnati, Taft
Museum), Ecce Homo (Paris, Cabinet
des Médailles), and The Ascent to
Calvary (Vicenza, Museo Civico)
might have decorated the foot of the
cross, whereas smaller plaques show-
ing Christ Entering Jerusalem (New
York, Metropolitan Museum of Art),
Christ in Limbo (Cincinnati, Taft
Museum), Christ Seized in the Garden,
The Deposition in the Tomb, and The
Incredulity of Saint Thomas (all now
only known through the plaques)
together with the Christ Washing the
Feet – would appear to have been set
in the bases of the two candlesticks, in
the same way as the marble decorating
the base of the cross, attributable to
Valerio, now in the Victoria and
Albert Museum. The style of the
figuration is a further element favour-
ing this hypothesis: it is very uniform
and reflects the late development of
the language Valerio had elaborated in
earlier works, such as the Cross in the
Museo Sacro Vaticano (c. 1524) and
especially in the Cassetta Medici
(Museo degli Argenti di Firenze; 1530-
1532). This style is essentially based on
the authority of the historical Roman
survey, on the one hand, and its re-
invention in the circles of Raphael’s
workshop in the 1510s, on the other.
The architectural elements, not
present in the Vatican crystals and
greatly simplified in the Cassetta, are
much more elaborate, for example, in
the New York, Paris and Vicenza
crystals: in the Cabinet des Médailles
Ecce Homo, the articulation of the
background building seems to echo
the celebrated engraving of the
Martyrdom of St. Lawrence by Mar-
cantonio Raimondi, after a drawing by
Baccio Bandinelli, while the powerful
rustication which appears for the first
time in the buildings in The Ascent to
Calvary (Vicenza) and the Cincinnati
Christ in Limbo probably reflects
Valerio’s interest in the language of
Giulio Romano, Jacopo Sansovino
and Michele Sanmicheli. In the
Vicenza Ascent to Calvary, the figures
of prisoners with hands tied behind
39 their backs and the soldier with ‘scaly’
armour seem to be the outcome of
studies of motifs from reliefs on
Trajan’s Column, of which Valerio
owned some important drawings,
mentioned in his will (Barausse 2000,
pp. 437-438, doc. no. 119), whereas in
the Christ Washing the Feet, the two
figures leaning on the pediment are an
all’antica motif that became very
popular in sixteenth-century archi-
tecture and was also much loved by
Palladio.
Literature: Zorzi 1920, pp. 189-190,
191, fig. 7; Kris 1929, i, pp. 52, 162-
163, nos. 182-183, ii, pl. 44; Ballarin
1973, pp. 142-144; Gasparotto, in
Banzato, Beltramini, Gasparotto
1997, no. 122; Collareta, Gasparotto
1999, pp. 104-105, 110; Burns 2000b,
pp. 281-284; Collareta 2000, p. 120;
Gasparotto 2000, pp. 91-93; Gaspa-
rotto 2000a, p. 313, no. 7.2; Lewis
2000a, p. 127; Gasparotto, in Ava-
gnina, Binotto, Villa 2003-2005, pp.
182-185, nos. 203-204.
davide gasparotto
14. Giovanni Battista Maganza,
called Magagnò (c. 1513-1586)
Self-portrait
Late 1550s-1560s
Oil on canvas
105 × 83.5 cm
Inscription: ‘gio.batt. maganza
s. s. dip’
Florence, Galleria degli Uffizi, 1890,
n. 1741
Together with Fabio Monza, Giovanni
Battista Maganza was probably one of
Palladio’s closest friends. Five years
younger than the architect, he was also
of Paduan origin. He arrived on the
Vicentine scene a few years earlier
than Palladio. In a play published in
1539 under the pseudonym of
Lucrezio Beccanuvoli, Maganza de-
scribes ‘all the Vicentine women,
married women, widows and maid-
ens’. He had come to Vicenza for the
staging of the play in the courtyard of
the Palazzo Colleoni-Porto, where a
temporary theatre had been erected to
designs by Sebastiano Serlio (Bandini
1990, p. 17). Like Palladio, Maganza
enjoyed the protection of Giangiorgio
Trissino. Together with the young
aristocrat Marco Thiene (1520-1552),
the two friends journeyed to Rome in
autumn 1545, and they are known to
have stayed in the Roman residence of
the Thiene during a subsequent visit
from autumn 1546 to July 1547
(Beltramini, Demo 2008, pp. 128-
131).
In the play of 1539, Maganza is
described as ‘a no less excellent painter
than poet’ and, as such, collaborated
with Palladio on the temporary
architecture (apparato effimero) erect-
ed in Vicenza to celebrate the arrival of
Bishop Ridolfi in 1543 (see p. 2). He (1577-1617, the son of Alessandro (c.
also executed the now lost frescoes for 1556-c. 1630). The Catalogo generale
Mario Repeta’s villa at Campiglia and also records its provenance as having
probably also a room in the Palazzo been acquired by Cosimo iii in Venice
Barbaran da Porto (section 22). in September 1681, then moved to the
Much is known about Maganza’s Uffizi Gallery on 27 October 1682,
writings. Together with Marco Thiene where it has hung ever since (Gli
(Begotto) and Agostino Rava (Me- Uffizi 1979, p. 924, A 559). However,
non), he published a four-part col- given that the artist portrays himself
lection of verse, Rime di Magagnò, holding a book, it would seem more
Menon, Begotto in lingua rustica, in compelling to suggest that the subject
1558, 1562, 1569, and 1583 (Bandini is Giovanni Battista senior, and the
1983, p. 341). In these works a friend book that he holds is possibly the first
called ‘barba Andrea’ (in Veneto part of his Rime (1558), or the second
dialect, the ‘old fellow Andrea’) ap- part published in 1562. This
pears along with a number of other identification is further reinforced by
characters, enabling us to reconstruct a the publication in a catalogue to a
map of the group’s relations: Chia- Palladio exhibition in 1980 of a
vellin (Colonel Valerio Chiericati, a portrait of ‘Io. Baptista Magantia co-
colonel in the Venetian militia with gnomento Magagnò’ (‘I, Baptista
whom Palladio shared many military Magantia known as Magagnò’) from a
interests), Daniele Barbaro, Giacomo private Vicentine collection, whose
Contarini, Mario Repeta, Leonardo features are similar to those in the
Mocenigo and Francesco Pisani. Ma- Uffizi painting. The Self-portrait was
ganza’s verse provides us with rare published, without any substantiation
insights into Palladio’s personality, as being of Magagnò, in 2003 (Fon-
such as his generosity and learning (for tana 2003, p. 72).
example, the architect recounts to
Maganza the myth of Echo and Literature: Bandini 1969-1970, pp. 41-
Narcissus). There are also references to 64; Bernardi 1973; Bandini 1983, pp.
published works, for example 327-362; Bandini 1990, pp. 15-26;
Svetrulio (Vitruvius), illustrated for Fontana 2003, pp. 45-87; Carpané,
Daniele Barbaro, and to buildings, Serafini 2006, pp. 308-312; Beltra-
such as the Palazzo Valmarana or the mini, Demo 2008, pp. 128-131.
Villa Rotonda, considered by Ma-
ganza Palladio’s most successful work guido beltramini
because the patron had allowed him
complete freedom for his creativity
(Beltramini, Demo 2008, p. 130).
A sophisticated poet in the guise of
a rustic (Bandini 1990, p. 16) writing
in Paduan dialect with metric
structures derived from Classical
models, Maganza sang the praises of
the Vicentine aristocratic élite without
ever becoming part of it. He did
however, dine at the tables of the
nobles and become a member of the
Accademia Olimpica. Almost all his
poems were written for banquets and
celebrations; several, however, had a
bitter undercurrent of requests for
help and support. Palladio’s social rise
and growing prestige contrast with the
personal story of Maganza, whose days
ended darkly in poverty and shrouded
in accusations of profiteering and
negromancy (Carpané, Serafini 2006,
p. 309).
Although very little is known about
his activities as a painter, sources
mention Maganza as a much sought-
after artist, especially of portraits.
Only one painting, the Madonna of
the Rosary, in the parish church of
Montebello, Vicenza, dated 1583, can
be firmly attributed to him. Now the
Uffizi self-portrait is another important
work in reconstructing the artist’s
output. In fact, the Catalogo generale of
the Uffizi, as well as eighteenth-century
prints of the work, have identified the
sitter as ‘Giovambattista Maganza il
Giovane’, that is, Magagnò’s nephew
4. Giulio Romano and the Palazzo Thiene, Vicenza
Palazzo Thiene (designed c. 1541-1542, constructed 1542-1558)
occupies a unique place in Palladio’s life. Though unfinished, it is the
grandest palace associated with him: ‘a house built in a stupendous,
magnificent ornate style’, write the tax commissioners in 1564. Had
the building been finished, it would have rivalled the Palazzo Farnese
in Rome or the palace of Charles v at Granada, buildings begun by
the most powerful men in Europe: Pope Paul iii and the Emperor
Charles v. At the Palazzo Thiene, Palladio learned how to become a
great architect, acting as Giulio Romano’s on-site assistant and
observing how Raphael’s ablest pupil designed and dealt with his
patrons. When Palladio took over the construction, he defined
himself architecturally, setting a distance between Giulio’s witty,
complex and restless style, and his own desire for visual stability and
respect for norms.
The palace was the outcome of three contributions: that of the
Thiene family, Giulio Romano and Palladio. The size of the building
reflected the wealth and ambition of the brothers Marcantonio and
Adriano Thiene. The family had achieved national prominence by the
late fourteenth century. From the 1540s onwards, the brothers figure
4.1. Palazzo Thiene,
ground floor plan
(drawing by Simone
Baldissini, 2008)
4.2. Palazzo Thiene,
woodcut reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 13)
4.3. Cat. 20, detail
[4.1.]
as the richest tax-payers in Vicenza. Their joint wealth passed to
Marcantonio when Adriano died at Fontainebleau in 1551 in the
service of Henry ii of France, whose bust is proudly displayed in the
palace. The primary function of the palace for these extremely
powerful nobles was to impress (or terrify) their fellow citizens, and to
entertain even princely visitors passing through Vicenza. The palace
was not a wild extravagance but a calculated investment in the family’s
future, useful in negotiating socially or financially advantageous
marriages and obtaining lucrative or prestigious appointments, like
Adriano’s position in France. The Thiene were at the apex of Vicentine
society. The marriage of Marcantonio’s sister to the builder of Palazzo
Porto (cat. 36) consolidated their position as leading players, together
with the Portos, of the pro-Venetian and pro-French faction in
Vicenza. But they wanted to climb one rung higher and so rise from
being great landowners and city bosses to become independent rulers.
Only royal favour and/or marriage could bring this about. The
strategy of placing Adriano at the French court failed, however, when
he died in France. Marcantonio’s son Ottavio married the heiress of
the Count of Scandiano, a micro-state under the wing of the Duke of
40
[4.2.]

[4.4.]
Ferrara. Ottavio became Count of Scandiano (1565), and his son
Giulio was given the title of Marquis (1586). The Thiene, having
reached their goal, partly thanks to the palace, abandoned it and
moved on to their castle-palace in Scandiano.
The Thiene were close to the Gonzaga rulers of Mantua. They had
naturally sought designs from the prestigious and noble ducal
architect Giulio Romano, and not from the unknown stonemason-
architect Palladio. Inigo Jones writes: ‘Scamozo [Vincenzo Scamozzi]
and Palmo [Palma Giovane] saith that thes designes wear of Julio
Romano and executed by Palladio and so yt seemes’ (Allsopp 1970).
The palace’s style and the contacts between the Thiene and the
Mantuan court, as well as Giulio Romano’s presence in Vicenza in
December 1542 all support Jones’ testimony. Giulio would have
grasped who the Thiene were and what they wanted as well as their
site’s potential. The palace stands at the heart of the city; the building
campaign of the Thienes’ grandfather Ludovico had created a
substantial residence, occupying much of three sides of a large block.
The Thiene offered Giulio the chance to do what, for all his
achievements, he had never done: build a great city palace. The plan
4.6. Palazzo Thiene,
window on the piano
nobile
4.7. Palazzo Thiene,
woodcut reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II,
pp. 14-15)
[4.6.]
4.4. Palazzo Thiene,
courtyard elevation
and section (drawing
by Andrej and Ewa
Soltan, 1971)
4.5. Palazzo Thiene,
façade
[4.5.]
owes something to Francesco di Giorgio’s palace designs and to Fra
Giocondo’s reconstruction of the ancient Roman domus (1511), well
known to Giulio. The site allowed Giulio to plan an impressive
square courtyard of modern Roman type, like the Palazzo Farnese or
Bramante’s Palazzo dei Tribunali, also planned with corner towers.
The square layout also resembles Giulio’s Palazzo Te, while the cortile
elevations recall Giulio’s recent design for the ‘Italian building’ of
Duke Ludwig x at Landshut (1536). The Palazzo Thiene has a
vestibule with columns, halls and chambers richly decorated with
frescoes and stuccoes, and façades with massive rusticated blocks, of
real stone at key points, and brick, plastered to resemble stonework,
elsewhere. Above, Giulio placed an order of composite pilasters
which frame windows decorated with Ionic columns entrapped by
rough-hewn blocks, an idea copied from his own house in Rome (cat.
16). The slightly projecting corner ‘towers’ evoke lordly castles, and
echo the battlemented tower of the Palazzo Porto Negri De Salvi, just
opposite. Giulio added an attic in the courtyard and may well have
envisaged an attic on the exterior; he probably proposed the central
projecting wing towards the city’s main street (cat. 18).
42
[4.7.]
 [4.8.] [4.9.]

When Giulio died in 1546, Palladio became the sole architect. He 1981, pp. 88-93; Cerutti Fusco 1985, pp. 125-132; Marini 1985, pp. 73- 4.8. Palazzo Thiene,
atrium
probably did not (and could not) radically change Giulio’s design, 108; Burns 1989, pp. 502-509; Forster 1989; Frommel 1990, pp. 146-
4.9. Palazzo Thiene,
which is already reflected in Serlio’s projects for the Chateau of 165; Kühlbacher 1990, pp. 166-181; Zaupa 1990, pp. 109-114; Zaupa courtyard

Ancy-le-Franc (designed c. 1542). Serlio may have seen the project 1990a, pp. 311-325; Zaupa 1990b, pp. 74-79; Schädler-Saub 1994,
before leaving for France in 1541, or at the French court. Palladio’s pp. 135-150; Boucher 1998, pp. 38-48; Battilotti 1999, pp. 450-451;
contribution seems to have been limited to the design of details and Barbieri, Cevese 2004, pp. 469-478; Barbieri 2006-2007; Barausse
possibly the form of the splendid vestibule vault. Otherwise he 2007; Burns 2007; Forster 2007.
merely toned down the unruly vigour of Giulio’s elevation (this
ironing out and embellishing continued when he redrew the Howard Burns
elevations for publication in the Quattro Libri; fig. 4.7; cat. 22). It
is not known whether Ottavio Thiene or Palladio realistically
considered completing the palace on the side towards Vicenza’s
main street (cat. 18).
The building contributed much to Palladio’s growing fame, which
partly explains why he never mentions Giulio’s contribution: ‘yet
Palladio sets yt downe as his owne’, Inigo Jones comments laconically
(Allsopp 1970). The plates in the Quattro Libri were more influential
than the unfinished building. Cameron, for example, alluded to its
Ionic windows at Pavlosk (cat. 199), and they contributed a very
successful idea to European architecture: the projecting pedimented
central wing. Inigo Jones quotes this feature in his New Exchange
design (1608). Later it provided a model for the arcaded porticoes of
palaces and theatres, allowing visitors or opera-goers to descend
under cover from their carriages. One early and sophisticated
adaptation of the Palazzo Thiene design, involving the ‘shifting’ of
wall planes and retaining the attic below the pediment shown in
Palladio’s plate, is that of Giuseppe Piermarini in his famous La Scala
Theatre in Milan (1777-1778).

Literature: Palladio 1570, ii, pp. 12-15; Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, i,

pp. 68-74; Cevese 1952; Zorzi 1965, pp. 204-213; Ackerman 1966, pp.
94-98; Magagnato 1966; Allsopp 1970, 1, pp. 21-22; Forster, Tuttle
1971; Forster, Tuttle 1973, pp. 107-119; Puppi 1973, pp. 251-254; Burns
1975, pp. 36-38, 230-231; Carpeggiani 1976, pp. 227-234; Cevese 1976,
43 pp. 9-20; Berger 1978, pp. 218-228; Battilotti 1980, pp. 47-51; Lewis
 15. Titian (c. 1490-1576)
Portrait of Giulio Romano
c. 1537
Oil on canvas
101 × 86 cm
Condition: the examination by Dario
Sanguanini identified numerous small
losses, repaired during the 1965
restoration, without compromising
the legibility of the work; infrared
examination revealed an important
pentimento relating to the fingers
of the left hand – the charcoal
underdrawing shows the first finger
extending diagonally downwards;
Titian then altered the hand to
display the drawing more effectively
Provenance: Giulio Romano at least
until 1573; Vespasiano Gonzaga; sold
1627-1628 to Charles i of England
(Long Gallery, Whitehall Palace);
creditor of the executed king in 1651;
bought by George, 7th Baron
Kinnaird (d. 1805); sold at Christie’s
21 June 1946 by the 12th Baron
Kinnaird; bought at Christie’s by the
Marcos family, the Philippines; sold
by the Philippine government in
1991; purchased for the City of
Mantua in 1996, with the support
of the Province of Mantua,
the Lombard Region, and
the Fondazione Cariplo; since
1999 exhibited at the Palazzo Te
Provincia di Mantova and Regione
Lombardia, on deposit at Mantua,
Museo Civico di Palazzo Te
After working as Raphael’s pupil, and
then his assistant, Giulio Romano
(1492/1499-1546) took over the studio
together with Gianfrancesco Penni on
his master’s death in 1520. In Rome,
he already demonstrated his archi-
tectural ability. He moved to Mantua
late in 1524 and, as court artist of
Federico Gonzaga, produced paintings
and designs for buildings, including
[15.] the architecture and decoration of the
Palazzo Te. He remained in Mantua
till his death in 1546, making only
short trips, such as the 1542 visit to
Vicenza as consultant on the re-
building of the loggias of the Palazzo
della Ragione (section 8) and his
engagement with the design of the
Palazzo Thiene
Titian’s portrait of his friend was
probably executed between 1536 and
1538. Titian had himself visited Man-
tua and worked from 1536 on the
paintings of the Twelve Caesars for the
Ducal Palace. Giulio probably visited
Venice in the summer of 1537 and may
have been painted in Titian’s studio at
that time.
The portrait, which can be com-
pared to Titian’s portrait of Alfonso
d’Avalos (1533), complements Vasari’s
pen-portrait of Giulio in his Le Vite.
Giulio’s intelligence and elegant
urbanity emerge. The artist shows us a
drawing. Vasari recalls how Giulio
displayed his projects when he visited
him in his Mantuan house: an
educative experience which Palladio
may have shared. Giulio does not hold
a brush or compasses but an archi-
tectural project, a key to his profession
and identity. Drawing is presented as
his central activity, representing the
capacity for invention, following Al-
berti’s definition of the intellectual
basis of the architect’s skills (Giulio’s
own copy of Alberti’s De re aedi-
ficatoria survives). The plan featured
in the painting has not been identi-
fied. The church is not large. Con-
sisting of a square within a circle, it is
indebted to Brunelleschi’s Santa Maria
degli Angeli and to the language of
niches and curved walls which Bra-
mante and Raphael had used at St.
Peter’s, emulated by Giulio in the
ambulatory of San Benedetto Po. The
design resembles Giulio’s centralised
designs in the Codex Chlumczansky
in Prague. The project is compatible
with the medieval round church of
San Lorenzo in Mantua, though no
intention to modernise it is recorded.
The painting was known to Inigo
Jones, Charles I’s artistic adviser, and
familiar to Van Dyck, in England
from 1632. It inspired his portrait
drawing of Inigo Jones, showing the
English architect holding a large
drawing (see cat. 191).
Literature: Shearman 1965; Pallucchi-
ni 1969, i, p. 273; Wethey 1971, pp.
133-134; Fairbairn, in Burns 1975, pp.
28-29; Fairbairn, in Chambers, Marti-
neau 1981, pp. 185-186; Tafuri, in
Gombrich 1989, pp. 46-49; Ferrari
1992, ii, p. 1192; Romani, Sanguanini
1997, pp. 7-31; Bazzotti 2000.
ugo bazzotti and howard burns
16. Anonymous
View of the façade of Giulio
Romano’s house
in Macel de’ Corvi, Rome
c. 1530-c. 1560
Verso: plan of the Villa Madama
(notes in Italian); antique base (from
the interior of the Temple of Mars
Ultor) in San Marco, Rome (notes
in German?)
No watermark visible; ruler
and stylus, chalk, pen and brown
ink, with ruler and freehand, brush
and brown wash
281 × 201 mm
Provenance: Lord Burlington (?);
Dukes of Devonshire
Chatsworth, The Duke of
Devonshire and Trustees of the
Chatsworth Settlement, Devonshire
Collections, Album 35, no. 53r
This is one of six known drawings
which record the appearance of the
façade which Giulio designed between
1523 and 1524, after gaining sole
possession of the house left by his
father in Macel de’ Corvi, an im-
portant street near Trajan’s column.
The façade disappeared long before
this densely built-up area was
demolished. Praised by Vasari, the
house enjoyed considerable fame: the
window aedicule, which Giulio
recycled at the Palazzo Thiene, was
later imitated by Galeazzo Alessi at the
Palazzo Marino in Milan (1557).
The façade has two parts, wide and
narrow. The original house was
probably of a standard type: a shop
front and a doorway leading to the
stairs to the upper living floors. Giulio
turned the shop into an entrance hall,
gaining space for the rusticated
doorway and Ionic window. The
original entrance became a window.
The façade jutted into the street,
prompting the creation of a version of
contemporary theatre scenes, com-
plete with Trajan’s column in the
background. Giulio invests in a few
large, eye-catching elements. Palladio,
perhaps influenced by Giulio, did the
same in the façade for the house of
Pietro Cogollo (Vicenza; 1560-1570).
Giulio displays his brilliance in
devising rustication inspired by the
Porta Maggiore and the substructures
of the Temple of Claudius, and
exhibits a relief, an antique inscription
and a Corinthian capital from his own
collection of antiquities, following the
example of Lorenzo Manlio and other
Roman collectors.
Literature: Vasari 1568 (1906), v, p.
535; Gombrich 1933, pp. 36-43;
Gombrich 1934-1935, p. 83; Lou-
komski 1940, p. 73, fig. 11 (probably
Dosio); Hartt 1958, pp. 258 ff.;
Frommel 1973, ii, pp. 216-223; Burns
1975, p. 37 (Anonymous German
artist ?, c. 1530); Burns 1979a, p. 14,
fig. 7; Lewis 1981, p. 90 (Anonymous,
1530 ?); Burns, in Gombrich 1989, pp.
297-298 (Anonymous Flemish artist
?); Frommel, in Gombrich 1989, pp.
126-130, 296; Lewis 2000, pp. 117-
118. See also: Tucci 2001, pp. 201-224.
howard burns
44
45
[16.]
 17. Andrea Palladio
Elevation of a palace
or villa façade
c. 1536-1540
Verso: Talman mark 150
No watermark; ruler and stylus,
compasses, pen and brown ink, brush
and yellow-brown wash
181 × 262 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc228/xvii/23r
This drawing and riba xvii/26 are
the earliest surviving project drawings
by Palladio. Although displaying a
knowledge of Giulio’s Palazzo Te, it is
not necessarily a design for a palace,
[17.]
since pre-Palladian Veneto villas of the antique and great modern
always had two storeys. The basic masters, is clear.
layout is traditional: a wide entrance
hall and the sala above, with a three- Literature: Puppi 1973, p. 249; Berger
light window. The window has 1978, pp. 57-61; Lewis 1981, pp. 20-
columns and a pediment, following 21; Barbieri 1990, pp. 92-94, fig. 6 (as
the beautiful façade of the Palazzo riba xvii/26); Morresi 1990a, pp.
Contarini delle Figure on the Grand 112-119; Lewis 2000, pp. 30-31 (as
Canal. All other elements derive from façade project for the Palazzo da
ancient or modern Rome and from Monte, Vicenza, c. 1538-1539).
the courtyard of the Palazzo Te. The
upper windows resemble the portal of howard burns
the Domus Comestabilis in Vicenza
(1536), perhaps by Palladio; the lower
ones, derived from the Temple of the
Sybil at Tivoli, appear on the façade
of the Palazzo Trissino-Conti, Vi-
cenza. The design is paper archi-
tecture based on the study of real
architecture on paper, not on built
works. But the determination to
create a new language, versed in that
46
 18. Andrea Palladio,
after (?) Giulio Romano
(c. 1500-1546)
Elevation study for two bays
and the corner ‘tower’ of the
upper level of the exterior
of Palazzo Thiene, Vicenza
c. 1542
Verso: Talman mark 54
Watermark: a cardinal’s hat flanked
by the letters A P;
ruler and stylus, compasses, black
chalk, pen and brown ink
214 × 344 mm
No dimensions shown
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc227/xvii/7r
[18.]
47
This drawing by Palladio is probably a different window sill solutions appear.
copy of a study by Giulio for the The lively rustication and presence of
Palazzo Thiene: it resembles Giulio’s brickwork reflect Giulio’s style rather
drawings for his Mantuan house and than Palladio’s less vibrant approach.
for the Porta del Te. It shows two bays
and half the corner ‘tower’ for the Literature: Burns 1975, pp. 37-38;
upper level of the Palazzo Thiene and Berger 1978, pp. 167-170; Lewis 1981,
partly resembles the built design: the p. 91 (suggests that a downstairs door
tower has paired pilasters; rough is shown; 1542-46); Burns 1989, pp.
blocks decorate the small columns. 504-505; Lewis 2000, p. 118; Burns
However, the Doric order is employed 2007, pp. 86-90.
with rusticated, not smooth, pilasters.
In the right bay, the pilasters are more howard burns
widely spaced, framing a window or
niche, and hence grip the window
aedicules tightly. A similar scheme
appears in the Giulio studio painting
Presagio di Claudio (‘Claudio’s Fore-
boding’) at Hampton Court. Alter-
natives are presented: on the left a base
with a single torus, while the other
pilasters are without bases; three
 48
[19.]
 19. Andrea Palladio
Plan and elevation for Villa
Valmarana at Vigardolo
Probably 1542-43; no later than 1546;
epsilon handwriting
Verso: pen and brown ink sketch plan
for the Villa Pisani at Bagnolo,
with semicircular loggia, apse-ended
loggia, and no sala; Talman mark 54
No watermark; ruler and stylus,
compasses, pen and brown ink,
brush and biscuit wash
405 × 260 mm
Notes on the drawing: piεdi (several
times), q[uarti] (3 times), p[iedi]
(several times)
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino;
30 piedi vicentini = 82 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc227/xvii/2r
This elegant design corresponds to the
executed plan and shows the vaults
actually constructed over the small
front rooms. The built façade has a
serliana, but lacks the pediment and
the ‘Palazzo Thiene’ windows, here
expanded laterally to dominate the
side bays. The plan derives from Cri-
coli (cat. 10), with three-room apart-
ments flanking the loggia and sala.
The elevation is revolutionary: a single
living floor, a commanding cross-vault
over the square loggia, and a great
pediment framing a serliana (cf. Villa
Poiana, cat. 55b). The shoulders of the
loggia are reinforced to resist the vault
thrust; fireplaces are provided in the
four larger chambers. Service rooms,
never built, are foreseen under the
main floor. The convention of align-
ing plan and orthogonal elevation was
regularly used by Antonio da Sangallo
the Younger and was also adopted by
Palladio.
Literature: Dalla Pozza 1964-1965, pp.
235-238; Burns 1975, p. 182; Berger
1978, pp. 64, 71-86; Lewis 1981, pp.
78-80 (1541); Barausse, Beltramini,
Nante, in Burns, Beltramini, Gaiani
1997 (‘Villa Valmarana, Vigardolo’);
Battilotti 1999, pp. 451-452; Lewis
2000, pp. 28-31 (1541).
howard burns
20. Andrea Palladio
Sketch plans of Palazzo Thiene,
Vicenza, and Villa Thiene, Quinto;
details of the Temple of Minerva
in the Forum of Nerva and of
the Temple of Castor and Pollux
in the Roman Forum
1560-1565; mature handwriting
Verso: Sketch plans of the Imperial
Fora, the Baths of Nero, and other
49 antiquities
Watermark: none visible; pen and
brown ink, drawn freehand; a darker
ink and broader pen in the sketches
of the antiquities; the plans of the
Palazzo Thiene and the Villa Thiene
at Quinto with a finer pen; the
calculations at the top and in the
middle of the sheet are in a yellower
ink; the note ‘misurata co[n] el
palmo’ is in black chalk or graphite
425.5 × 297 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘de le tre
colone soto el capitolio’; ‘q[uarti] 12
1
/2’; ‘de le tre colone soto el capitolio
[added with another pen]’, ‘mesura
con el palmo Romano’; ‘del tenpio
de nerva co[n] el palmo’; ‘basa de
dito tenpio’; ‘mesurata co[n] el palmo
[in chalk or graphite]’; ‘cornixeze
del tempio de nerva tragano’; ‘mesura
co[n] el palmo romano’; ‘p[iedi] 17
da meza colona’; ‘p[almi] 52 senca
el capitelo et la basa co[n] el palmo’;
many dimensions in piedi, palmi,
once and minuti
Units of measurement: piede
vicentino and palmo romano
History and ownership: Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc223/xiv/4r
The sheet is covered by freehand
drawings of details of the Temple of
Minerva in the Forum of Nerva, and
of the Temple of Castor and Pollux
(the ‘Tre Colonne’) in the Forum,
originally measured in Roman palmi.
Suspended from a cornice is a plumb
line and, above it, a level of a type used
since Egyptian times. Palladio also
lightly sketches, probably from
memory, the Thiene projects, then, as
today, unfinished.
Sketch plan of Villa Thiene: The
sketch of the house corresponds to the
Worcester College plan (cat. 23) and to [20.]
the executed wing, with a small and a
large room on either side of a central
corridor. The great vaulted loggia
appears on the right. On all four sides,
Palladio draws triangular pediments,
‘folded back’, over the plan of the
building. The drawing appears to show
something of the villa’s surroundings:
the line of the streets which flank it,
and the oblique line of the farm court
enclosure wall above it (cat. 23).
Sketch elevation of the loggia façade
of Villa Thiene: Hitherto unnoticed is
the faint elevation sketch above the
plan of the villa. It shows three arches,
divided apparently by a pilaster or
column, and framed by paired
pilasters with a niche between them.
There is a high attic, as in Inigo Jones’s
sketch and in Muttoni’s recon-
struction (based, he writes, on a now
lost Palladio drawing). Palladio here
decorates the attic with statues (shown
as poles with a blob on top), like the
attic of the Palazzo Porto (section 7).
The side wings are shown as lower,
again like Muttoni’s elevation, whose
credibility is reinforced by this
scribble.
Sketch plan of Palazzo Thiene: Not
all the palace layout is defined; piers
are shown (in shorthand) as little
circles. The sketch is basically a
ground plan: only the exterior pilasters
of the upper floor are added. What
interests Palladio here is the con-
structed part of the new palace and the
unbuilt side towards Vicenza’s main
street. The new rooms towards the east
are clearly defined: this suggests a date
of 1558 or later. There are differences
with respect to the Quattro Libri plan.
Towards the main street, we can
identify the shops and their back
stairs. No columned atrium is foreseen
on this side. (Palladio’s interest in this
side of the project is further docu-
[21.]
mented by a tiny plan, riba xvii/12v).
He was well aware of how the palace
would relate to its site: the oblique line
he draws represents the street, whose
orientation prompted the setting back
of the main block and the protruding
central wing.
Realisation of the complete project
may have been considered by Ottavio
Thiene after his father’s death (not
much after August 1560), but before
he obtained the County of Scandiano
(1565). He then left Vicenza and for
years Scandiano absorbed much of his
income. If this sketch is in any sense a
project (and not just a reminiscence of
what might have been), it should be
dated 1560-1565.
Literature:: Zorzi 1965, p. 206, no. 21;
Spielmann 1966, p. 145 (after 1560);
Burns 1973a, pp. 181-182, fig. 136;
Burns 1975, p. 38; Berger 1978, pp.
223-224; Lewis 1981, pp. 92-3 (1545-
1546); Burns 1982, p. 74; Berger 1984,
p. 28; Lewis 2000, pp. 122-123; Bara-
usse 2007, pp. 147-175; Burns 2007,
pp. 80-84.
howard burns
21. Renato Cevese (curator), Andrej
Soltan (draftsman), Ballico-Officina
Modellisti sas (model makers)
Model of Palazzo Thiene (section)
1972
Lime and beech wood with porcelain
biscuit details
Section: height 60 cm; length 52 cm;
width 42.5 cm; model interior,
height 66 cm, length 188 cm,
width 161.5 cm
Scale: 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
Restored with funds from the Banca
Popolare di Vicenza
This splendid model, prepared for the
Palladio exhibition of 1973, shows the
grandeur and vast size of the Quattro
Libri project. The portico projecting
towards Vicenza’s principal street
50
51
[22.]
[23.]

52
 fitted the palace to its site and made it
visible at a distance. The idea of a
projecting portico had precedents
known to Giulio: not in built archi-
tecture but in a Peruzzi fresco in the
Cancelleria, Rome, and in a Raphael
stage design, while the façade of
Giulio’s house, which projects at
ninety degrees to the street, already
anticipated this scenographic solution.
The model follows the reconstruction
published by Bertotti Scamozzi (1776-
1783). It thus inserts a columned hall
on the ground floor behind the
portico (a feature never shown by
Palladio). It also opts for Palladio’s
plate of the exterior (Quattro Libri, ii,
p. 14) without an attic, rather than
Palladio’s section of the building
(Quattro Libri, ii, p. 13), which shows
an attic both in the courtyard (where
it was actually constructed) and on the
outside, below the pediment.
Literature: Cevese 1976, pp. 9-20;
Burns 2007, pp. 84-86, 95.
howard burns
22. Andrea Palladio
Study for the plate of the exterior
elevation of Palazzo Thiene
in the Quattro Libri (II, p. 14)
Late 1560s
Verso: Talman mark 150
Watermark: anchor in circle
surmounted by star; ruler and stylus,
compasses, pen and brown ink,
brush and yellow-brown wash
277 × 193 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘faccia della
casa del c.[Conte] Ottavio’, in hand
of Palladio’s son Orazio (?)
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino;
10 piedi vicentini = 41.5 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc227/xvii/10r (right)
In this study for the Quattro Libri,
Palladio revises the built palace. From
the start of building he had provided
the 1:1 drawings for mouldings and
capitals, and even executed sample
details himself: Inigo Jones writes that
‘this capitell [on the exterior corner]
was carved by Palladio ...[ in] his owne
hands as ye masons at Vicensa tould
mee’. When he came to illustrate his
book, more than twenty years later,
Palladio could be bolder: few of his
readers would ever see the palace, but
many would judge him by the
illustrations. The pilasters become
slimmer and acquire an entasis; the
pedestals are raised on an elegant
moulding. The rustication loses its
unruly natural force; festoons appear
53 where there were none before. The
building is transformed into a polite presents the whole complex, including
and public late work by Palladio and the main features of the site. He shows
Giulio’s obtrusive personality is ironed the irregular course of the river Tesina,
out. inserts twin bridges leading to the
roads flanking the villa, and records
Literature: Burns 1975, p. 38; Lewis the irregular layout of the great farm
1981, pp. 91-92; Burns 1989, pp. 505- courts, also shown in early maps. He
6; Lewis 2000, pp. 120-121; Burns later mentions his involvement in
2007, p. 56; Forster 2007, pp. 131-145. designing the villa’s surroundings,
when he writes of the straight road
howard burns leading to Quinto, which he planned
(Quattro Libri, iii, p. 7).
23. Andrea Palladio Literature: Harris 1971, p. 34; Puppi
Site and plan project for Villa 1973, pp. 261-265; Fairbairn, in Burns
Thiene, Quinto (Vicenza) 1975, p. 191; Berger 1977, pp. 85-88;
c. 1545 Berger 1978, pp. 126-129; Lewis 1981,
Verso: blank pp. 92-96; Battilotti 1999, p. 452;
Watermark: anchor in circle Burns 1999; Lewis 2000, pp. 124-126.
surmounted by a star, and
countermark CA; ruler and stylus, howard burns
pen and brown ink, brush and brown
wash; a different ink appears in the
hatched portico extensions to the rear
of the house (added by John Webb?)
587 × 444 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘p[iedi] 70’
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino;
50 piedi vicentini = 49 mm
History and ownership: Inigo Jones;
John Webb; George Clarke; Provost
and Fellows of Worcester College,
Oxford, since 1736
Oxford, Provost and Fellows
of Worcester College, H&T 128r
The Villa Thiene at Quinto was com-
missioned – like the Palazzo Thiene –
by Marcantonio and Adriano. It was
also probably designed about 1542;
documents relating to construction
appear from October 1545. Work
probably stopped in the 1550s, with
the existing wing complete, but the
great loggia, as recorded by Inigo Jones
still unvaulted. The present appear-
ance results from Francesco Muttoni’s
skilful eighteenth-century inter -
vention which, however, cloaks
Palladio’s intentions.
Palladio probably competed for the
commission: some of his early villa
designs – large, costly and suitable for
two brothers – may be for the villa
(riba xvii/15, xvii/16, xvii/27). They
have little in common with the
existing building, whose paired Doric
pilasters and great loggia recall the
Palazzo Te. The plan, with two-room
apartments, is not typical of Palladio,
though the explanation may lie in the
incorporation of earlier structures.
Palladio was certainly site architect
here. His involvement is revealed not
so much by the Quattro Libri (ii, p.
64), where he inserts the house into a
vast scheme inspired by Vitruvius’s
account of the Roman villa, as by his
sketches (cat. 20) and this drawing.
The drawing belongs to a small
group of villa plans, including those
for Bagnolo (section 6), the Villa
Pagliarino (cat. 54) and the Villa
Poiana (cat. 55a/b), where Palladio
5. Rome
Rome, ancient and modern, was of fundamental importance for
Palladio, who wrote, ‘because I have always been of the opinion that
the Ancient Romans, so good at building, as in many other things,
have far outdone all those who have lived after them, I chose Vi-
truvius as a guide and master, and applied myself to the investigation
of the remains of the Ancient buildings’ (Quattro Libri, i, p. 5). He
adds that he found the antiquities, when he finally saw them, ‘worthy
of much greater attention than I had initially thought’. Before his
first visit, probably in 1541, Palladio knew Rome only from other
architects’ drawings, which he diligently copied, and from the pages
of Sebastiano Serlio’s book on Roman antiquities (1540), whose often
over-simplified woodcut architecture did not fully bear out what the
title page announces: roma quanta fuit ipsa ruina docet (‘How
great Rome was its very ruins declare’). Serlio fails to convey the
commanding scale and wonderfully varied interior spaces of the
Pantheon, Hadrian’s Villa and the baths, which (unlike Palladio) he
found of such little interest that he only published their plans.
Palladio’s early biographer Paolo Gualdo writes that Palladio went
to Rome five times: three times with Trissino (1541?, 1545, 1546-1547,
5.1. Andrea Palladio,
Plan of the Baths
of Diocletian.
London, RIBA V/1
5.2. Andrea Palladio,
Plan of the Baths
of Caracalla.
London, RIBA VI/1
5.3. Cat. 26, detail
[5.1.]
perhaps in 1549 and once with ‘some Venetian gentlemen’ (in 1554,
with Daniele Barbaro). Apart from drawings clearly executed on the
spot (cat. 26) and his reference to having seen the port at Pesaro (cat.
86b), there is little information as to when he went and what he saw.
Particularly precious therefore is the court testimony, discovered by
Edoardo Demo, of Palladio’s friend Giovanni Battista Maganza (cat.
14), which reveals the prestigious social life led by Trissino and his
small entourage: Maganza, Palladio and the young man of letters,
Count Marco Thiene, who on 20 May 1547 mentions Palladio’s visits
to Tivoli, Palestrina, Porto and Albano (see cat. 135).
When in Rome, Palladio was not an isolated, hard-up tourist, but
lived as the friend and associate of great noblemen and famous
intellectual figures – Trissino in the 1540s, Daniele Barbaro in 1554 –
who could open every door. Free of his usual obligations, he devoted
himself to surveying the antiquities and learning from conversations
with the city’s artistic and intellectual élite. He would have had access
to buildings such as the Palazzo Farnese (fig. 5.10) and the Villa
Giulia (cat. 67b) and probably met Sangallo (cats 29 and 30) and
perhaps even Michelangelo (cat. 92), who in 1546 undertook the task
[5.2.]
54
 [5.4.] [5.5.]

5.4. Raphael, Villa of turning St. Peter’s – still a huge confused ruin of the intentions and
Madama, Rome
ambitions of successive Popes and architects – into a building which
5.5. Marteen van
Heemskerck, Church would adequately express the importance of the Church and the
of St. Peter’s, Rome,
interior under Papacy.
construction. Berlin-
Dahlem, Staatliche Before travelling to Rome, Palladio was probably familiar with
Museen
Preussischer basic techniques of land surveying using a circumferentor, a sort of
Kulturbesitz,
Kupferstichkabinett proto-theodolite (see p. 289). But in Rome, Palladio very likely
mastered the difficult but rewarding art of restoring ruins on paper to
their original splendour. He must have been deeply impressed by the
modern buildings in the city, even though they were still less striking
than the antiquities; many were far from finished, and some, like St.
Peter’s (fig. 5.5) and the Villa Madama (fig. 5.4 and cats 27-28), re-
sembled the antique ruins more than recent constructions. Modern
buildings inspired by the antique had, however, an immediate, off-
the-peg utility, as their architects had already adapted Roman
typologies and decoration to modern needs, although it is not easy to
make a palace out of an ancient temple or a villa out of the Roman
baths. Only three Palladio survey drawings of modern works survive.
He published that of Bramante’s Tempietto (fig. 5.8 and cat. 33) in the
Quattro Libri, otherwise dedicated to ancient temples. In the brief
accompanying text he tells the whole history of the decline of good
architecture and its modern revival, initiated by Bramante. He also
drew, or copied, a project of Bramante’s small church of San Biagio
della Pagnotta (cat. 32). It presents analogies with early villa designs,
like the sala of the Villa Pisani at Bagnolo (cat. 31). Palladio’s survey
of the Villa Madama (cat. 28) relates to a building and an architect –
Raphael (cat. 27) – with whom he seems to have had a particular
affinity. A project for the circular court of the Villa Madama and a
view of Bramante’s Palazzo Caprini (cat. 37), preserved by Lord
Burlington with his Palladio drawings, may well have belonged to
him. Palladio must have drawn, or possessed, drawings of other
modern Roman masterpieces: the façade of Raphael’s Palazzo
Branconio (fig. 5.11), decorated with niches, statues and columned
window frames, which he imitated even before going to Rome, and
the unforgettable curving trabeated portico of Peruzzi’s Palazzo
Massimo alle Colonne (fig. 5.9), and its courtyard, evocative of what
Palladio was never able to see, the peristyle of an ancient Roman
house. Bramante’s Nymphaeum at Genazzano, Sangallo’s model for

5.6. Andrea Palladio,

Plan and elevation
of the Arch of Titus.
Vicenza, Pinacoteca
Civica, Gabinetto
dei disegni e stampe,
D. 10r

5.7. Antonio da
Sangallo, Model
of St. Peter’s,
interior view

5.8. Bramante,
Tempietto, San Pietro
in Montorio, Rome

56
[5.6.] [5.7.] [5.8.]
 5.9. Baldassarre
Peruzzi, Palazzo
Massimo alle
Colonne, Rome,
façade, c. 1535

5.10. Antonio da
Sangallo, Palazzo
Farnese, Rome,
courtyard

[5.9.] [5.10.]

St. Peter’s (cf. fig. 5.7 and cat. 70) and his Cappella Paolina influenced
Palladio in the 1540s. In the 1550s he would have been impressed by
Michelangelo’s brilliant renewal of St. Peter’s (cats 92-93) and by the
Villa Giulia (cat. 67b).
In Rome Palladio’s exchanges with other architects and
antiquarians probably included contact with Antonio da Sangallo
and his brother Giovan Battista: the latter’s drawings after the antique
and drawings illustrating Vitruvius anticipate those of Palladio (cat.
130). Palladio was criticised for his interpretations of Roman
topography by the architect and antiquarian Pirro Ligorio, and
Palladio returns the compliment by never mentioning him. They
were brought together however by the friendship of their respective
patrons, Cardinal Ippolito d’Este and Daniele Barbaro. Palladio
copied Ligorio’s drawings of ancient buildings (cat. 68), and
‘Ligorian’ elements appear in the Villa Barbaro (section 12). In Rome
Palladio studied the modern buildings, antiquities, churches and
numerous guidebooks, thereby laying the basis for his own guides
(1554) (cats 159-160).
Literature: For the life of Palladio in Rome see: Beltramini, Demo
2008. For the architecture of Bramante and his followers see: Bruschi
2002, 2002a, 2002b; Fiore 2002, 2002a; Frommel 2002; and also:
Burns, Nesselrath 1984; Frommel, Ray, Tafuri 1984; Gombrich 1989;
Frommel 2005; Cafà 2007. On the influence of modern Roman
architecture on Palladio: Frommel 1990; Burns 2002, pp. 385-387;
Beltramini, Burns 2005, cat. 32, pp. 236-238 (V. Cafà), cat. 33, pp.
238-242 (M. Scimemi), cat. 33b, pp. 242-245 (M. Scimemi), cat. 33c,
pp. 245-246 (H. Burns), cat. 61b, pp. 299-301 (M. Scimemi). On
Palladio and the study of Vitruvius and the antique in Rome:
Nesselrath 1986; Pagliara 1986; Günther 1988; Vitruvius-Sangallo
(ed. Rowland) 2003; Burns 2006a; Gros 2006.
Howard Burns

5.11. Pietro Ferrerio,

Palazzo Branconio
dell’Aquila
by Raphael (designed
1518-1519), engraving
reproduced
in Palazzi di Roma
de’ più celebri
architetti
(Rome 1655)

57
[5.11.]
 24. Anonymous, known as ‘Master
of Oxford’ (active c. 1510-1520)
Architects and scholars studying
inside the Colosseum
c. 1515
Folio notebook, watermark similar
to Briquet 13888-13891; pen and
light-brown ink, brush and brown
wash on paper; top centre, an old
numbering is visible (34), crossed out
in pen
333 × 235 mm
Oxford, The Ashmolean Museum,
LO1028A.2WA2008.22, fol. 15v
This straightforward scene belongs to
the category of drawings capable of
fuelling the debate on the study of the
antique in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, here endowed with a very
direct, vivid iconography. This is
probably the earliest image portraying
architects and Humanists busy
studying the antique together in the
highly emblematic setting of the
Colosseum.
The sheet comes from a book of
drawings, dated c. 1515, associated
with the circle of the Bolognese
painter Jacopo Ripanda (c. 1465-
1516?). The artist is one of his close
collaborators, probably a Lombard
artist, known as the ‘Master of
Oxford’. In a period of around ten
years, he drew in his notebook (at
present 63 sheets) images of ancient,
modern and temporary architecture,
and reliefs derived from sarcophagi
and triumphal arches. As many as
three drawings are dedicated to the
Colosseum (7r, 15v and 16r).
Sheet 15v presents one of the most
popular views of the amphitheatre
and, as such, can be associated with
Sangallo’s circle. The condition of
abandonment and decay of the
monument, with the partially col-
lapsed high external wall, is integrated
by a geometrically conceived internal
section making room for the area of
the cavea. There are glimpses of pieces
of marble and a capital, while in the
background are some minor figures,
showing that the ruins are being
‘experienced’, although they are far
from crowded with visitors (cf. Codex
Escurialensis, fol. 24v).
The figures in the foreground are
derived from Raphael’s fresco of the
School of Athens (Vatican; 1509-1510),
the post quem date for the manuscript
(Parker 1956). The kneeling figure
holding the pair of compasses and
measuring the circles is reminiscent of
the figure of Bramante as Euclid in
Raphael’s fresco. The composition,
however, is full of realism. The figures
are dressed in modern garb: they are
wrapped in flapping cloaks and stoles
and wear hats to protect them from the
[24.] sun. These details give the already
lively scene a touch of realism, pro-
bably the outcome of the artist’s first-
hand experience as he recalls how hard
it was to stand in the middle of the
ruins trying to make accurate measure-
ments in the dust and heat. The young
man carrying a drawing portfolio
makes the scene even more realistic.
We can clearly make out the surveyor’s
instruments: the square, compass, ruler
and possibly a ‘strip of parchment’.
In an almost didactic way, the
episode illustrates the complexity of
studying the antique, which, as Alberti
suggests, required not only a practical
technical approach (the figures on the
left measure and examine the features
of the architecture) but also the
contribution of those who read and
interpreted the written sources (the
figures on the right). The figure
turned away from us on the extreme
right is enigmatic: he possibly com-
bines both approaches. This complex
theme has a certain affinity with the
iconographic elements previously
included in the frontispiece to Anti-
quarie prospettiche romane composte
per Prospectivo Milanese depictore (c.
1500), in which a man with a compass
is set against the background of a
reconstruction of the Colosseum (Di
Macco 1971, p. 72). The drawing is
thus a life-like illustration, making use
of practical details to heighten the
narrative effect. But it also has an
important theoretical – or even
programmatic – significance.
Literature: Briquet 1907; Parker 1956,
p. 358; Di Macco 1971, p. 72, fig. 88;
Matera 1974, p. 49, fig. 5; Burns, in
Burns, Nesselrath 1984, no. 3.2.1, with
fig.; Faietti 1992, pp. 19-38, 133, fig. 7;
Farinella 1992, pp. 180-181, 222; Elen
1995, p. 293, no. 50; Cafà 2002, cat. 32,
pp. 150-151.
valeria cafà
25. Andrea Palladio
Entablature and two versions
of the capital of the Arch of Titus,
Rome
c. 1541-c. 1545; epsilon handwriting
Recto: Plan and elevation of the Arch
of Titus, Rome
No watermark; ruler and stylus, pen
and brown ink; meticulous cross
hatching; the drawing has been
reinforced in a darker brown ink
412 × 284.5 mm
Notes on the drawing: measurements:
m[inuti] (twice)
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
History and ownership: Franceso Dal
Peder; Gaetano Pinali; donated to the
City of Vicenza in 1838; Pinacoteca
Civica, Vicenza, since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe,
D. 10v
The Arch of Titus’s entablature and
famous Composite capital are shown,
inaccurately, on the original sheet: 58
 papery volutes with all the ovolo
exposed, and timid acanthus leaves,
incorrectly placed, resembling Veneto
capitals of the earlier Cinquecento,
such as the capitals of the magnificent
Dall’Acqua high altar in Vicenza
Cathedral (contract 1534). This altar,
commissioned by Trissino’s friend
Aurelio Dall’Acqua, was executed by
the workshop of Palladio’s employers.
Although it has been attributed to
Sansovino, it should rather be ascribed
to the workshop itself (Puppi 1989),
perhaps with Palladio’s involvement.
The drawing seems to be a copy,
possibly after a sheet in the workshop
(by Giovanni di Giacomo himself?),
related to the altar capitals. However,
once Palladio had seen the arch during
his visit to Rome, he pasted an accur-
ate representation over the earlier one.
Given that the corrected drawing is
identical in style to the first version, he
may have made the original drawing
specifically to enable him to compare
it directly with the arch. Similar
corrections of capitals are attached to
related drawings, pcvi D. 13 and D.
15.

Literature: Serlio 1537, fols 61v-63r;

Zorzi 1959, p. 55, no. 6 [3]; Spielmann
1966, p. 169, cats 207-208; Burns
1973, p. 151; Puppi 1973, pp. 237-238;
Puppi 1989, p. 104, cats 18-19; Bou-
cher 1994, pp. 17-19; Battilotti 1999,
p. 445; Caglio, Poldi, Trevisan, Villa
2007; Puppi 2007b, p. 134, cat. 19.

howard burns

26. Andrea Palladio

Surveys made on the spot of the
Baths of Diocletian and Caracalla,
Rome; sketched details
c. 1541-c. 1545; epsilon handwriting
Verso: left, plan and details of the
Portico of Octavia; construction
of the Ionic volute; right, plan
of the Basilica of Maxentius
[25.]
The sheet (seen horizontally) was
split vertically (repaired on the verso);
some sketches cross the dividing line,
demonstrating that the sheet was
whole when Palladio used it
Talman mark 54
No watermark; ruler and stylus;
compasses; red chalk, pen
and brown ink
575 × 435 mm
Notes on the drawing: p[iedi],
q[uarti], on[ce], m[inuti] (several
times); left, ‘mancho p[iedi] 2 uno
minuto’; right, ‘logiε p[er] tεsta’;
‘porta, porta, porta’
Units of measurement: piede
vicentino, quarto (i.e. a quarter
of a piede) and oncia
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
59 London, riba Library, Drawings
[25, detail; first version of the Composite capital] [25, detail; corrected version of the Composite capital]
 and Archives Collection, sc212/vii/5r
[Description by h.b.]

This sheet displays two series of more

or less elaborate sketches, made on the
spot in two of the major ancient Ro-
man baths.
The upper half seems to be a plan of
the various parts of the Baths of
Diocletian – a building of ‘stupendous
size’ according to Palladio in L’Anti-
chità di Roma (Palladio 1567, 2006
edn, p. 18) (cat. 159) – of which he
drew an overall plan (riba v/1) and a
dozen elements (cistern, reconstruc-
tions of the elevations and sections,
and details of the orders). On the right
is the axial sequence of the large halls.
From bottom to top: the frigidarium
and its annexes, of which only those
on the left are fully drawn; the circular
tepidarium, and the large caldarium
with curved exedras on the perpen-
dicular axes and quadrangular rooms
on the diagonals. On the left, separate
from the previous drawing, although
it might once have been joined to it, is
a plan of a palaestra with annexed
rooms and, at the top of the sheet, an
octagonal room, surely one of the su-
dationes. At the edge of the sheet, near
the top, other plans are sketched along
with a profile of an entablature.
The lower half shows an axial series
of the main parts of the Baths of
Caracalla, ruins of a ‘marvellous size,
ornamented with beautiful marbles
and enormous columns’ (Palladio
1567, 2006 edn, p. 18). From left to
right: the natatio; the large frigida-
rium, and the beginning of the circle
of the caldarium (only sketched). At
top and bottom are the exedras, open
on the lateral palaestras. The calda-
rium is partly concealed by two large
concentric circles; another two circular
plans delimited by trapezoid sectors,
each with a large column base, echo
the theme of the caldarium on a
smaller scale, according to a scheme
reminiscent of Baldassarre Peruzzi’s
plan (U 476 Ar).
We cannot rule out some inter-
ference from the partial plans of other
baths buildings, such as the Thermae
Alexandrinae (Baths of Nero), which
has a similar arrangement, especially
in the sector with the frigidarium.

Literature: Zorzi 1959, pp. 68-71, fig.

110-135; Burns 1973, pp. 141-142; La
[26.] Follette 1993, pp. 189-198; La Follette
1994, pp. 7-38; DeLaine 1997, pp. 227-
241; Candilio 1999, pp. 48-53; Pirano-
monte 1999, pp. 42-48.

pierre gros

60
 27. Raphael (1483-1520)
Early elevation
for Villa Madama (?)
c. 1516
Verso: sketch elevation and plans
for a small villa
Ruler and stylus; compasses; pen
and brown ink; brush and light
brown wash
250 × 362 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘Raffaello
Santio’ (in a later hand)
Condition: an early photograph
shows the drawing before drastic
restoration in 1859, when it was
trimmed; it reveals important details
that today are almost invisible
History and ownership: De Vries;
Thomas Lawrence; Woodburn
Oxford, The Ashmolean Museum,
WA1846.245
[Not exhibited]
[27.]
61
This professional architectural draw-
ing can be dated on the basis of its
architectural vocabulary. It is not easy
to interpret. No entrance is shown.
The loggia has three bays, divided by
Doric half columns, doubled at the
ends. The projecting balcony and
segmental pediment (cf. Raphael’s
palace for Jacopo da Brescia, 1515) give
a central emphasis. Judging by the
loggia balusters, the arch openings
must be between two and three
metres wide, indicating a fairly
modest building. At the side of the
loggia are lower structures, with
sloping roof and windows like those
of the façade of the palace for Jacopo
da Brescia, a type later used by
Palladio. The loggia rear wall is
decorated with niches. A shadow
shows that the loggia stands forward
from the wings. The structure behind
has a rustic character, which Raphael
transforms by inserting serliana
windows and a central arch with a
trabeated screen (cf. his façade design
for San Lorenzo, Florence), probably
indicating the presence of a barrel-
vaulted hall. The Medici balls and
diamond ring crown the upper
baluster. This and the documented
fact that the Medici Pope Leo x
purchased small houses on Monte
Mario to create a retreat for himself
suggest that the project is an initial
modest idea for the building which
became the Villa Madama (fig. 5.4).
Except for little perspectival details,
the drawing is orthogonal, following
Raphael’s declared preference; in this
and in the technique and use of wash,
it resembles Palladio’s drawings.
Literature: Passavant 1858, p. 199;
Parker 1956, no. 579; Shearman 1967,
pp. 13-17; Shearman, in Burns 1975, p.
264; Macandrew 1980, p. 279; Shear-
man, in Frommel, Ray, Tafuri 1984,
pp. 323-4.
howard burns
28. Andrea Palladio
Villa Madama, Rome: regularised
plan; elevation of the wall above
the peschiera (fish pond)
1541-1547; epsilon handwriting
Verso: Talman mark 54, present
on the plan and on the elevation
of the fishpond
No watermark visible; the sheet is
composed of four separate pieces
pasted together, probably by
Burlington; two carry drawings, two
serve to square off the sheet; (in both
 drawings) ruler and stylus, compasses,
brown chalk, pen and dark brown
ink, brush and pale brown wash;
the plan is closely trimmed, with loss
of drawing on the right
337 × 469 mm (overall); plan, 274.5
× 415.5 mm; elevation of fishpond,
69 × 260 mm
Notes on the drawing: p[iedi] (many
times), o[nce] (many times). In the
hemicycle: ‘pεrtεgε 13 εt piε 5 o[nce]
9’; below the hemicycle: ‘quεsta ε la
vignia dεl papa la qualε siε a montε
mario’; in the fireplace of the kitchen,
‘cusina’; on the fish pond, ‘pεschiεra’
Unit of measurement and scale:
piede vicentino; 20 piedi vicentini
= 33.5 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
[28.]
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc217/x/18r
Raphael’s architectural masterpiece
(1518-1527) is unfinished and lacks its
open-air theatre and half of the round
courtyard. It represents a brilliant re-
creation of the luxurious ancient villas
(more visible in Raphael’s time than
today) which once covered the hills
around Rome and is based on investi-
gations at Tivoli and a study of Pliny
the Younger’s letters about his villas.
These Roman residences exploited hill
slopes and often contained theatres,
hippodromes and gardens; they were
very different from Palladio’s villas.
Palladio surveys the completed
portion. Following Serlio, he makes
the loggia symmetrical by inserting an
apse in the place of a straight wall. He
combines the lower, kitchen level plan
(with great fire-place and twin bread
ovens) with the upper level loggia and
courtyard. He shows the fishpond,
inspired by Roman villa structures.
The building interested him for its
Ionic order, the pulvinated frieze and
pedestals, and the cornice supported
by chunky blocks. It is notable for its
Roman-inspired spaces, decoration
and revival of ancient building tech-
niques: mixed stone and brick con-
struction, self-supporting cornices and
bands of masonry.
Literature: Serlio 1540, pl. cxlviii;
Burns 1975, pp. 88-89; Lewis 1981,
pp. 55; Frommel, in Frommel, Ray,
Tafuri 1984, p. 339; Lewis 2000, pp.
76-77. On the villa: Frommel, Ray,
Tafuri 1984, passim.
howard burns
29. Antonio da Sangallo
the Younger (1484-1546)
Longitudinal section
of St. Peter’s through the transept
(west interior elevation)
1538
Pen and brown ink; grey-brown
wash applied partly with ruler and
compass and partly freehand; incised
guide lines (plan of the apse with
windows, lower right), and pencilled
guide lines (some with the aid
of compasses); thick greyish-white
paper, damaged and mounted
on white cardboard; vertical fold
in centre of sheet; a piece of paper
was added to right margin
389 × 602 mm
Unit of measurement and scale:
palmo; scale of 100 palmi (bottom),
no longer visible (1:277.5)
Florence, Gabinetto Disegni
62
 e Stampe degli Uffizi, 66 A
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
30. Antonio da Sangallo
the Younger (1484-1546)
Longitudinal section of St. Peter’s
through the nave and vestibule
(south interior elevation)
1538
Verso: no longer visible
Pen and brown ink; grey-brown wash
applied partly with ruler and compass
and partly freehand; incised guide
lines; thick greyish-white paper,
damaged and mounted on white
cardboard; vertical fold in centre
of sheet
217 × 401 mm
Unit of measurement and scale:
palmo (1:277.5)
Florence, Gabinetto Disegni
[29.]
63
[30.]
e Stampe degli Uffizi, 67 A
[Not exhibited]
The drawing shows a longitudinal
section, seen looking south, of St.
Peter’s in the Vatican. On the left, the
section cuts through the vestibule to
show a colossal statue of Pope Paul iii
set on the extrados of the lower dome,
while, on the right, it shows the nave
with three bays, albeit incomplete.
The sheet is part of a group of
presentation drawings, including a
cross-section of the dome (U 66 A;
cat. 29) and an elevation of the north
side (U 259 A); the corresponding
plan has not survived. This longi-
tudinal section, made just before the
wooden model, probably dates from
1538, since it can be associated with
the year work began on the Cappella
Paolina, designed to extend to the
south of the Aula Regia, towards the
basilica. The presence of the east wall
of the chapel, in fact, meant that the
long block of the new church had to
extend as far as the atrium of the
existing church of St. Peter’s, with
which it was aligned.
The drawing envisages the effects of
one of the main changes (actually
implemented) that Sangallo wanted to
make to the building begun by
Bramante: to raise the floor by around
three metres. In this way the pedestals
for the giant pilasters disappeared; the
major order and the minor order
begin at the same level, and there is a
change in the ratio between the width
and the height of the nave, the arcades
and spaces, which become less
upwardly soaring.
When Palladio made his first
journey to Rome in 1541, Antonio da
Sangallo had been the unchallenged
protagonist on the architectural scene
in the city since the death of
Baldassarre Peruzzi. He was ‘architect
to the pope and St. Peters’, as he
proudly wrote from 1520 on when
signing books belonging to him and,
as a few years later, he would have
inscribed in the epigraph displayed at
the centre of his palace façade.
Although working in Rome, Sangallo
received many important commis-
sions for works in central Italy, and
also outside the Papal States. He was
able to handle these commissions
effectively, as Vasari noted, by
controlling the projects and building
sites from Rome, thanks to a rational
organisation of work and a network of
assistants, who were often relatives. It
was only natural for the young
Palladio, therefore, to have met the
architect of St. Peter’s and the Palazzo
Farnese at the height of his career, and
to have visited his main building sites,
especially since Sangallo was also the
most authoritative and renowned
scholar of Vitruvius and ancient
architecture. Moreover, it is very likely
that an architect like Antonio, fully
aware of his own worth and the
importance of his drawings – he kept
an exceptionally large collection –
showed Palladio some of his more
recent projects. This sheet – and the
other sheets in the same group of
presentation drawings – was an
excellent example of a strictly orth-
ogonal representation, an effective tool
for controlling the construction of a
work so complex that it had few
precedents. Palladio may have exam-
ined the drawings with a special eye to
these details, as well as to the main
formal solutions, such as the giant
order and the combination of arched
windows with vaulted roofs, which
found their way into his own religious
architecture.
Literature: Ferri 1885, p. 150; Gio-
vannoni 1959, i, pp. 139, 140; From-
mel 1964, pp. 19-24; Benedetti 1986,
pp. 166, 174; Benedetti 1994, pp. 632,
633; Frommel 1994, p. 630; Thoenes
1994, pp. 636, 638 and fig. 7; Thoe-
nes, in Frommel, Adams 2000, ii, p.
90; Bruschi 2002, pp. 190 and 206,
note 78; Frommel 2003, pp. 368, 373,
375, 377.
pier nicola pagliara
6. Villa Pisani at Bagnolo
The Villa Pisani at Bagnolo near Vicenza (designed c. 1542; in
existence by 1545; completed 1560s) was designed soon after Palladio’s
first visit to Rome. It marked a turning point in his villa architecture,
bringing him into contact with Vettor Pisani and his brothers. They
were rich and powerful Venetian patricians, related to other influen-
tial Venetians, such as Daniele Barbaro and Zorzi Cornaro, who were
later to commission designs from him.
Vettor’s father Giovanni bought the vast Bagnolo estate from the
Venetian government in 1523. The estate had belonged to Girolamo
Nogarola, a Veronese noble, linked to the emperor Maximilian; the
estate was confiscated as a result of the Nogarola taking the Imperial
side during the war of the League of Cambrai (1508-1516). The story
had consequences. Isabella Nogarola, builder of the Palazzo
Valmarana (section 20), married Gianalvise Valmarana, who became
Charles v’s representative in Vicenza; his position as local
representative of Spain and of the emperor was inherited by their son
Leonardo.
In 1525 Giovanni Pisani had served as podestà (governor) of
Vicenza, where his coat of arms was carved by Andrea’s employer,
[6.1.]
Giovanni di Giacomo: this contact may have led the Pisani to involve
the Pedemuro workshop at the villa and seek a design from the
workshop’s architect-associate, Palladio. They needed a new house
and outbuildings. The old villa, burned during the wars (1509-1517)
but known from maps, was asymmetrical and dominated by a tower.
The Pisani were increasing the production of their enormous estate,
where by the 1560s, exploiting the abundance of water, they had
established pioneering rice cultivation. They obviously wanted to
advertise their purchased status as counts and hereditary vicars of
Bagnolo by building an impressive house from which to control a
business bringing in thousands of ducats a year. Furthermore, Vettor
Pisani married in September 1542 (Lewis 2000, p. 114).
No trace of the old house survives. Palladio clearly had a free hand.
Early maps show that the villa occupied the same site as its
predecessor, near a bridge from the village of Bagnolo just across the
river Guà, at a point where three straight roads converged, offering a
distant view of the villa, with its lordly twin towers (like Trissino’s at
Cricoli, cat. 10) and the Pisani arms displayed in the pediment. The
1569 map labels the central road ‘strada nova’ (‘new road’): like the
6.1. Villa Pisani at
Bagnolo, principal
floor plan (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
2008)
6.2. Villa Pisani,
woodcut in
I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 47)
6.3. Cat. 31, detail
64
[6.2.]
 6.4. Villa Pisani,
façade facing
the river
new tree-lined country roads at Quinto (cat. 23) and Cicogna, it was
probably planned by Palladio. Palladio’s starting points were:
Trissino’s Cricoli layout, which he had already followed at Vigardolo
(cat. 19); knowledge of one-storey villas like the Villa Madama (cat.
28) and the Palazzo Te; Sangallo’s Cappella Paolina in the Vatican (fig.
6.8); Bramante’s work in the Cortile del Belvedere (fig. 6.9), and the
Roman baths. Palladio blends these ingredients differently in the
successive designs, moving from impractical and costly experiment to
solutions combining originality and convenience. There are four
certain drawings for the villa, plus the version in the Quattro Libri:
1) riba xvii/2v, a sketch plan. Palladio abandons the Vigardolo
scheme (cat. 19), placing two-room apartments on each side. The
smaller rooms project to frame the stairs, as in Sangallo’s Villa Cervini
(U 828 A). Oddly there is no real sala but only two loggias placed
back to back: one semicircular, inspired by Bramate’s upper Belvedere
court, the other derived from the baths, with a cross vault, and a
serliana towards the exterior. In the space between the loggias are
triangular stairs, modelled on those of the Villa Madama, themselves
inspired by the Pantheon.
6.5. Villa Pisani,
longitudinal section
(drawing by Andrej
and Ewa Soltan,
1968)
6.6. Villa Pisani, sala
[6.5.]
[6.4.]
2) riba xvii/18r. The two apartments, each with three rooms, in a
straight, Cricoli-like sequence (cat. 10). The semicircular loggia is
simplified, with a serliana towards the exterior. Beyond a closed sala
with apsidal ends, entered through a columnar screen inspired by
the baths, there is a square cross-vaulted space in the centre of the
house.
3) riba xvi/7r. Palladio keeps the semicircular loggia and the
circular concave/convex stairs, but avoids unnecessary complications.
The sala becomes rectangular. The large 18 × 30 piedi chambers are
turned through 90 degrees, parallel to the rear façade, a crucial move,
preserved in the final design. A loggia is added towards the farm
court, based on the Temple of Clitumnus (cat. 72). To avoid smells,
the kitchen with its oval bread-oven is placed outside the house. The
double ramp steps descending to the river and the farmyard layout
are shown. The villa stood well above the river, and was not separated
from it by a high wall, as today.
4) riba xvi/17r, apart from the semicircular loggia, this is close to
the executed design (cat. 31).
In the Quattro Libri (ii, p. 47) Palladio publishes the house as it
66
[6.6.]
 6.7. Villa Pisani,
façade overlooking
the courtyard

[6.7.]

now stands, except for the addition of a Doric pedimented loggia on
the rear façade.
Vettor Pisani in his 1545 tax declaration mentions ‘a palace in
Bagnolo, newly built’. The building was inhabited but not finished:
it lacked the loggia and towers. New documents reveal continuing
construction (Tortora 2003), while Burger (1909) reported the
inscribed date 1567 (now lost), which is close to thermal-lumi-
nescence dating of sample bricks to 1568 (with a +/- margin of error
of about ten years). The loggia with rusticated stone Doric pilasters
may have been designed in the period 1542-1545, but was not
executed then. It belongs with Palladio’s later rusticated works,
including the Palazzo Antonini, the Villa Sarego and the Doric
portals of the farm complex at Bagnolo, added in the 1560s.
Significantly, the tower windows in the early elevation (cat. 31) were
not executed: all the villa’s windows have a pulvinated frieze, a feature
found in Palladio’s vocabulary only from about 1550 on. The
awkward transition between the main building and the towers and
loggia reflects its two-stage construction.
In the Quattro Libri, Palladio opens the section on villas with the
Villa Pisani. Unlike the Villa Thiene, tied to Giulio Romano, and
Vigardolo, linked to Cricoli, it is his personal manifesto for new villa
architecture, with a single living floor, vaulted sala, and loggia. It
recalls the Roman baths and contemporary churches, but not the
bulky two-storey Veneto country palaces with wooden ceilings of
previous decades.
Literature: Palladio 1570, ii, p. 47; Muttoni 1740-1760, i, p. 21, pls
xx-xxi; v, pl. xxxi; Burger 1909, pp. 40-47; Dalla Pozza 1964-1965,
pp. 203-216; Zorzi 1969, pp. 52-60; Barbieri 1970, pp. 70-72;
Cevese 1971, i, pp. 100-109; Puppi 1973, pp. 254-257; Kubelik 1974,
pp. 447-449; Boucher, Kubelik, Burns, in Burns 1975, pp. 185-189;
Gazzola 1978, pp. 241-242; Pereswet-Soltan 1978; Goedicke,
Slussalek, Kubelik 1980, pp. 106-112; Goedicke, Slussalek, Kubelik
1981, pp. 203-217; Berger 1984, pp. 26-27; Gullino 1984; Mason
1996, pp. 71-75; Burns, Beltramini, Gaiani 1997; Battilotti 1999, p.
451.
Howard Burns

6.8. Antonio da
Sangallo the
Younger, Cappella
Paolina, Vatican
Palace. Florence,
Gabinetto Disegni
and Stampe degli
Uffizi, 1125 Ar

6.9. Bramante’s
Belvedere stairs,
reproduced in
Sebastiano Serlio,
Il Terzo Libro (Venice
1540, fol. CXLVII)

67
[6.8.] [6.9.]
 68
[31.]
 31. Andrea Palladio
Project for Villa Pisani at Bagnolo
c. 1542
Verso: blank, except for Talman
mark 54
No watermark visible; ruler
and stylus, compasses or dividers;
(elevation) pen and black ink, brush
and pale brown wash and grey wash;
(plan) pen and black ink, grey wash
415 × 275 mm
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino;
30 piedi vicentini = 89 mm
Scale 1:120
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc228/xvii/17r
This project is close to the executed
building. It has a coherence which the
insertion of the very ‘public’ executed
loggia compromised. Palladio clarifies
the design: the apartments, sala and
loggia now have their own place and
role; the layout is compacted by
aligning the large chambers with the
rear façade. The sala is barrel vaulted
and articulated with pilasters, while
there is a cross vault over the central
portion; good lighting comes from
two thermal windows. The stairs are
small and dark, given their service role
(see Quattro Libri, ii, p. 47). The
spaces behind the semicircular loggia
allow the insertion of little vaulted
rooms: bathrooms or latrines? The
loggia and its convex-concave stairs
derive from Bramante’s Cortile del
Belvedere (fig. 6.9), also imitated in a
Serlio villa design (1584, vii, p. 13).
Palladio, however, transforms the
open exedra into a semicircular loggia:
its elevation with a smooth band
above the architrave is based on
69 Bramante’s famous spiral ramp, also
quoted by Paolo Veronese in the
Conversion of Mary Magdalene (Lon-
don, National Gallery, inv. 931).
Literature: Burger 1909, p. 46; Dalla
Pozza 1964-1965, pp. 213-214; Barbieri
1970, pp. 68, 72; Puppi 1973, p. 255;
Boucher, in Burns 1975, p. 188; Lewis
1981, pp. 86-87; Boucher 1994, pp.
89-96; Beltramini 1997, pp. 80-81;
Lewis 2000, pp. 113-115; Burns, in
Beltramini, Burns 2005, pp. 298-299.
howard burns
32. Andrea Palladio
Section of Bramante’s church
of San Biagio, attached
to the Palazzo dei Tribunali
c. 1541; epsilon handwriting
Recto: capital and base from the Baths
of Caracalla
Watermark only partially visible:
crossed arrows (?); ruler, stylus,
compasses, dark chalk, pen
and brown ink
207 × 265 mm
Notes on the drawing: piedi, p[iedi],
o[nce]
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
History and ownership: Francesco
Dal Peder; Gaetano Pinali; donated
to the City of Vicenza in 1838;
Pinacoteca Civica, Vicenza, since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe,
D. 11v
The huge Palazzo dei Tribunali on Via
Giulia was begun by Pope Julius ii
after designs by Bramante in 1508;
only portions of the lower level were
completed. The small church of San
Biagio gave onto the square arcaded
court (which anticipated that of the
Palazzo Thiene; section 4). It was
finished, only to be demolished at
some date after it appears in Nolli’s
plan of Rome (1748). Palladio made
(or copied) a reconstruction on the
basis of what was visible, rather than
copying a project; he does not show
the dome. The design probably
furthered Palladio’s thinking about the
Villa Pisani sala. He doubtless
returned to it when designing the Re-
dentore (cat. 118): its crossing piers
incorporate substantial pilasters sup-
porting the main arches carrying the
dome, just as here.
Literature: Zorzi 1959, p. 70 (‘Baths of
Caracalla’); Spielmann 1966, p. 170
(‘Roman tomb’); Burns 1973, p. 152
(as San Biagio); Puppi 1989, p. 110;
Lewis 2000, pp. 74-75; Puppi 2007b,
pp. 148-149, cat. 43. See also: Bruschi
1969, pp. 946-959; Frommel 1973, ii,
pp. 327-335; Butters, Pagliara 1995-
1996; Butters, Pagliara, forthcoming.
howard burns
33. Andrea Palladio
Elevation of Bramante’s
Tempietto at San Pietro
in Montorio
c. 1545-c. 1547; epsilon handwriting
Recto: plan, elevation and details
of the Portico of Octavia, Rome
No watermark visible; ruler, stylus,
compasses and dividers, pen
and brown ink
442 × 296 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘quεsto εl
di fora dε S piε[tro in Montorio ?]’;
p[iedi], o[nce], m[inuti] (many times)
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
History and ownership: Francesco
Dal Peder; Gaetano Pinali; donated
to the City of Vicenza in 1838;
Pinacoteca Civica, Vicenza, since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe,
D. 26v
Palladio’s elevation of this manifesto of
the new architecture is unfinished and
inaccurate; it is an interpretation, not
a precise survey. There are errors and
‘corrections’: a melon-like dome and
simplification of the drum’s pilaster
strips; the podium is higher and the
door frame is omitted, as is the
moulding between pilaster bases.
Some of these errors reappear in the
Quattro Libri plate, based on this
drawing. The Tempietto, however, is a
complex, deceptive building: ‘the
temple appears much lower to viewers,
than it really is’, writes Serlio, while
the slender columns, exceptional for
the Doric, actually exist. The Tem-
pietto was more important to Palladio
for what it represented, than for what
it really was: ‘Given... that Bramante
was the first to bring to light the good
and beautiful Architecture, which
from the Ancients till that time had
been hidden, it seemed to me reason-
able to make a place for his works
among those of the Ancients.’
Literature: Serlio 1540, pp. xli-xliiii;
Palladio 1570, iv, pp. 64-66; Burns
1973, p. 154; Puppi 1989, pp. 109-110;
Lewis 2000, p. 70; Puppi 2007b, pp.
148-149, cat. 42.
howard burns
[32.]

70
71
[33.]
7. Palazzo Porto, Vicenza
The lives and ambitions of Iseppo Porto and Andrea Palladio were
intertwined over a period of forty years, ceasing only with their
deaths a few months apart in 1580. In 1542, the thirty-five-year-old
Palladio embarked upon the design of the young aristocrat’s family
palace in Vicenza. And in 1572, as two elderly men they planned an
enormous, impossibly ambitious villa at Molina di Malo to be built
within a fifteenth-century courted villa belonging to the Porto family.
Today all that remains are some gigantic columns with the name
Iseppo engraved on their plinths: Neo-antique ruins in a Vicentine
farmyard (fig. 34.8).
Born in the 1520s, Iseppo Porto married Livia Thiene in spring
1542. She was the sister of Marcantonio and Adriano Thiene, who at
that time were beginning work on the construction of their large
palace not far away (section 4). Iseppo’s marriage, a desire to emulate
his in-laws, and the stylistic intentions of the project suggest that this
was when he commissioned his palace. It is probable that Palladio
produced an initial drawing showing, on the recto, the elevation with
tall Corinthian pilasters and two alternatives for the lower
rustication, which he further explored in another two alternative
7.1. Palazzo Porto,
ground floor plan
(drawing by Simone
Baldissini, 2008)
7.2. Palazzo Porto,
woodcut reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II,
pp. 8-9)
7.3. Cat. 34a, detail
[7.1.]
versions on the verso (riba xvii/12). Other documents, however,
permit us to deduce that the building site only opened in 1546, the
delay caused by the fact that in 1545 the family had to stay in Venice
for judiciary reasons (cat. 35). Another sheet by Palladio showing
alternatives for the design of the elevation and plan can be associated
with this second stage (cat. 34a/b). Work was probably completed in
1552, the date inscribed on the façade and still legible in the
eighteenth century (Temanza 1762, p. vii). Moreover, that same year,
one of Iseppo’s children was baptised in a room in the ‘new house’
(cat. 35).
As Palladio stresses in the Quattro Libri, the site of the palace lay
between two streets, one being the important Contra’ Porti.
Throughout the fifteenth century, the Porto family had acquired land
and constructed imposing palaces in this street, resulting in it bearing
the family name. Iseppo built his palace alongside the grandiose
constructions of the previous generations and under the gaze of his
cousins.
Palladio did not attempt to adapt his design to respect the
neighbouring buildings. He arranged the façade in a position
[7.2.]
72
 7.4. Palazzo Porto,
façade

7.5. Palazzo Porto,

façade, detail

[7.4.] [7.5.]

perpendicular to the entrance axis, seemingly undeterred by the fact
that he was interrupting the continuity of the façades of the other
palaces lining the street. He designed a ‘double’ palace, with the main
residential part on Contra’ Porti, and the service part, indicated in the
Quattro Libri as a dependance for guests and the grown-up children,
on the street to the rear. The two blocks were united by a large
courtyard. The palace essentially joined up the two streets, a
demonstration of urban planning which is also found in some of
Palladio’s unbuilt projects.
The model for a double residence separated by a courtyard was
probably the so-called ‘Italian building’, designed for Duke Ludwig x
at Landshut by Giulio Romano, with whom Palladio had worked on
the Palazzo Thiene (section 4). The same building also provided the
idea for the façade, with its tall strip pilasters and rusticated base and
windows with alternating triangular and segmental pediments
surmounted by the mezzanine windows (cat. 34a). In Palladio’s
design, however, the façade is more sculptural. Furthermore, in
contrast to his earlier designs for the Palazzo Civena (1541; cat 11), it
reflects the impact of a key event in Palladio’s life: his first journey to
Rome in 1541. This provided him with first-hand experience of the
vocabulary of architectural grandeur, as seen in the antique buildings
and the works of modern masters. The front of the Arch of
Constantine (projected on the plane according to Palladio’s typical
technique of representation), for example, provided the model for the
half-columns with projecting entablatures surmounted by an attic
storey crowned with statues. Two of the statues are portraits of Iseppo
and his firstborn child Leonida, dressed all’antica (fig. 7.7), a choice
possibly informed by the statues of the Veronesi Illustri in the
fifteenth-century Loggia del Consiglio in Verona, but unprecedented
as the self-celebration of a patron, apart from the literary example of
the ‘house of the architect’ in Filarete’s Sforzinda (1972 edn, p. 561).
These statues, in turn, were a precedent for the statues of the patrons
in the Teatro Olimpico, inserted into the stage set and presented as
ancient Romans (section 26).
The use of the orders in the Palazzo Porto is particularly refined.
The Ionic half-columns show a base (fig. 7.10) that does not follow
the model described by Vitruvius but rather an antique example in
Frascati, surveyed by Palladio (fig. 7.11) (riba xv/11r), as well as by

7.6. View of Palazzo

Porto with the brick
access ramp to the
atrium, reproduced
in Marco Moro,
Album di gemme
architettoniche
(Venice-Vicenza,
1847)

7.7. Palazzo Porto,

statues of Iseppo
and Leonida Porto
on the attic storey

[7.6.] [7.7.]

74
 7.8. Palazzo Porto,
atrium

7.9. Palazzo Porto,

woodcut reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 10)

[7.8.] [7.9.]

Antonio da Sangallo and Peruzzi (Burns 2002, p. 401). In the
preparatory drawings, the Ionic frieze is carved with oak leaves (cat.
34a). The Doric columns of the atrium are baseless (fig. 7.8), like
those of the Doric temple at San Nicola in Carcere, Rome, also
surveyed by Palladio (riba xi/5r), who was later to use them in the
Villa Pisani at Montagnana. In the nineteenth century, attic bases
were added to the shafts to compensate the alignment of the ground
floor with the street level; it had previously been reached by a ramp
(fig. 7.6).
The atrium of the Palazzo Porto is the first example of a space
which was to become a typical feature of Palladio’s architecture – a
reinterpretation of Vitruvian spaces combined with traditional
Vicentine models such as the fifteenth-century oratory of San
Cristoforo (fig. 7, p. 7), or the crypt in the cathedral.
The plates of the Palazzo Porto in the Quattro Libri were made at
least a quarter of a century after the project, and the courtyard with
its giant order was probably only created for the purposes of the
publication.
Subsequent remodelling of the palazzo began as early as the
sixteenth century with Vincenzo Scamozzi’s construction of a scala
ovata (elliptical staircase), known through Muttoni’s description. It in
turn was replaced in the nineteenth century when extensive
reconstruction work radically changed the piano nobile through the
introduction of a round sala. The only surviving original parts, in
addition to the façade, are the atrium (except for the Attic bases
added to the columns) and the rooms on the left (Barbieri, in
Barbieri, Beltramini 2003, pp. 519-520).
Literature: Muttoni 1740-1760, 1, pp. 8-9, pls v, vi, vii; Bertotti
Scamozzi 1761, pp. 117-118; Temanza 1762; Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-
1783, i, pp. 34-38, pls vi-ix; Forssman 1973a; Puppi 1973, pp. 277-281;
Fairbairn 1975, pp. 232-234; Battilotti 1981, pp. 40-44; Scremin 1986,
pp. 734-736; Morresi 1990, pp. 97-120; Burns 1991, pp. 210-211;
Lemerle, Pauwels 1991, pp. 7-13; Morresi 1991, pp. 32-39; Battilotti
1999, pp. 455-456; Burns 2002, pp. 400-402; Beltramini, Demo
2008, pp. 126-128.
Guido Beltramini

7.10. Palazzo Porto,

façade, Ionic base of
the half-columns

7.11. Andrea Palladio,

Ionic base surveyed
at Frascati. London,
RIBA XV/11r

[7.11.]

75
[7.10.]
 34a. Andrea Palladio
Recto
Presentation drawing
with alternatives for the elevation
of Palazzo Porto
c. 1546
Watermark: anchor in circle
surmounted by six-pointed star; ruler
and stylus, compasses, pen and brown
ink, black ink (on the ground floor
round the windows and the
rustication of the right half), brush
and brown ink; pen for the red
border on the left and lower margins
(the sheet has been trimmed on the
upper and right margins, eliminating
the red border)
283 × 406 mm
Notes on the drawing: some
measurements in piedi
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino;
10 piedi vicentini = 51 mm
[34a.]
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
34b. Andrea Palladio
Verso
Project for the plan of Palazzo
Porto, project for a fortified villa,
acanthus leaf
Plan of Palazzo Porto, c. 1546;
fortified villa, 1575 (?)
Ruler and stylus, compasses, black
chalk (plan of Palazzo Porto),
graphite (fortified villa), pen
and dark brown ink, brush and sepia
watercolour; Talman mark 54
283 × 406 mm
Notes on the drawing: some
measurements in piedi
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; 10 piedi vicentini = 12 mm
(according to the scale traced by pen
on the lower right margin of the
sheet, in correspondence to the main
façade; other scales also present, but
do not seem to refer to the drawing)
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc227/xvii/9r-v
Recto
This is a presentation drawing, care-
fully executed with a ruler and
compasses over closely-scored hatch-
ing made by the stylus. Ink wash is
used to help distinguish the masses,
while the measurements indicate the
key dimensions without undermining
the visual impact of the drawing.
Palladio’s method of simultaneously
presenting alternatives for a project
appears here in a highly finished form.
In this case two alternatives for the
street façade are proposed: on the right,
tall Corinthian pilasters, on the left,
Ionic half-columns, and an entablature
which is either continuous or projects
in response to the half-columns. This
latter version is similar to the building
as realised, It therefore suggests a likely
date for the sheet of around 1546. In the
sequence of drawings for the Palazzo
Porto, this sheet must come after an
initial design (riba xvii/12r), probably
dating from the early 1540s, which
shows the pilasters without entasis, and
is closer in style to Palazzo Civena (cat.
11). On this later sheet, however, the
entasis of the shafts of the half-columns
is correctly drawn by the stylus and is
clearly visible.
The drawing of the ground floor is
beset with difficulties. The right-hand
side of the façade is more fully resolved:
windows have been let into the massive
76
 rusticated wall and rest on a band of
smooth stone (as in the Palazzo Thiene;
section 4), surmounted by an architrave
composed of five large rusticated
stones, although a fragment of straight
entablature supported by a bracket is
sketched freehand on the one nearest
the entrance. The left-hand side is con-
fused: the rustication is geometrical, as
on the side of the Temple of Mars Ultor
(and as was actually built), but closed
on the sides by massive rusticated
stones. Above the windows, as an
alternative, three clypeuses are drawn;
they derive from the Porta Aurea,
Ravenna and were used by Falconetto
in the Porta Savonarola, Padua
(Fairbairn 1975, p. 233). Another four
alternative rustications appear in riba
xvii/12, two on the recto and two on
the verso.
[34b.]
77
Verso
This plan is quite close to the executed
one, except for the large double ramp
of stairs on either side of the vestibule.
Significantly, traced by stylus, but not
worked over in pen, is an alternative
position for the semicircular stairs
which would have closed the vestibule
leading to the courtyard with an apse.
In the eighteen century, Francesco
Muttoni described the stairs (demol-
ished), ‘which started directly from the
entrance with fourteen steps in a
straight line, circa five piedi wide, and
which continued with another thirty
oval-shaped steps as far as the floor
serving as an entrance to the sala’
(Muttoni 1740-1760, i, pp. 8-9).
On the right, other properties in
the area belonging to Iseppo are
outlined. On two sides of the court-
yard, Palladio has sketched eleven
columns in black chalk: it is not clear
if this sketch is contemporary with the
palazzo project or an a posteriori
addition associated with the prepar-
ation of the plate in the Quattro Libri
in which a courtyard surrounded with
giant order columns appears.
The sketch of the fortified villa
probably dates to around the mid-
1570s (Burns, in Barbieri, Beltramini
2003, pp. 177-178, cat. 5d).
Literature: Forssman 1973a, pp. 23-24;
Fairbairn, in Burns 1975, p. 233; Burns
1999a, pp. 57-58; Lewis 2000, pp. 148-
149; Burns, in Barbieri, Beltramini
2003, pp. 177-178.
guido beltramini
35. Iseppo Porto (?)
Memorial with notes on the dates
of birth of his children
Pen and ink on parchment
200 × 160 mm
Thiene, Archivio Colleoni Porto
Thiene, mazzo CXI 1868
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
This ‘memorial’ records the births of the
ten children of Iseppo and Livia Porto:
Leonida (1543), Deidamia (1545), Do-
rothea (1546), Porcia (1548), Lavinia
(1549, died the following month), Vitorina
(1550), Emilia (1552-1565), Gerolamo (1554-
1557), Lelia (1556) and Adriano (1558). In
these a posteriori notes, Iseppo distinguishes
between children born in the old house
and, from 1552, in the ‘new house’. On
sheet 7r he notes that in 1545 ‘we were in
Venice, waiting to be judged and stayed in
a house of messer Domenico Morexini, in
 the court of cha Morexini.’ This forced
absence from Vicenza may explain the
delay in opening the building site for his
palace in Vicenza.

Literature: Morresi 1990, pp. 112-113 e

doc. 5; Beltramini, Demo 2008, pp.
126-128.

guido beltramini

36. Paolo Caliari,

called Veronese (1528-1588)
Portrait of Iseppo Porto
and his son Leonida
c. 1552
Oil on canvas
212 × 135 cm
Florence, Galleria degli Uffizi,
Collezione Contini Bonacossi, no. 16
[Exhibited in Vicenza]

This portrait shows Iseppo and his

son, Leonida, who can be identified
due to a ‘memorial’ (cat. 35) stating
that he was born in 1543. Iseppo’s
second son, Gerolamo, was born in
1554 but died three years later, and his
third, Adriano, was not born until
1558. Given that the boy appears to be
between eight and ten years old, and
his father to be between thirty and
forty, the painting should date to
around 1552 (Marinelli, in Marini
1980a, p. 220). A second portrait by
Veronese (Baltimore Museum of Art),
depicts Iseppo’s wife Livia Thiene
Porto with her third-born child Porcia.
As Palladio himself mentions in the
Quattro Libri, Iseppo employed
Veronese for the decoration of his
palace (Palladio 1570, ii, p. 8) together
with a group of other painters and
stucco artists originally from Verona,
who worked in Iseppo’s city and
country residences: Bartolomeo Ri-
dolfi, Domenico Brusasorci and Bat-
tista Zelotti.
Burns has pointed out that the
sequence of the mouldings on the base
of the engaged column on the left of
the portrait of Iseppo and Leonida is
the same as the unusual, refined Ionic
base to the columns on the piano
nobile of the newly constructed palace.
As such, their inclusion represents a
homage by the painter to the patron
and to the architect’s invention.
Probably originally hung in the
palace, the painting is one of many
images of Iseppo celebrating his
building achievements. In addition to
placing his name – joseph porto
mdlii – on the façade of his palace (read
by Temanza in 1762), he also included
his portrait and that of Leonida in the
statues placed on the attic storey of the
palazzo and in a medal, uncovered in
the foundations during nineteenth-
century restoration work.

Literature: Marinelli, in Marini 1980a,

[36.]
pp. 219-220; Beltramini, in Beltramini, 78
 Burns 2005, pp. 322-324; Beltramini,
Demo 2008, pp. 126-128.
guido beltramini
37. Anonymous Draftsman
Corner view of Palazzo Caprini,
Rome, details of the Doric capital
and the rusticated arcade
1550
Verso: only Talman mark
No watermark; pen, brush
and sepia watercolour
272 × 372 mm
No measurements or scale
History and ownership: John Talman;
Lord Burlington; Dukes
of Devonshire; riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc223/xiv/11r
[37.]
79
Kept among the Palladian drawings in
the collection of Lord Burlington, this
sheet is certainly not by Palladio, but
may have been owned by him. It
shows the palace built in Rome by
Bramante in the early years of the
sixteenth century and inhabited by
Raphael from 1517 to 1520. With its
rusticated base and upper floors
ennobled by the orders, it proved to
be an important prototype, and was
known to both Giulio Romano (see
his ‘Italian building’, Landshut, and
Palazzo Thiene, Vicenza; section 4)
and Palladio. In the Palazzo Porto, the
latter adopts the windows with
rusticated architraves inserted in a
blind arcade of the Palazzo Caprini,
after having experimented with
several alternatives (riba xvii/12r-v
and cat. 34a). Compared to the
Roman model, the rustication of the
Palazzo Porto loses its massive mel, Ray, Tafuri 1984, pp. 239-240;
character to become more linear, as in Lewis 2000, pp. 73-74.
the walls of the cella in the temple of
Mars Ultor, Rome (cat. 147) and, guido beltramini
most importantly, the ratio of the
heights between its two floors is
altered in order to respond to the
Vicentine custom of living on the
ground floor in patrician palaces.
The powerful corner joint, with
three half-columns, the third partially
incorporates the corner, clearly in-
formed Palladio’s final design for the
corner of the loggias of Palazzo della
Ragione in Vicenza (section 8). The
small windows between the triglyphs
in the frieze appear in the Villa dei
Vescovi at Luvigliano (1535-1542) and
in the Palazzo Migliorini in Vicenza.
Literature: Bruschi 1969, pp. 598-608;
Burns 1975, p. 231; Tafuri, in From-
8. The Basilica, Vicenza
For Palladio the construction of the loggias round the Palazzo della
Ragione in Vicenza was the project of a lifetime. Its great
prominence would confirm him as a public architect and highlight
his skill in adapting ancient models to modern functions. The
management of the building site demonstrated his considerable
technical skill since the loggias are not constructed from brick clad
in stone, but of huge stone blocks, skilfully woven into an isodomic
work rivalling the great buildings of modern Rome. His salary of five
gold scudi a month was his first regular source of income. This was
of fundamental importance for the forty-year-old Palladio, for the
project was to continue to guarantee an income for him throughout
his subsequent years of success and fame, creating a lasting bond
with the city that would only come to an end thirty-one years later:
on 2 September 1580, Silla Palladio was paid ten scudi, his father’s last
two months’ wages. But not even death broke the relationship
between Palladio and his building, still known as the ‘Basilica
Palladiana’.
The story of the Palazzo della Ragione goes back three centuries
earlier than Palladio’s involvement. From the mid-twelfth century at
least two public palaces are documented as being in the area. Then,
in the mid-fifteenth century, after various vicissitudes, they were
incorporated into a single building. Characterised by the enormous
hall on the piano nobile, the building was called the Palazzo della
Ragione by the public magistrates, who had their offices there. Its
walls can be seen inside the stunning white arches designed by
Palladio and its great ship’s keel roof towers up above them.
In 1481, the city architect Tommaso Formenton had begun work
on girding the block of the palazzo with a double order of vaults. In
April 1496, two years after the building site closed, the south-west
corner collapsed, bringing down with it most of the new structure.
Antonio Rizzo, chief architect of the Palazzo Ducale, Venice, was
immediately appointed to rebuild it, but failed to make any
progress. Over the next forty years the Vicentines debated
inconclusively about how to rebuild the double height arcade. They
consulted the most celebrated architects working in the region, and
a series of projects was invited but met with the same fate. These
included schemes by Giorgio Spavento (1498), Antonio Scarpagnino
(1525), Jacopo Sansovino (1538), Sebastiano Serlio (1539), Michele

8.1. Palazzo della

Ragione, ground
floor plan (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
2008)

8.2. Palazzo della

Ragione, woodcut
reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, III,
pp. 42-43)

8.3. Cat. 40, detail

[8.1.]

80
[8.2.]
 8.4. Palazzo della
Ragione, cross
section (drawing
by Gilda D’Agaro
and Maria Tarlà,
1968)
[8.4.]
Sanmicheli (1541), and Giulio Romano (1542), who vainly suggested
isolating the building in the centre of a great ‘parterre’, to be created
by raising the current Piazza delle Erbe on the south side.
Despite all the illustrious proposals the City Council, in March
1546, approved the project by two local designers: the elderly, reliable
Giovanni da Porlezza (see p. 31 and cat. 7) and the thirty-eight-year-
old Andrea Palladio. The appointment was undoubtedly a
masterstroke by Giangiorgio Trissino, who sought to promote
consensus between traditionally hostile, rival lobbies. After a life-size
model of one of the arches had been subjected to scrutiny and after
another three years of discussion, which Giovanni da Porlezza did not
live to see concluded, Palladio’s project was definitively approved in
May 1549, thanks also to the persuasive backing of Girolamo
Chiericati (cats 49-50) and Gianalvise Valmarana (see p. 196 and cat.
102), both of whom would, in later years, turn to the architect for the
design of their own family palaces. The challenge which Palladio’s
design had to address was how to surround the mediaeval building
with arches aligned to the pre-existing openings and passageways. In
San Francesco at Rimini, Leon Battista Alberti, when confronted with
8.5. Palazzo della
Ragione, façades
on Piazza Maggiore
8.6. Palazzo della
Ragione, façade
on Piazza delle Erbe
[8.5.]
a similar problem, had opted for a sequence of regularly spaced arches
which took no account of the arrangement of the church’s window
openings. Palladio, on the other hand, devised a more flexible
solution, based on the repetition of the serliana (i.e. a structure
consisting of an arch with a constant span flanked by two rectangular
apertures of variable width, able to absorb any differences in the
width of the bays). This system is clearly visible in the arches at the
corners, where the architraved openings are reduced to a minimum.
However, Palladio also applied it to all the bays, each of whose widths
vary, albeit only slightly. The sequence of serliana openings create an
almost transparent wall, allowing light to penetrate freely beneath the
vaults. The use of the serliana per se was not new. First used by Donato
Bramante in Santa Maria del Popolo in Rome, the serliana was
published by Serlio in his Fourth Book (Venice 1537, p. xxxiiiir) and
used the same year by Sansovino in the Libreria Marciana, Venice.
What is innovative about Palladio’s use of the serliana was the
constant flexing of each units’ dimensions, for which, however, there
is a precedent in the church of San Benedetto Po in Polirone (fig. 8.7):
restructured from 1540 on by Giulio Romano, the serliana openings
82
[8.6.]

[8.7.]
are employed to absorb the differences in width of the fifteenth-
century bays of the old church. Palladio himself calls the Palazzo della
Ragione girded with the new stone loggias a ‘basilica’, referring to the
buildings in ancient Rome where politics were discussed and business
conducted. Work on the building proceeded slowly. The first order of
northern and western arches was only completed in 1561; the second
storey, begun in 1564, was completed in 1597, seventeen years after
Palladio’s death and the façade on the Piazza delle Erbe in 1614. The
administration of the building site was managed in turns on a more
or less annual basis by the city’s patricians acting as provveditori. They
paid the architect, supplied the materials and skilled labour, and
recorded payments in the account books, most of which are still
preserved in the Biblioteca Bertoliana, Vicenza. Many of the these
patricians, including not only Chiericati and Valmarana, but also
Girolamo Godi, Giacomo Angarano, Francesco Trissino, Giovan
Battista Garzadori, Giuliano Piovene and others, were subsequently
to commission Palladio to design their own villas and palaces.
As it appears today, the Basilica is the product of a number of
significant changes over succeeding centuries. The green colour of
the roof, like a great ship’s keel, covering the hall, is due to the
original lead being replaced by copper in the nineteenth century.
The original colour was pearly grey, like the domes of St. Mark’s in
Venice. At a later date, Palladio very probably considered
whitewashing the interiors of the vaults and arcades, thus enhancing
the internal luminosity and the sense of unity. But the most
important changes concern the relation between the building and
the piazza. The historic commercial use of the spaces on the ground
floor of the Palazzo della Ragione required ease of movement for
people and goods entering and leaving the building, rather as can
still be seen today in the Palazzo della Ragione in Padua. Palladio
thus only envisaged slightly raising the building from the ground,
with a single dark-trachyte step. In the 1950s, however, on the basis
of a strict Neo-Palladian interpretation of the plates in the Quattro
Libri, the traditional height of the piazza was artificially lowered, to
83 add two white stone steps. Incorrectly elevated on its new
8.7. Giulio Romano,
Church of San
Benedetto Po,
interior, begun
in 1540
8.8. Palazzo della
Ragione, half-
columns and Doric
entablature of the
north-east corner
[8.8.]
misconceived podium, the Basilica has been made into a an isolated
‘monument’, stripped of its function as a ‘covered piazza’
communicating freely with the surrounding open spaces and the rest
of the city.
Literature: Palladio 1570, iii, pp. 41-43; Muttoni 1740-1760, i, pp. 4-
6, pls vii-viii, and vi, pp. 43-44, pls xix-xx; Bertotti Scamozzi 1761,
pp. 13-20; Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, i, pp. 61-66, pls xxviii-xxxi;
Magrini 1845, pp. 14-24, 81-88, iii-ix, xxxii-xxxix, nos. 15-19, 49-54;
Dalla Pozza 1943, pp. 95-142; Forssman 1965, pp. 39-44; Zorzi 1965,
pp. 43-75, 303-346; Ackerman 1966, pp. 87-92; Barbieri 1968; Forster,
Tuttle 1973, pp. 107-119, especially pp. 112-117; Puppi 1973, pp. 266-
271; Burns 1975, pp. 27-31, 218, 256; Mazzi 1977, pp. 38-43; Soragni
1977, pp. 67-87, especially pp. 78-79, no. 21; Berger 1978, pp. 162-
170; Battilotti 1979-1980, pp. 199-218, especially pp. 207-209;
Battilotti 1980, pp. 114, 140-142; Burns 1980, pp. 103-123, especially
p. 118; Kubelik 1980, pp. 47-56; Marini 1980, pp. 511-512; Mazzi 1980,
pp. 114-140, especially pp. 132-133, no. 162; Barbieri 1987, pp. 68-72;
Forster 1989, pp. 9-28, especially pp. 24-25; Burns 1991, pp. 191-226;
Boucher 1998, pp. 52-53, 93-109; Battilotti 1999, pp. 456-457;
Barbieri 2002a; Barausse, Barbieri, Lotto, Piana 2003; Burns 2003a.
Guido Beltramini
 38. Anonymous Draftsman
Map of the area of the central
piazzas in Vicenza, known
as Carta del Peronio
1480-1481
Pen and black and sepia ink
448 × 584 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘via di Servi’;
‘la contrada di santo Eleuterio’; ‘la
piaza dal vino’; ‘piaza dale biave’; ‘la
contrada dale vetture’; ‘la contrada
dala Malvasia’; ‘la contrada di zudei’;
‘la via dala Rotta’; ‘la piazza dal pesse
menudo’; ‘la strada se va al Domo’;
‘pescheria’
No scale indicated
Vicenza, Biblioteca civica Bertoliana,
Archivio Torre
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
This map shows the commercial and
political heart of Vicenza at the end of
[39.]
[38.]
the fifteenth century, when the city was
characterised by a system of buildings
and piazzas on various levels and
fulfilling different, specialised func-
tions. The urban hub was the Palazzo
della Ragione, here represented as a
massive mediaeval structure not yet
girded by loggias. The first floor was the
seat of the magistratures and the City
Council, while the ground floor was
used for shops. In the open spaces
around the palazzo were stalls selling
wine, vegetables, fish and hay. Later,
other important civic buildings were
constructed: the Palazzo del Podestà
(left) and the Loggia del Capitaniato, at
the corner of Contra’ del Monte, where
the map shows a vacant area.
Literature: Motterle 1971; Burns 1975, p. 25.
guido beltramini
84
 39. Howard Burns
and Mauro Zocchetta (designers);
Silvia Gasparini (draftsman);
Ivan Simonato (model maker)
Model of the Palazzo
della Ragione, Vicenza,
with alternatives for the loggias
2003
Painted wood
Height 120 cm; length 148 cm;
width 106 cm
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio

40. Andrea Palladio

Project for the loggias
of the Basilica, Vicenza
Probably 1546; not after 1549
Verso: Talman mark 54
No watermark; ruler and stylus,
compasses, pen and brown ink,
brush and grey ink
283 × 358 mm
No scale indicated
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc222/xiii/9r

There are no identifiable elements in

this drawing, nor in cat. 41, which
allow firm dates to be ascribed to it.
However, it was definitely made before
May 1549, when the building site was
opened. Judging from the style of cat.
41, it would seem that this sheet comes
later in the design process (Burns
1980, p. 118). However, if we consider
that Palladio’s aim was to make the
loggias increasingly transparent, it
would appear, at least on the evidence
of these two surviving drawings, that
Palladio worked towards achieving this
by gradually opening up the perimeter
wall to maximise the amount of light
penetrating the arcade. According to
this argument, the drawing shown
here would seem to refer to the
beginning of the process, when the
voids of the apertures in the arches and
the solids of the masonry parts were
basically equally divided. There are
references to Sanmicheli in the
rustication and strip pilasters (or half-
columns?) resting without a base on a
plinth, and so far apart as to leave the [40.]

triglyph off axis: all these elements are

present in Sanmicheli’s façade of the
Porta Palio facing the centre of Verona,
which recent studies suggest was being
designed in the mid-1540s (Davis-
Hemsoll 2004, p. 370). The drawing
may be close to the design Palladio
presented jointly with the elderly
Giovanni da Porlezza in March 1546
(see p. 82). He adopts an orthogonal
mode of representation, but adds ink
wash to highlight the materiality of the
rustication, without accentuating the
85 chiaroscuro. The handling of the
right-hand arch is very detailed, but
the arch on the left is unfinished. The
Doric frieze is also only sketched, and
he simply indicates the beginning of
the profiles of capitals, bases and
entablatures, without completing the
lines of the mouldings. This sheet is
thus probably a study drawing which
Palladio made for his own purposes.
Literature: Zorzi 1965, p. 46; Barbieri
1968, p. 61; Burns 1973, p. 146; Puppi
1973, pp. 269-270; Burns 1975, p. 31;
Burns 1980, p. 118; Lewis 2000, pp.
138-139.
guido beltramini
Compared to cat. 40, Palladio uses
a different drawing technique to
render the rustication and the chiaro-
scuro: he only uses the pen for the
cross-hatching and no ink wash.
Despite its small size, the drawing also
details some of the measurements,
specifically those relating to the
dimensions of the arches. The drawing
would thus seem to have been made
for presentation.
Literature: Zorzi 1965, p. 45; Barbieri
1968, pp. 67-68; Burns 1973, p. 149;
Puppi 1973, p. 269; Burns 1975, p. 31;
Burns 1980, p. 118; Lewis 2000, pp.
136-137.
42. Andrea Palladio
Project for the Ionic order of the
loggias of the Basilica, Vicenza
1564-1565
Verso: Talman mark 49
No watermark; ruler and stylus, black
chalk, compasses, pen and brown ink
457 × 369 mm
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino;
2 piedi vicentini = 28 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc222/xiii/8r

guido beltramini Probably made twenty years later than

41. Andrea Palladio cats 40 and 41, this drawing belongs to
Project for the loggias the story of the construction of the
of the Basilica, Vicenza Basilica as we know it today. In March
Probably 1546; not after 1549;
epsilon writing
Verso: Talman mark 150
Ruler and stylus, compasses, pen
and brown ink, brush and sepia ink
285 × 156 mm
Notes on the drawing: piεdi (twice)
Unit of measurement: piede
vicentino; 9 piedi = 24.75 mm,
with incomplete scale due
to trimmed left edge
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc228/xvii/22r

Compared to cat. 40, Palladio obtains

in this drawing greater penetration of
light into the arcade by widening the
lower arches, which reduces the width
of the pillars, and also the space
required for the entablature. Given
that the height of the upper hall was
fixed, the Doric frieze had to be
eliminated. This solution can be seen
in the Balbi Crypt in Rome and was
used several times by Sanmicheli, for
example, in the Porta Palio, and by
Giulio Romano. They had, however,
preserved the triglyphs as a memory of
the eliminated frieze. The serliana
openings also appear, although simply
side by side and not integrated into
the flexible system of the final
solution. Despite the larger apertures,
the wall again dominates; the order
simply seems to be applied to it so
that in the corner bay the wall
continues to the right beyond the last
pair of pilasters. This choice is still far
from the powerful organisation of the
load-bearing elements characterising
the project as built; it is almost Gothic
in its use of supports made entirely of
stone blocks, which at the corner
express their full plastic strength with
a column projecting by three-quarters
from the corner, flanked by two half-
columns (cat. 42).
[41.]
1564 the City Council approved the
construction of the second order of
loggias. On 18 April 1566 payments to
stonecutters were increased, because
Palladio had added bases to the
pedestal of the Ionic half-columns.
The fact that the bases are missing
from this drawing suggests that the
sheet should be dated before 1566. It
does not reflect the final design,
because it diverges from the building
as constructed in various details (fig.
8.8), including the non-pulvinated
frieze.
The ductus of the drawing – the
execution of the capitals and the
shorthand way of indicating only the
beginning of the profiles – is typical of
Palladio. The mighty corner joint was
probably a problem which the archi-
tect sought to solve, since he drew and
erased several solutions. As revealed by
the holes left by the compasses, and
the lines and circles made with the
stylus, the half-columns were initially
set slightly further forward, but once
he had found the right alignment, the
left-hand pillar was drawn with no
second thoughts, as was the elevation.
In the elevation the main straight lines
are marked by the stylus, whereas the
mouldings and capitals are drawn
freehand with black chalk and then
drawn over with pen and ink.
Literature: Zorzi 1965, p. 47; Barbieri
1968, p. 80; Burns 1973, p. 146; Puppi
1973, pp. 270-271; Burns 1975, p. 31;
Lewis 2000, pp. 140-141.
guido beltramini
43. Marcantonio Palladio (?)
or workshop
of Michele Sanmicheli (?)
Elevation of an alternative
for Porta Nuova, Verona
Stylus, lead, ruler, compasses,
pen and brown ink
584 × 743 mm (the right-hand strip,
194 × 262 mm)
Chatsworth, The Duke
of Devonshire and the Trustees
of the Chatsworth Settlement,
Devonshire Collections, Chiswick 35
According to Burns, this drawing is by
Marcantonio Palladio, Andrea’s
nephew and assistant on several
occasions from 1551. It shows the Porta
Nuova in Verona, but not exactly as it
was built: the main arch is wider by
around thirty centimetres and it has
no keystone figure or impost with a
wave-scroll frieze, while the archivolt
does not have its characteristic
concave moulding inspired by the
city’s Roman arena. The minor arches
are also larger and positioned
differently. This may be explained by
the fact that it is a copy of Sanmicheli’s
preliminary drawing for the Porta
Nuova. On the other hand, the
differences with the Verona building
have a certain ‘Palladian’ feel: the
decorative elements are simplified and
the drawing of the impost on the
largest arch is much more like the one
in the first drawing for the loggias of
the Basilica (cat. 40). This suggests
that it could be a theoretical exercise
by Palladio himself, starting from
Sanmicheli’s model. The fact that the
drawing is glued to a strip of paper
with the plan of the cavaliere (the part
crowning the gate) leads Burns to
 88
[42.]
 conclude that it may be a project by
Marcantonio, who hastily sketched
from memory the lower part to
contextualise his own work (Burns
1980, pp. 119-121). More recently,
especially on the grounds of the large
size of the drawing, which resembles a
presentation sheet, Hemsoll and
Davies have considered the idea that it
may be a drawing by the workshop of
Sanmicheli (Davies, Hemsoll 2004, p.
359).
Whatever the case, it is pertinent to
view this drawing in sequence with
Palladio’s first two autograph drawings
for the Basilica in order to grasp
Michele Sanmicheli’s influence on the
young architect. Having returned to
the Veneto in 1526, after twenty years
spent in central Italy, Sanmicheli
brought back his first-hand experience
of the architecture of ancient Rome
[43.]
89
and the modern buildings by
Bramante, Raphael and Antonio da
Sangallo. By combining his Roman
experience with his knowledge of the
antiquities of Verona and Greek
architecture, Sanmicheli designed
buildings in which the architectural
order is shaped with a new strength: a
sculptural and structural consistency
that was completely new for the
Veneto. Although the young Palladio
recognised the novelty at this point in
his career, only later was he to make it
his own. The first drawings for the
Basilica lack sculptural strength: the
ashlar keystones in the lower arches
fail to stand out from the surrounding
masonry and, similarly, the strip
pilasters in the second order have no
entasis, which will only begin to
appear in the drawings for the Palazzo
Porto (cat. 34a) and the Palazzo
Chiericati (cats 45-46). Yet the entasis Literature: Zorzi 1964, pp. 94-112;
of the strip pilaster, which in the flat Burns 1975, p. 30; Burns 1980, pp. 119-
projection on the wall conserves the 121; Davies, Hemsoll 1992, pp. 339-
memory of the curve of the column, 353; Davies, Hemsoll 2004.
was one of Sanmicheli’s legacies that
Palladio came to prize the most guido beltramini
(Davies, Hemsoll 1992, p. 347).
The ‘Sanmichelian’ feel in the first
drawings for the Basilica is not
surprising, considering that in
November 1541 and in the following
January, Sanmicheli was in Vicenza to
present his own project for the
construction of the loggias. On both
occasions Sanmicheli stayed with
Giovanni da Porlezza (he was from the
same town as his father), capomastro
(chief mason) in the workshop at
Pedemuro, where the young Andrea
developed his skills (Zorzi 1964, pp.
105-106).
9. Palazzo Chiericati, Vicenza
In 1550, with the palace for Girolamo Chiericati, Palladio reached full
maturity. A decade of eclectic experimentation came to fruition in
this building as the architect perfected the motifs and elements that
would characterise his subsequent architectural language, such as the
load-bearing brick columns, and the wall which reinforces the side of
the loggia (fig. 9.8), a concept borrowed from the Portico of Octavia,
Rome (cat. 59). From the point of view of the typology of urban
palaces, Palladio invented something completely new, with an
unprecedented permeability between the building and the city and its
streets. Previously, he had more or less brilliantly interpreted the
scheme derived from Bramante’s Palazzo Caprini (cat. 37). Palazzo
Chiericati – with its two-storeys of free-standing columns, lower
portico extended along the entire façade (fig. 9.9), and masses
marking the axis of the building – is a totally personal invention, the
outcome of Palladio’s talent in adapting themes of antique
architecture to give life to new forms yet responding to the restraints
imposed by the site.
The palace has a very unusual position at the eastern edge of the
city, opposite a wide open space where timber and cattle were traded.
Called l’Isola (‘the Island’; fig. 9.7), because it lay at the confluence of
two rivers, the area was a river port and in this sense was a ‘gate’ to
the city (Muraro 1978a, pp. 191-192). Set on a podium, Palladio’s
building dominates this open space but also embraces it through the
creation of one side of a large, square all’antica forum. From the
loggias, it was possible to gaze across the sweeping countryside, while
the long portico joins the building to the city. This is how it is seen
today, because in Palladio’s lifetime only four bays were constructed
(figs. 9.4, 9.10); it was only completed at the end of the seventeenth
century.
The story of the palace begins in November 1546, when Girolamo
shared his father Nicolò’s inheritance with his brothers. Documents
reveal the desire to transform the family properties at the Isola.
Contacts between the patron and architect are documented at least
from September 1548, when Girolamo was elected provveditore
(superintendent) for the loggias of the Basilica (cat. 50). Together
with Gianalvise Valmarana (see p. 196), he made the decisive push in
favour of Palladio. On 15 November 1550, he began to record in his
account book (cat. 49) the expenses for the construction of the

9.1. Palazzo
Chiericati, ground
floor plan (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
2008)

9.2. Palazzo
Chiericati, engraving
reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II,
pp. 6-7)

9.3. Cat. 46, detail

[9.1.]

[9.2.]
90
 [9.4.] [9.5.]

9.4. Heinrich
Schickhardt,
palace, starting with the payment to Palladio of 4 gold scudi for work
engraving showing
the built part of
carried out the previous months in ‘designing the plan on paper and
Palazzo Chiericati,
c. 1601. Stuttgart,
making the drawing of the façade’.
Württembergische
Landesbibliothek
This, however, is the ‘prehistory’ of the palace, since four months
9.5. Palazzo
later Chiericati was granted permission to occupy public land
Chiericati, façade stretching out 13 piedi vicentini (4.64 metres) in front of the existing
houses. This land, however, was to be used as a public arcade; in
compensation he gave the city around 7 piedi on the north side to
allow a public thoroughfare to be constructed. Girolamo was well
aware of the benefits this move would bring him, but also the public
significance of his action, and less than a month later two neighbours
obtained a similar permission to extend their land in order to build
‘a portico of the same quality’ as Chiericati’s (Barausse 2002, doc. 5).
This idea did not advance beyond the drawing board. However, had
these been built, they would have transformed the western side of the
piazza into a continuous portico, almost re-creating the piazza with
open galleries proposed by Giulio Romano round the Palazzo della
Ragione. At the end of March, Girolamo had already had two old
houses demolished and work progressed rapidly. In 1552, he bought
the timber for the roofs for the first part of the building – the
southern wing with two storeys of loggias and a bay in the central
section. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Inigo Jones
marked what had been built in his copy of the Quattro Libri (fig.
9.10). From 1552 to 1554, Marcantonio Palladio provided the
decorative stone details, while from 1557 to 1558 artists were at work
on the decoration. Girolamo died in 1558, and his son Valerio did not
continue with the construction.
From what we can deduce from the surviving drawings, Palladio
arrived at the final solution by stages. The side of the ramp with four
steps, flanking the double column in the first drawing for the palace
(cat. 45), shows that at this stage the arcade only projected over the
five bays in the central part of the façade and, as in the next drawing
(cat. 46), the two wings were not yet opened by loggias. Significantly,
in this second version there is a pediment on the central part, a new
feature in an urban context (Ackerman 1984, pp. 216-217), though
anticipated by several years in the unbuilt solution for the façade of
the Palazzo Thiene on Strada Maggiore (Burns 2007, pp. 80-90).
Palladio and Chiericati responded to the shallow site by applying

9.6. Palazzo
Chiericati in the
present urban
context

9.7. Built part of

Palazzo Chiericati
and the Piazza
dell’Isola in 1580
(cat. 179, detail)

[9.6.]

92
[9.7.]
 9.8. Palazzo
Chiericati, courtyard
loggia

9.9. Palazzo
Chiericati, public
passageway through
the ground floor
portico

[9.8.] [9.9.]

for permission, as shown above, to occupy public land with a ground
floor portico (as in the Palazzo Civena; cat. 11), with loggias above
and a large hallway on the piano nobile. This results in a plan which
is unusual and consisted of two symmetric apartments joined by a
sala with apses at either end, probably inspired by Sanmicheli’s Villa
Soranza (fig. 9.11). There were many sources for the façade with a
double order of loggias: from the reconstruction of the Roman forum
published by Bartoli in the illustrated edition of Alberti in 1550 to the
elevation of the Villa of Poggioreale in Serlio’s Third Book in 1540 and
the loggias in the court of the Palazzo Bo, Padua (1546). But what is
without precedent is the fact that such models were combined to
define a palace façade. There is a new sculptural power in the Doric
columns which, as in Peruzzi’s Palazzo Massimo in Rome, re-acquire
their full load-bearing strength and, as in other Peruzzi studies, the
columns intersect in a structural joint of great sculptural power,
comparable to the corners in the Basilica (cat. 42).
87; Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, i, pp. 39-43, pls x-xii; Magrini 1845,
p. 75; Magrini 1855; Pée 1941, pp. 30-57; Dalla Pozza 1943, pp. 77-78;
Barbieri 1962, i, pp. 9-62; Forssman 1965, pp. 79-86; Zorzi 1965, pp.
196-204; Ackerman 1966, pp. 101-103, 164-166; Forssman 1972, pp.
83-104, especially pp. 91-92; Puppi 1973, pp. 281-286; Kubelik 1974,
pp. 445-465, especially pp. 458-459; Burns 1975, pp. 38-40, 216-217;
Berger 1978, pp. 170-181; Muraro 1978a, pp. 187-194; Forssman 1979,
pp. 71-87, especially pp. 80-81; Battilotti 1980, p. 55; Marini 1980, pp.
446-448; Ackerman 1984, pp. 213-220; Berger 1984, pp. 20-40;
Barbieri 1987, pp. 74-76; Rigon 1989, pp. 77-84; Frommel 1990, pp.
146-165, especially pp. 154-156; Burns 1991, pp. 191-226, especially pp.
211-213; Boucher 1998, pp. 53-57; Battilotti 1999, pp. 462-463;
Barausse 2002; Burns 2002, pp. 405-406.
Guido Beltramini

Literature: Vasari 1568 (1906), vii, pp. 527-528; Palladio 1570, ii, pp.
6-7; Muttoni 1740-1760, i, pp. 7-8; Bertotti Scamozzi 1761, pp. 83-

9.10. Inigo Jones,

annotations
on his copy
of I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura,
indicating the built
part of the Palazzo
Chiericati (on the left
of the dotted line).
Oxford, Worcester
College Library

9.11. Giovanni
Battista Berti, Plan
of Villa Soranza by
Sanmicheli (c. 1545-
1550), early
nineteenth century,
detail. Verona,
Biblioteca Civica

[9.10.] [9.11.]

93
 44. Renato Cevese (designer),
Andrej Soltan (draftsman),
Ballico-Officina Modellisti sas
(model makers)
Model of Palazzo Chiericati
1974-1975
Lime and beech wood with porcelain
biscuit details
Height 65 cm; length 127 cm;
width 83 cm
Scale: 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
45. Andrea Palladio
Project for Palazzo Chiericati
1550
Verso: ‘15’ not in Palladio’s
handwriting
Ruler and black chalk, guide holes,
pen and grey ink, brush and grey ink
Watermark: a tree with star-shaped
leaves
394 × 563 mm (the sheet was made
by gluing three fragments together)
Notes on the drawing: lower centre,
‘35’ (not in Palladio’s handwriting)
No scale indicated
History and ownership: Lord
Burlington (acquired in Italy, 1719);
Dukes of Devonshire; riba since
1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
Collection, Burlington Devonshire
Collection, sc208/viii/iir
Raphael’s Palazzo Branconio dell’Aqui-
la, but also by local examples (Burns
1975, p. 40).
In the series of drawings for the
Palazzo Chiericati, this sheet docu-
ments an initial design stage, when
Palladio thought of bringing forward
only the central part of the building,
with a five-bay arcade, reached by four
steps. The portico is surmounted by a
large pediment, with pedestals at the
corners for statues – a similar solution
to the façade of the Palazzo Thiene on
Strada Maggiore. Unlike the sub-
sequent designs (and the building),
the central bay is as much as around a
third wider than the lateral bays,
comparable to Peruzzi’s Palazzo
Massimo alle Colonne in Rome.
Literature: Forssman 1962, p. 36;
Puppi 1973, p. 284; Burns 1975, p. 40;
Ackerman 1984, p. 214; Lewis 2000,
p. 207.
guido beltramini

Unlike most of Palladio’s surviving

drawings, this sheet is not drawn with
the stylus, but with preparatory lines
of black chalk and small guiding holes
in the paper, clearly visible on the
[44.] incomplete, right side of the sheet. The
main elements are guided by the ruler,
but the pediments in the window on
the piano nobile are drawn freehand, as
are the capitals, bases, decorative elem-
ents and smaller windows on the piano
nobile. Many uncertainties in the
drawing of the entasis of the columns
can be observed. These may be
explained by the fact that this sheet is
a project drawing, which Palladio
basically made for himself.
Many of the elements in the
architectural language are shared by
other Palladian drawings and build-
ings: the stucco swags are identical to
riba viii/13 (cat. 75b); the architrave
with oak leaves is found in the
drawing for the Palazzo Porto (cat.
34a) and in a drawing for Rialto
(Vicenza, pcvi, D. 19; cat. 96); the
Doric baseless columns adorn the
atrium of the Palazzo Porto and the
sala in Villa Pisani at Montagnana;
and the pedestals of the Ionic columns
sit with no moulding on the cornice,
as in the Palazzo Thiene (section 4)
and the early designs for the Basilica.
A feature of the project is the extensive
rich decoration, with stucco swags
beneath the windows, probably in-
spired by Roman examples, such as 94
 [45.]

95
 46. Andrea Palladio
Study for the upper order
of the façade of Palazzo Chiericati
1550
Verso: blank
Watermark: crossed arrows and
countermark B; ruler and stylus,
traces of black chalk, pen and sepia
and grey ink
446 × 590 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘58 E’, in a
circle in the upper right margin
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; 5 piedi vicentini = 24.5 mm;
the scale is indicated by holes made
in the paper
History and ownership: Inigo Jones;
John Webb; George Clarke; Provost
and Fellows of Worcester College,
Oxford, since 1736
Oxford, Provost and Fellows
of Worcester College, H&T 129r
[46.]
The drawing has been carefully
executed over a precise stylus pre-
paration. It may thus be a pre-
sentation drawing, interrupted for
unknown reasons. It is very close to
riba xvii/9 for the Palazzo Porto
(cat. 34a), but without the mezzanine
windows included in the built façade.
The two sheets also share the accu-
rately constructed curve of the entasis
of the order, with the first third of the
shaft marked by the stylus: in this
case, too, they are probably tapered
pilasters, and, therefore, the first
example of Palladio’s use of this
motif, borrowed from Sanmicheli,
which was subsequently to become a
consistent feature of Palladio’s
language.
The presence of the pediment and
the absence of doors suggest that the
drawing shows the piano nobile of the
palace. The central part projects,
although it is not clear if this merely
reflects a slight advancement of the
wall plane (as was actually built) or
shows a substantially projecting frontal
block, as in cat. 45. In any case, the
absence of loggias on the wings enables
us to relate the drawing to the first
design stage. The use of the Corinthian
rather than the Ionic order, has led
Harris to date the sheet earlier than cat.
45 (Harris 1971, p. 37). But unlike cat.
45, this drawing shows the bays to be
of equal width. There are no deciding
elements that make it possible to
establish with any certainty a sequence
for the sheets; equally, it cannot be
ruled out that they are con-
temporaneous.
Literature: Harris 1971, pp. 34-37; Pup-
pi 1973, p. 284; Burns 1975, p. 40;
96
 Ackerman 1984, p. 213; Davies, Hem-
soll 1992, p. 347; Lewis 2000, pp. 205-
206.
guido beltramini
47. Marcantonio Palladio
Plan of Palazzo Chiericati
After March 1550
Verso: Ionic elevation of six columns
(or pilasters) with pulvinated frieze
and widened central inter-
columniation; Talman mark 54
Watermark: crown surmounted by a
six-pointed star; ruler, stylus and
black chalk, pen and grey ink, brush
and brown ink; trace of a red border
on the upper margin
277 × 409 mm (the sheet was
trimmed, eliminating the red border
of which only the upper edge survives)
[47.]
97
Notes on the drawing: piedi (several
times), followed by a measurement
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino;
10 piedi vicentini = 31 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc227/xvii/8r
The drawing seems to be a working
sheet: it is sketched rapidly with the
chalk guidelines prevailing over the
lines made by the stylus. There are
various erasures and, on the right, there
appears to be the beginning of a draw-
ing on a larger scale of a double torus
moulding (gone over in ink) and gola
(only incised). On the verso, corres-
ponding to the atrium, there is an
elevation of Ionic columns with a
pulvinated frieze. There are some
obvious second thoughts and cor-
rections as, for example, the change to
the stairs of the side court, extended to
align the half columns with those of the
front. The spiral staircase on the right
has also been corrected. The hand-
writing is that of Palladio’s nephew
Marcantonio (Burns 1975, p. 39).
The apertures at the side of the
portico have the dimensions of a door
rather than of an arch, as was actually
constructed, inspired by the solution
to the ‘Portico of Octavia’ (cat. 59).
The sheet therefore probably dates
from the 1550s. Although the relevant
plate in the Quattro Libri is based on
this drawing, including the by then
abandoned solution of the lateral
apertures, it would not appear to be a
preparatory work for publication.
Literature: Burns 1973, p. 148; Puppi
1973, pp. 283-284; Burns 1975, p. 39;
Ackerman 1984, p. 214.
guido beltramini
48. Andrea Palladio
Study for the plate showing
the façade of Palazzo Chiericati
in the Quattro Libri (II, p. 6)
Late 1560s
Verso: Talman mark 150
Ruler and stylus, pen and brown ink,
brush and grey watercolour
(in the apertures)
288 × 392 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘Fronte
della casa de i Chierecati’ (Orazio
Palladio?); various autograph
measurements
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino;
 10 piedi vicentini = 45 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc/227/xvii/5r
As with the drawing for the Palazzo
Valmarana (cat. 101), this sheet was
executed using very economic means.
Given that its reverse image has the
same measurements (with a few slight
variations such as the height of the
Doric which in the drawing is 19 and
1
/4 piedi as opposed to 20 piedi in the
treatise), it was almost certainly used
for the woodcut of the Palazzo
Chiericati published in the Quattro
Libri. Compared to the constructed
building, the Ionic trabeation has been
[48.]
pulvinated in the drawing and has no
brackets. The main elements are
drawn with the ruler, but others – the
windows (including pediments), cap-
itals, decoration and the lines
indicating the stair – are freehand.
With no patron to convince and
envisaging a complete version for the
plate in the treatise, Palladio, when
drawing the mouldings, only indicates
the beginning of the profiles of
cornices and capitals (Burns 1973, p.
135), resorting to his typical graphic
‘shorthand’.
Literature: Burns 1973, pp. 136 e 148;
Puppi 1973, pp. 283-284; Burns 1975,
p. 39; Ackerman 1984, p. 214; Lewis
2000, pp. 208-209.
guido beltramini
49.
15 November 1550 - 8 December
1555: Girolamo Chiericati’s
account book for his palace
at the Isola
ms; ink on paper
314 × 223 mm
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe, C 40
On the first page of the account book
for the construction of his palace,
Girolamo Chiericati began by
recording the expense of acquiring the
book itself: ‘Et spesi adj sopraditto [15
novembre 1550] in questo libro troni
7’ (‘And I spent on the above-
mentioned day [15 November 1550]
for this book, 7 troni’). Carefully
analysed by Burns, the account book
allows us to follow the progress on the
building site: Girolamo records the
cost of Palladio’s drawings of a plan
and an elevation (4 gold scudi) and the
site management (10 scudi until 24
September 1552, plus the gift of a load
of ‘Garzignuol pears’ on 2 November
1551). He notes transport costs and the
purchase of bricks (including those
moulded to build the brick columns –
‘lunette per le collone’), stones for the
decorative details, beams for the roof,
and the payment of skilled labourers,
stone carvers and masons.
The account book clearly reveals
the central role played by the patron in
the management of the work since he
emerges as a leading figure on the
building site together with the archi-
tect. As Demo has underscored in this
catalogue (pp. 24-26), the Vicentine
aristocracy had a hands-on approach
to the management of their own
affairs, both in running their agri-
98
 cultural businesses and commercial
interests and also, as in this case, the
construction of their own houses.
Literature Magrini 1855, pp. 67-69;
Zorzi 1965, pp. 198-199, 203-204;
Burns 1991, pp. 211-213.
guido beltramini
50.
15 November 1550 - 16 May 1551:
Girolamo Chiericati’s account book
for the construction of the loggias
of the Palazzo della Ragione
ms; ink on paper
315 × 215 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca civica Bertoliana,
Archivio Torre, b. 766bis, fols 89 ff.
On the same day that Girolamo
[49.]
99
Chiericati purchased an account book
for his own palace (15 November
1550), he also acquired a second book,
for the same price of seven troni. He
used this second account book to
record the expenses of the building site
for the loggias of the Basilica, which,
as provveditore (superintendent), he
oversaw until June 1551. In 1548, he
and Gianalvise Valmarana consider-
ably speeded up the procedure to
select the architect for the loggias. In
fact, as procuratore (administrator), he
was responsible for the final stage in
the selection process which involved
evaluating Palladio’s proposals beside
those of Andrea Rizzo and Giulio
Romano. The two account books –
each recording Palladio’s fee for the
relevant building (for the Palazzo
Chiericati he received the equivalent
of four months’ salary for the Basilica)
– clearly highlight the weave of London, riba Library, Drawings and
relationships and interests involving Archives Collection, S-MR/1/14/1
the architect and the Vicentine aris- [Exhibited in London]
tocracy, which entrusted him with
their public and private buildings.
Literature: Zorzi 1965, pp. 46-52 and
327-328; Burns 1991, pp. 198-201 and
211-213.
guido beltramini
51. Andrea Palladio
Fragment of an account book
recording the receipt of five gold
scudi from Count Valerio Chiericati
Dark brown ink on paper
95 × 135 mm
History and ownership: Robert
Stanley-Morgan (1925-2002);
donated to the riba in 2002
[50.]
10. Designing a villa
Villas occupy a central place in Palladio’s activity. The relative security
of the Veneto after 1517 made the building of unfortified villas
possible, while a rising population and state encouragement of land
improvement – aimed at achieving self-sufficiency in grain
production – made investment in land increasingly profitable. In the
Vicenza area the production of raw silk boosted incomes and
permitted a level of spending on country houses unimaginable in
many other areas of Italy and Europe. A house with attached farm
buildings was a necessity for the élites of Venice and the Terraferma:
it served in managing the estates yielding much of the owner’s
income. There were other advantages: the country was healthier than
the town, especially in summer, and offered the possibility of physical
exercise, recognised as healthy and necessary for landowners who
were also professional soldiers (see p. 342). Hunting enriched the
table. For a cultivated owner, the villa provided a context for music-
making, study, entertainment of friends or patrons, while for those
with heterodox ideas, the opportunity to practice and discuss their
religion in private. All these uses of the villa, except the last, are listed
by Palladio (Quattro Libri, ii, p. 45).
[10.1.]
Alberti (1966, i, p. 401) describes the villa as offering greater
architectural possibilities than the town house, hemmed in by streets
and neighbours. The idea of the villa with form and functions
distinct from city palace or country castle – and a superior way of life
connected with it – was an ancient one. Petrarch first revived the
‘ideal’ of the villa and created villas for himself near Avignon and at
Arquà, not far from Padua. The study of the forms of ancient villas,
however, only began in the fifteenth century. Pliny the Younger’s
descriptions of his villas, Vitruvius and the Roman writers on
agriculture (who refer to villas and farm buildings) were read closely
for the first time in a different age, and associated with Roman
structures which were – rightly or wrongly – considered villas. The
pioneer was again Alberti. In his De re aedificatoria, he describes a
house with a central court or reception hall (‘the heart of the house’)
and a pedimented portico, anticipating Palladio’s villas. Under
Alberti’s influence, Lorenzo de’ Medici and his architect Giuliano da
Sangallo created one of the first real villas, at Poggio a Caiano, raised
(like many ancient Roman villas) on an arcaded podium (containing
a service floor) with a single residential level above, symmetrical in
10.1. Villa Poiana,
plan of the principal
floor (drawing by
Simone Baldissini,
2008)
10.2. Villa Poiana,
woodcut reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 58)
10.3. Cat. 55b, detail
100
[10.2.]
 [10.4.]
10.4. Villa Poiana,
façade
layout, with apartments grouped round a great barrel-vaulted hall.
10.5. Villa Poiana,
The façade has an inset loggia, with columns carrying an entablature
Salone dei Cesari surmounted by a pediment. The villa was certainly known to Palla-
dio’s mentor Trissino and to Palladio himself.
Further experimentation with villa design was pursued in Rome by
Bramante, Raphael, Giuliano’s nephew Antonio da Sangallo the
Younger, Peruzzi and Giulio Romano. Bramante designed not only
the Cortile del Belvedere (cat. 68), but also the villa-like complex at
Genazzano, dominated by a loggia inspired by the Roman baths and
the Basilica of Maxentius, with serliane screening its arched openings.
After studying the Roman ruins and Pliny’s letters, Raphael recreated
a large Imperial-style villa: the Villa Madama (cats 27-28). Palladio
knew these buildings. They provided a starting point for his designs.
He could also draw on architecture nearer home: from the villa-like
structures built by Falconetto behind Alvise Cornaro’s Paduan house
to Giulio Romano’s Palazzo Te in Mantua, Trissino’s Cricoli villa (cat.
10), Sanmicheli’s Villa Soranza and Giulio’s design for the Villa
Thiene (cat. 23).
Palladio’s earlier villa designs show several influences. Though all
10.6. Villa Gazzotti,
Bertesina, plan
of the principal floor
(drawing by Simone
Baldissini, 2008)
10.7. Villa Poiana,
cross section
(drawing
by Andrej and Ewa
Soltan, 1967)
[10.6.]
[10.5.]
single-storey buildings (plus a low service floor), they tend to be
influenced either by Raphael and Giulio, or by Bramante and the
Roman baths. The latter, more audacious and original category
includes the projects for the Villa Pisani at Bagnolo (cat. 31). His early
experiments in which sale and loggias are expanded at the expense of
ordinary accommodation, give way to reasonable compromises
between innovation and convenience. The Cricoli three-room
scheme (plus loggia and sala), seen at Vigardolo (cat. 19), became the
rule; Palladio made it more flexible by often bending the apartments
into an L-shape.
In the 1540s Palladio began addressing the question of the relation
of house to outbuildings. The main barn had to face south, to
prevent the hay fermenting and causing fires, a recommendation
made by the Roman writers, which Palladio repeats (Quattro Libri,
ii, p. 46). The house was more pleasant if it did not face directly onto
the farmyard and threshing floor. Practical considerations, however,
could conflict with symmetry and Palladio’s desire to create unified
compositions dominated by the house. Despite Alberti’s idea of the
architect’s liberty in the country, Palladio was rarely free: earlier barns
[10.7.]
102
 10.8. Andrea
Palladio, Plan for the
Villa Pagliarino,
detail (cat. 54)

[10.8.]

and houses usually occupied the best site in terms of road and water
access, health and orientation, and had to remain where they were,
even if rebuilt. In his design for Lanzè (cat. 54), he could establish a
symmetrical layout, but at Poiana (cat. 55a), where no villa existed
before, the context imposed asymmetry.
Villa design for Palladio was an ever varying challenge, which
started when he dismounted from his horse among the cows and
chickens, grasped the orientation of the buildings and learned how
much the owner was prepared to demolish (cats 143-144).

Literature:: Burger 1909; Ackerman 1967; Tafuri 1969; Zorzi 1969;

Barbieri 1970; Cevese 1971; Forster 1974; Kubelik 1977; Corazzol
1979; Bentmann, Müller 1986, 1992; Morresi 1988; Ackerman 1990;
Cosgrove 1993; Varanini 1996; Burns, Beltramini, Gaiani 1997;
Ranaldi 2001; Battilotti 2005; Beltramini, Burns 2005; Burns 2005;
Derosas 2006.

Howard Burns

10.9. Villa Gazzotti,

Bertesina, façade

10.10. Villa Gazzotti,

Bertesina, central
arch in the loggia

103
[10.9.] [10.10.]
52. Andrea Palladio
Plan of Villa Gazzotti at Bertesina
(Vicenza)
After 1534; probably 1541-1542
Verso: Talman mark 150, otherwise
blank
No watermark; ruler and stylus, traces
of black chalk underdrawing, pen and
brown ink, brush and biscuit wash
107.5 × 207 mm
Notes on the drawing: only
dimensions
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; 36 piedi vicentini = 87 mm;
probable scale 1:148
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc226/xvi/16 Ar
[52.]
[53.]
The Villa Gazzotti (figs 10.6, 10.9-10),
with its vaulted loggia, sala and main
rooms, and Composite pilasters,
reflects the restrained mix of Raphael
and Giulio seen in other projects of
the early 1540s. It shows how seam-
lessly Palladio could incorporate an
earlier structure into a new design: he
built a vault inside the fourteenth-
century tower, and inserted a raised
main floor, leaving room for service
rooms and cellars below. The patron
Taddeo Gazzotti was a cultivated
Vicentine (already in contact with
Palladio in 1534), on the fringes of the
local élite but close to Antenore
Pagello – described by Palladio
(Quattro Libri, i, p. 5) as an expert on
architecture – who had sold him the
Bertesina property in 1533. Gazzotti
grew rich as a tax farmer, bought the
estate and began the villa. But he
offered too much for the Treviso salt
tax concession and, vastly indebted to
the Venetian state, had to sell the villa
in 1550 to the Venetian patrician
Girolamo Grimani, who completed it.
This plan corresponds to the exe-
cuted building (note the slight corner
projections) and establishes Palladio’s
authorship of the villa. The window
openings reveal its early date: they are
shown as open, not closed as in his
later drawings. The plan shows the
thicker walls of the large corner
rooms. The room on the right is the
earlier tower-like structure, 20 piedi
square (7.14 m) incorporated into the
new villa, probably to economise. It is
the only chamber with a fireplace.
Palladio modifies his three-room
scheme: the largest chamber becomes
square. Nevertheless, he creates co-
herent proportions: the 14 piedi loggia
width relates to the 20 piedi room (14
approximates to half the diagonal of a
20 piedi square).
Literature: Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-
1783, pp. 56-57, pls xlix-li; Dalla
Pozza 1943-1963, pp. 106-118; Zorzi
1969, pp. 68-69; Barbieri 1970, pp.
68-69; Burns 1973, p. 149; Cevese
1973, pp. 53-54; Puppi 1973, pp. 250-
251; Burns 1975, pp. 182-185; Berger
1978, pp. 109-115, 210-215; Mader
1988; Zaupa 1989, pp. 21-22; From-
mel 1990, p. 151; Burns, in Burns,
Beltramini, Gaiani 1997; Battilotti
1999, pp. 449-450; Lewis 2000, p.
102; Battilotti 2005, pp. 552-553, cat.
vi 588, p. 720 (with bibliography);
Mader 2005.
howard burns
53. Vincenzo Anzoli,
Gerolamo Panatti
Map showing the site of Villa
Pagliarino, Lanzè (Vicenza)
4 June 1623
Paper, backed with paper; pen, ink
and watercolour
555 × 821 mm
Notes on the drawing: extensive;
not transcribed here
Unit of measurement and scale:
pertica and piede vicentino; c. 1:2000
Venice, Archivio di Stato,
Provveditori sopra Beni Inculti,
Disegni, Vicenza, rotolo 228,
mazzo 43, disegno 5
[Not exhibited]
Following upon Giulio Pagliarino’s
formal request to use water to irrigate
his properties, the Commissioners for
Uncultivated Lands (a key Venetian
magistracy, involved in encouraging
and regulating land improvement) sent,
according to the usual practice, two
technical experts to examine and make
a map of the area. Their plan docu-
ments a situation basically unchanged
since Palladio’s time (cat. 54), with the
Pagliarino farmyard giving onto the
village piazza and set between two
public roads, with orchards at the rear
and a nearby water course.
Literature: Burns 1979, pp. 116-119;
Nante, in Burns, Beltramini, Gaiani
1997, ad vocem ‘Villa Pagliarino Map-
pe’; Burns 1999, pp. 53-54; Cafà, in
Beltramini, Burns 2005, pp. 302-304
(with bibliography).
howard burns
54. Collaborator of Andrea Palladio,
after Palladio
Project for Villa Pagliarino
at Lanzè (Vicenza)
c. 1542-1545
Verso: the notes ‘al cavalier paiarino
i[n] vinetia’ (same hand and ink as 104
 notes on the recto), and in another
hand ‘dese[n]gno’; Talman mark 54
Watermark: angel, facing right, in an
oval surmounted by a six-pointed
star; letter ‘B’ immediately below the
oval; ruler and stylus, pen and brown
ink, brush and yellow-biscuit wash;
old folds across the vertical
and horizontal axes
303 × 401 mm
Notes on the drawing: in the same
ink as the drawing, p[ertiche] (many
times), p[iedi] (many times), ‘piacia
dava[n]ti ala porta, larga p.20, logo
da tinazi, 37 zoe .37., stala, strada,
p[er]tige, loza, brolo’
Unit of measurement and scale:
pertica and piede vicentino, 10 pertiche
= 60 piedi vicentini = 37 mm; scale:
1:576, i.e. 1 minuto (1/48 of a piede
vicentino) = 12 piedi, or 2 pertiche
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
[54.]
105
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc225/xvi/3r
This project – copied and folded for
sending to the patron, Bartolomeo
Pagliarino, then in Venice – is of
interest for the unified planning of
house and farmyard in relation to the
site documented in the 1623 map (cat.
53). Large barns frame the vaulted
entrance, whose serliana echoes that of
the villa façade. Stables are on the left
of the farm court, facing a loggia for
collecting grapes after the wine
harvest. The farmyard is separated
from the villa’s own clean court. The
villa’s loggia is inspired by the Temple
of Clitumnus (cat. 72). The drawing
shows L-plan apartments, and a
vaulted T-shaped sala. Walled gardens
flank the house, the large orchard is
located behind, and a long walled
garden or orchard gives access to the
water course. The murder of Paglia-
rino by noble enemies in 1545, in-
cluding Paolo Almerico, future builder
of the Villa Rotonda (cat. 183)
prevented construction. Palladio re-
cycled the design, simplifying it, at the
Villa Poiana (cat. 55a).
Literature: Burns 1979, pp. 116-119;
Battilotti 1999, pp. 452-453; Burns
1999, pp. 53-54; Lewis 2000, no. 58,
pp. 132-133; Burns, in Beltramini,
Burns 2005, cat. 62a, pp. 301-302.
howard burns
55a/b. Andrea Palladio
Recto
Project for Villa Poiana at Poiana
Maggiore and its surroundings
Verso
Sketch for the façade
The villa was begun after 1546 and at
least two years before 1555; probable
date of the drawing, 1547-1550
Ruler, stylus, compasses, pen and
brown ink, brush and yellow-brown
wash; Talman mark 54, on the verso
271 × 379 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘strada, strada,
brollo’; p[ertiche] (4 times)
Units of measurement and scale:
pertica and piede vicentino; 132 piedi
vicentini = 151 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
 London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc225/xvi/4r-v
The drawing, similar in type to the Villa
Pagliarino project (cat. 54), shows
house, farmyard, outbuildings, and
context (figs 10.1-5): the main road in
front and the brolo (orchard) behind.
The complex is protected by walls, and
the farmyard is completely separated
from the house. There are walled areas
on either side, one of them probably the
kitchen court, with well. The great barn
housed cows below and stored hay
above. It faces south, to keep the hay
dry, as Palladio advises. Consequently
the barns are not placed symmetrically
beside the house.
The house plan simplifies the
Pagliarino design. The loggia is in-
corporated within the main block,
[55a.]
instead of projecting expensively. Pal-
ladio further reshuffles his cards in the
final design, moving the square and
small rectangular rooms to the back,
so as not to clutter the façade with
mezzanine windows. What he loses in
the sala (which from a T-plan, be-
comes a rectangle) he gains in the
loggia, which takes over the space left
by the two small rooms.
The verso shows two freehand (pen
and yellow-brown ink) plans of the villa
(one merely an outline, the other
corresponding to the final design),
probably by Palladio’s stonemason
nephew Marcantonio, who carelessly
places a pier in the middle of the loggia.
In darker ink, Palladio sketches an idea
for the villa façade, significantly
different from the final design. The
horizontal cornice of the pediment is
unbroken, a tower with windows
projects from the roof. Other features
correspond to the plan on the recto, with
the small rooms towards the façade and
a serliana with columns. Their fragile,
match-stick appearance led Palladio to
revise the design, substituting them
with solid, undecorated piers, which in
turn prompted a simplification of the
window surrounds.
Literature: Zorzi 1969, pp. 83-87; Puppi
1973, pp. 274-277; Burns 1975, p. 193,
cat. 343; Lewis 1981, pp. 102-103; Bedon,
Nante, in Burns, Beltramini, Gaiani
1997, ad vocem ‘Villa Poiana/Disegni’;
Battilotti 1999, p. 462; Burns 1999, pp.
54-55; Lewis 2000, p. 134 (sketch of the
façade on the verso); Doglioni 2001;
Battilotti 2005, pp. 379-381, cat. vi 404,
and p. 410 (with bibliography).
howard burns
106
 56. Giuseppe Ceredi
Tre discorsi sopra il modo
d’alzare acque da’ luoghi bassi.
Per adacquar terreni. Per levar
l’acque sorgenti, & piovute dalle
ca(m)pagne. che non possono
naturalmente dare loro il decorso.
Per mandare l’acqua da bere
alle città, che n’hanno bisogno, &
per altri simili usi. Opera non più
stampata, In Parma, Appresso
Seth Viotti, 1567
Quarto
200 × 150 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi
di Architettura Andrea Palladio,
F.A. II 37
[Not exhibited]
Increasing agricultural production
through irrigation and land reclam-
[55b.]
107
ation was of vital importance in hydraulic technology among his
Palladio’s time, for states and land- many interests.
owners, not only in the Veneto, but in
the Duchy of Ferrara and the state of Literature: Puppi 1973, p. 380; Fon-
Parma and Piacenza. Ceredi came tana 1980; Fontana 1980; Vitruvio
from Piacenza and dedicates his (ed. Gros) 1997, i, pp. 1327-1383; Ca-
informative illustrated book (‘Three fà, in Beltramini, Burns 2005, pp.
Discourses on raising water from low 335-336.
places...’) to Alessandro Farnese,
Duke of Parma. Ceredi was in Venice howard burns
in about 1565, and probably met
Daniele and Marcantonio Barbaro
(section 12), whom he mentions.
Palladio showed him ‘a very excellent
and still unpublished machine’ he had
invented, an Archimedean screw, ‘to
raise water to modest heights’.
Devices of this sort were in demand
and entered into the field of Vitruvian
studies, in which the Barbaro brothers
and Palladio were authorities;
significantly, Palladio included
[56.]
11. Villa Chiericati at Vancimuglio
The Villa Chiericati is probably the first single-storey villa in which
Palladio presented – at least on paper – his new and immensely
successful formula for the country house: the façade with pedimented
portico, a form taken from Roman temples. Though the building’s
authenticity is established by a drawing (cat. 57), this is one of
Palladio’s least known villas, not published in the Quattro Libri,
completed summarily, and difficult to visit. Its current condition is
alarming. Palladio warns against placing windows near the corners
(Quattro Libri, i, p. 55). But this is exactly what he did here, so as to
fit the inner windows of the large chambers under the portico, and
to give a more dynamic appearance to the whole façade (the effect
would have been tamer if the windows had been centred in the
middle of the wings). Subsidence and/or the outward pressure of roof
beams and vaults is now forcing the corners outwards and dangerous
cracks run from top to bottom.
The patron was Giovanni Chiericati, brother of Girolamo, builder
of the Palazzo Chiericati (cat. 49). Giovanni perhaps shared his
brother’s architectural expertise and enthusiasm, or at least was
guided by it. Tax records state that in 1554 he owned an estate at
11.1. Villa Chiericati,
plan of the principal
floor (drawing by
Simone Baldissini,
2008)
11.2. Villa Chiericati,
cross section
(drawing by Andrej
and Ewa Soltan,
1978)
11.3. Cat. 59, detail
[11.1.]
Vancimuglio and two old houses; a new building is not mentioned.
In 1557 he urges his heirs to persevere in the construction of his
Vancimuglio house, already started, ‘according to the design of
experts’ (i.e. Palladio). Work probably began about 1555. In 1564 his
son Lionello possessed ‘a big landowner’s house, of brick, with a tile
roof, no floors or windows, undecorated, uninhabited with the
outline [disegno] of sala and chambers’. This was doubtless how
Giovanni had left the house at his death in 1558. His son, who was a
notorious spendthrift, built nothing, and in 1574 the estate and house
were sold to Ludovico Porto, who completed it by 1582.
The drawing (cat. 57) could be of 1554/1555 or close in date to the
final design for the Palazzo Chiericati (1550; section 9): Giovanni
needed a new country house as much as Girolamo needed a town
one. In the early 1550s Palladio was experimenting with temple fronts:
at the two-storey Villa Cornaro at Piombino Dese, begun in 1553; at
the Villa Badoer finished by 1556; and at the Villa Foscari (c. 1554;
section 13). In 1556 Palladio published his reconstruction of the
ancient Roman house featuring the temple front flush with the wall.
It is not clear what prompted Palladio’s adoption of the motif. A
[11.2.]
108
 [11.5.] [11.6.]

precedent for a projecting two-storey pedimented loggia was the internal stairs are now placed at the back, lit from outside rather than 11.4. Villa Chiericati,
projecting loggia
magnificent early sixteenth-century Villa Giustinian at Roncade, dimly from the central hall. In the interior, if completed, the villa 11.5. Villa Chiericati,
which probably inspired Palladio at Piombino Dese. His interest in would have achieved the spatial grandeur of its close relative, the Villa façade

projecting porticoes in the 1540s appears in his design for Villa Foscari, with the service level and all the main floor vaulted, and the 11.6. Villa Chiericati,
survey of the rear
Pagliarino at Lanzè (cat. 54) where, however, the loggia is formed by central sala high, well lit by a great thermal window, and visually façade (by Giovanni
Mataloni, 1996)
a serliana, not by a colonnade. In the Quattro Libri (ii, p. 69), he connected with the other rooms on the floor.
justifies the use of pedimented temple fronts in villas, arguing that The handsome but neglected monumental gateway, at the end of
they were used in houses before being applied to temples. The only the drive between the main road and the villa, can be attributed to
possible archaeological support that he may have had was the Temple Palladio on the basis of the overall design and the mouldings.
of Hercules Victor at Tivoli, which he mistakenly concluded was a
palace. A further model which he probably knew, given the current Literature: Muttoni 1740-1760, i, ‘Indice delle città castelli e ville’,
interest in Roman coins, was the sestertius of Tiberius, showing the no. 31; Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, iii, pp. 48-49, pls xlvii-xlix;
façade, almost identical to that of a Palladian villa, though the image Burger 1909, p. 52; Dalla Pozza 1943, pp. 156-164; Dalla Pozza 1943-
in the interior underlined the fact that the building was actually a 1963, pp. 125-131; Zorzi 1969, pp. 156-160; Cevese 1971, ii, pp. 428-
temple (cat. 58). Vitruvius offers no help; he does not describe the 431; Puppi 1973, pp. 296-297; Puppi 1974, pp. 102-103; Burns 1975,
exterior of Roman houses. His interpreters – from Alberti to Fra p. 195; Burns 1979a, p. 10; Lewis 1981, pp. 152-154; Boucher 1998,
Giocondo, Barbaro and Palladio – insert in their reconstructions a pp. 122-123; Ghisetti Giavarina, Bezoari 1998; Battilotti 1999, p.
feature mentioned by Vitruvius and other authors, the vestibulum, 467; Maselli Campagna 2000; Battilotti 2005, pp. 216-217, cat. vi
shown by Fra Giocondo and by Palladio himself as an inset loggia, (as 245, and p. 700 (bibliography).
in Giuliano da Sangallo’s Poggio a Caiano, and at Palladio’s Villas
Emo and Badoer); the early sixteenth-century ‘Ferrara Vitruvius’ Howard Burns
makes the vestibulum project slightly.
At the sides of the porticos of the Villa Foscari, Palladio follows
temples like those in Pola or the Temple of Portumnus in Rome
(Quattro Libri, iv, pp. 108, 49). At the Villa Chiericati, he prefers an
arch, a robust way of binding the portico to the main block,
employed also at the Villa Rotonda (cat. 183). His inspiration was the
Portico of Octavia in Rome (cat. 59). Other novelties are the
windows with pulvinated friezes and the monumental all’antica
doorways (motifs also used, as Puppi notes, at the Palazzo Chiericati).
The projecting portico had consequences for the roof structure,
which Palladio had already complicated by organising it with four,
rather than the traditional two main sections, to prevent the roof
becoming disproportionately high. The villa in plan, without its
111 portico, is close to his previous designs. The only difference is that
57. Andrea Palladio
Project for Villa Chiericati,
Vancimuglio (Vicenza)
After 1550, before c. 1555; mature
handwriting
Verso: villa plan without portico;
Talman mark 150
Ruler and stylus, compasses, black chalk
(to fix window and door openings), pen
and brown ink, brush and biscuit wash;
the tiny faint sketch plan, bottom right,
is probably in black chalk
193 × 213 mm
Notes on the drawing: p[iedi]
(several times)
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; 29 piedi vicentini = 84 mm;
intended scale probably 1:124
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
[57.]
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc226/xvi/20 Ar
The drawing, cut from a larger sheet,
shows a development of the Villa Pisani
plan (cat. 31) in which the large rooms
are parallel to the façade. The vaulted
hall derives from the cruciform hall of
Villa Pisani, though the arm towards
the portico is narrowed, to free space for
the main chambers and permit the
inner windows to give onto the portico.
The sala has apsidal ends, with half
domes; this thermally inspired structure
(perhaps also influenced by Palladio’s
reconstruction of the tablinum) necessit-
ates buttressing. The two largest rooms
have fireplaces; all chambers are
planned to leave space for beds not too
close to fireplaces or windows: this is
one reason for the off-centre enfilade,
which infringes Palladio’s rule about not
placing windows near outside corners.
The villa is raised on only five steps;
Palladio envisages the rear entrance
with semicircular steps.
The tiny sketch (bottom right),
never legibly published, follows the
built scheme: the sala apses are omitted.
This could be Palladio’s suggestion for
finishing the building cheaply after its
purchase by Ludovico Porto in 1574.
Literature: Dalla Pozza 1943-1963, pp.
128-130, fig. 15 (as the Villa di Vanci-
muglio); Ackerman 1967, p. 73; Zorzi
1969, pp. 44-45; Lewis 1973, pp. 377-
378; Puppi 1973, pp. 296-297; Burns
1975, p. 195, cat. 350; Lewis 2000, pp.
197-199. See also Burns, in Beltramini,
Burns 2005, p. 310, cat. 67.
howard burns
58.
Sestertius of Tiberius, showing
the Temple of Concord, Rome
Mint of Rome, ad 36-38
RIC 38; 19 g, ∅ 39 mm, axis 6;
obverse, ‘S C’; reverse, Temple
of Concord
Verona, Museo di Castelvecchio,
3605
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, DON/6
[Exhibited in London]
The reverse of the coin shows the
façade, in orthogonal elevation, of the
Temple of Concord in the Forum in
Rome. The temple was unusual: its
cella was wider than it was deep; the
ends of the cella wall projected
beyond the hexastyle portico and
contained large windows. Sculpture
112
 adorned the pediment; at the ends of
the walls which frame the stairs were
large statues. The coin was known by
sixteenth-century antiquarians and
was drawn by Pirro Ligorio. Apart
from the representation of the sacred
image, the sestertius does not suggest
that a temple rather than a palace is
represented. Palladio probably knew
the coin, which may have contributed
to his ideas about the ancient house;
his villa designs, including the Villa
Rotonda (cat. 183), with statues at the
sides of the exterior stairs and on the
pediment, were possibly influenced
by it.
This sestertius (illustrated here) was
bequeathed to the riba by a former
president (1863-64), Thomas Leverton
Donaldson (1795-1885), author of
Architectura Numismatica (1859), a
pioneering study of buildings shown
on ancient coins.
Literature: Donaldson 1859, pp. 15-20,
and fig. 5; Mattingly 1966, no. 863, p.
182; Küthmann, Overbeck, Stein-
hilber, Weber 1973, no. 28, p. 20; Ba-
rioli 1978. On the temple: Gasparri
1979; Gros 1996, 1, pp. 143-144. On
Donaldson: Colvin 1995, pp. 315-316.
architrave and the frieze. The building
most significantly provided a model
for porticoes with side arches,
followed by Palladio at the Palazzo
Chiericati (cat. 47), and in the
porticoes of the Villa Chiericati and
the Villa Rotonda (cat. 183), where the
arch firmly binds the portico to the
house. The Portico of Octavia pro-
vided authoritative justification for a
traditional solution, the arch for carts
at the ends of local barns. The
structure also influenced designs for
Rialto (cat. 95a). Palladio laboured to
find a satisfactory reconstruction for
the steps and mouldings at the lower
ends of the building, comparable to
his elevation study for the Palazzo
Chiericati (cat. 45).
Literature: Spielmann 1966, p. 176;
Lewis 2000, pp. 95-96. On the
[58.]
Portico of Octavia: Olinder 1974;
Lauter 1980-1981, pp. 37-55; Gros
1996, i, pp. 97-99; Claridge 1998, pp.
222-225.
howard burns

howard burns

59. Andrea Palladio

Plan and elevation
of the Portico of Octavia
After 1550; mature handwriting
Verso: side elevation; isometric detail
of the entablature; Talman mark 54
Watermark: anchor in oval,
surmounted by six-point star; ruler
and stylus, compasses, pen and brown
ink, brush and biscuit-grey wash
427.2 × 288 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘piedi 31’;
p[iedi] (several times); o[nce] (several
times)
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
Scale: 5 piedi vicentini = 22 mm
on the verso
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc219/xi/18r

The entrance loggia of the Portico of

Octavia in Rome (shown on the
Severan Marble Plan), in a tradition of
Hellenistic porticoes intuitively con-
genial to Palladio, is an ad 203 restor-
ation of the structure of 27-25 bc,
itself a rebuilding of the much earlier
Portico of Metellus. The structure
survives substantially intact and was
visible in Palladio’s time. Palladio had
drawn the building in the 1540s (pcvi
D. 26). He was particularly interested
in its Corinthian order, the pilasters
framing the four columns, the panel
113 for the inscription placed over the
[59.]
12. Villa Barbaro at Maser
A visit to the Villa Barbaro is one of the most memorable experiences
that the Veneto countryside offers. It rests on a gentle slope
commanding a view over the fields and presents a wide and varied
façade, with arcades and dovecote towers extending at the sides of the
house. Behind the façade lie surprises: the stairs leading to the main
floor are split, allowing uninterrupted communication from one
wing to another; the richly ornamented exedra of the fountain court;
the cruciform-vaulted central space; and the interior decorated with
ruins, landscapes, divinities and family members, created
illusionistically by Paolo Veronese in his famous frescoes (c. 1559-1562;
fig. 12.7).
Why is the Villa Barbaro unlike any other of Palladio’s villas, in its
setting, organisation, and sculptural and painted decoration?
The answer lies in the character of the owners and the site. Daniele
Barbaro (1513-1570) was a Humanist scholar, an expert on architecture
and perspective, and a member of the Venetian ruling élite (cat. 60).
He pursued a career in public service (he was Venetian ambassador to
England and Scotland, 1549 to 1551) but in 1550 his destiny changed:
he was nominated Patriarch-elect of Aquileia to ensure the succession
[12.1.]
of a Venetian in this key ecclesiastical position, when it seemed that
the Patriarch Giovanni Grimani (cat. 80) was about to die. Grimani
outlived, however, his designated successor. Excluded from a political
career, Daniele devoted himself to writing (cats 61-64) and to the
promotion of Palladio’s architecture. His brother Marcantonio (cat.
119) was ambassador to France and then to Istanbul, and rose to the
top of the Venetian political hierarchy; he obtained the commission
for the Redentore for Palladio (cat. 118), as well as lobbying
(unsuccessfully) for Palladio’s project for the Doge’s Palace (cat. 181);
he personally commissioned the village church at Maser (cat. 123) and
was an amateur architect (his new type of spiral stair is published by
Palladio (Quattro Libri, i, pp. 61-2, ‘D’), whose hobby was sculpture
in stucco. These talented patrons contributed (or imposed?) their
own taste and ideas, perhaps prompting Palladio’s complaint that
‘often the Architect has to follow the wishes of those who are
spending rather than what one really ought to do’ (Quattro Libri, ii,
p. 3).
The brothers wanted to economise by preserving existing
structures on the site of the present villa at Maser, with the result that
12.1. Villa Barbaro,
plan of the principal
floor (drawing by
Simone Baldissini,
2008)
12.2. Villa Barbaro,
woodcut reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 51)
12.3. Cat. 69, detail
114
[12.2.]
 [12.4.]
12.4. Villa Barbaro,
façade
the central block is extraordinarily narrow, only 36 piedi wide in the
12.5. Villa Barbaro,
Quattro Libri plan (excluding wall thicknesses) as against 64 piedi for
corner Ionic capital
on the façade of
the Villa Foscari. There was not enough space for Palladio’s three-
the central block room system. The organisation of house and outbuildings in a single
alignment appears locally in the Villa Tiretta at Cusignana (Treviso)
(c. 1500) and later in Palladio’s work at the Villa Emo: it guaranteed
the necessary exposure of the barns and hay to the sun, but squeezed
the owner’s house. Other features are the result of Palladio’s visit to
Rome with Daniele Barbaro in 1554. The natural spring behind the
house made it possible to build the semicircular fountain court,
reminiscent of that of the Villa Giulia (finished by 1554), and of
ancient gardens and nymphaea, studied by Pirro Ligorio (cat. 68),
architect and antiquarian to Cardinal Ippolito d’Este (to whom
Barbaro dedicated his 1556 translation of Vitruvius). The villa’s Ionic
order is Palladio’s; other details have a one-off character, like the
façade windows and the imitation of the novel balustrades invented
by Michelangelo for the exterior of St. Peter’s. Palladio’s attitude
towards Veronese’s wonderful interior frescoes has been much
discussed, given that Palladio makes no mention of the painter in the
12.6. Villa Barbaro,
Nymphaeum
12.7. Paolo Veronese,
frescoes in the sala
of Villa Barbaro,
c. 1559-1562
[12.6.]
[12.5.]
Quattro Libri. This omission could be a result of lack of page space
or, as Puppi suggests, of Veronese’s having contributed architectural
details to the design. But Veronese’s painted architecture, always close
in spirit to Palladio (cat. 69), could possibly have been inspired by the
architect at Maser (as could the fireplaces, usually attributed to
Alessandro Vittoria). The fine painted Composite capitals are of
Palladian type, while the half columns and responding pilasters
scheme is similar to Palladio’s ‘Corinthian sala’ (Quattro Libri, ii, p.
38). Palladio never uses the Vitruvian Ionic base in his built work; its
appearance here in the painted architecture was an elegant way of
alluding to Barbaro’s edition of Vitruvius (cats 61-62, 64). It can
hardly be argued that the illusionistic ‘opening’ of the wall is alien to
Palladio’s principles or taste: a similar approach is seen in the frescoes
at the Villa Emo and the Villa Poiana.
Despite the input from the brothers, the difficulties imposed by
the site and the existing buildings, Maser is one of the most
fascinating and rewarding of Palladio’s works. Whatever the
difficulties, Palladio seems to have maintained aesthetic control, via
dialogue with the patrons and a progressive refinement of the design
116
[12.7.]
 12.8. Villa Barbaro,
façade

12.9. Villa Barbaro,

façade, with sundial,
of one of the two
dovecotes
[12.8.] [12.9.]

(cat. 66). The result is unique in the hill-side site, the consequent
split level solution and its exploitation of water – as Palladio himself
observes – from the fountain-spring down to the horses’ drinking
troughs on the main road below.

Literature: Vasari 1568 (1906), vii, p. 530; Palladio 1570, ii, p. 51;
Muttoni 1740-1760, i, p. 24; v, pl. xxxv; Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-
1783, iii, pp. 26-29, pls xx-xxii; Burger 1909, pp. 104-110;
Ackerman 1967, pp. 56-58; Basso 1968; Wolters 1968, pp. 262-264;
Zorzi 1969, pp. 169-181; Puppi 1973, pp. 314-318; Huse 1974, pp.
106-122; Basso 1976; Boucher 1979, pp. 277-282; Puppi 1980, pp.
53-77; Battilotti 1985; Basso 1987; Rearick 1988, pp. 72-101; Puppi
1995, pp. 169-175; Howard 1996; Burns, Beltramini, Gaiani 1997;
Kolb, Lewis 1997, pp. 15-33; Boucher 1998, pp. 131-136; Battilotti
1999, pp. 469-471; Burns 1999, pp. 58-60. See also: Cocke 1972;
Rogers 1993; Lorber 1996; Ilg 1997; Kolb, Lewis 1997; Crosato
Larcher 2002; Bulian 2006; Hermans 2007; Garton 2008.

Howard Burns

12.10. Villa Barbaro,

cross section
(drawing by Andrej
and Ewa Soltan,
1969)

[12.10.]

117
[60.]

118
 60. Paolo Caliari,
called Veronese (1528-1588)
Portrait of Daniele Barbaro
(1565-1570)
Oil on canvas
121 × 105.5 cm
Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum,
SK-A-4011
[Exhibited in London]
Daniele Barbaro is seated at his work
table with two open books, which
refer to his translation and com-
mentary of Vitruvius, illustrated by
Andrea Palladio and printed in Venice
in 1556 by Francesco Marcolini. The
book resting on the pedestal shows a
sheet corresponding to the contents
on page 235 in the ninth chapter of
Book ix in the printed edition: ‘Della
ragione et uso de gli horologi et della
loro inventione, et de gli inventori’
[61.]
119
(‘On the principles and use of clocks
and their invention, and their in-
ventors’). For the purposes of the
painting, however, this sheet has been
moved to the left (in the position of
page 234) and the figure is shifted
above the body text. The scholar holds
a second open book, showing the
legible frontispiece of his Vitruvius;
this sheet has also been moved to the
right, but otherwise is faithful to the
original (Rossi 1980, pp. 242-243).
The figure in the vertical book is
reversed compared to the published
woodcut, which suggests that Vero-
nese painted a preparatory manu-
script, divided into two volumes,
although this particular image does
not appear in the Biblioteca Marciana
manuscripts (cats 61-62). In the
decoration of the room dedicated to
the Arts in the Villa Emo, Battista
Zelotti (1526-1578) also paints a
manuscript of the Quattro Libri, this
time in the hands of Architecture and
open on the page dedicated to the
villa. Veronese probably chose to make
this ‘double portrait’ of the manu-
script, rather than of the printed
edition, to make the book more easily
recognisable and, at the same time,
highlight Barbaro’s passion for gno-
monics by including the dial of the
solar clock which Vitruvius attributes
to the Chaldean Beroso. Barbaro’s
interest in clocks is also evidenced by
the two sundials set on the dovecots of
the Villa at Maser (fig. 12.9).
On stylistic grounds, the portrait is
dated 1565-1570, and Daniele is
depicted in ecclesiastical attire, which
he was entitled to wear after his
election to Patriarch-elect of Aquileia
in 1550 (Rearick 1988, cat. 60).
Literature: Burns 1975, p. 94; Pignatti
1976, p. 78, cat. 143, and p. 129; Rossi
1980, pp. 242-243; Pallucchini 1984,
pp. 90, 177, cat. 100; Rearick 1988, p.
99, cat. 60; Losito 1989, pp. 177-237;
Losito 1997, pp. 1429-1436; Cooper
2005, pp. 10-18.
guido beltramini
61. Daniele Barbaro (1513-1570)
Preparatory manuscript (the first
four books) for the printed edition
of ‘I Dieci Libri/ Dell’Architettura
Di M./ Vitruvio Tradutti Et/
Commentati Da Monsignor/
Barbaro Eletto Patriarca/
D’Aquileggia./ [...] In Vinegia
Per Francesco Marcolini
Con Privileggi. M D LVI’
282 × 210 mm
 Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale
Marciana, Cod. Marc. It., IV, 37
(= 5133)
[Exhibited in Vicenza]

62. Daniele Barbaro (1513-1570)

Preparatory manuscript for the
printed edition of ‘I Dieci Libri/
Dell’Architettura Di M./ Vitruvio
Tradutti Et/ Commentati Da
Monsignor/ Barbaro Eletto
Patriarca/ D’Aquileggia./...
In Vinegia Per Francesco
Marcolini Con Privileggi. M D LVI’
297 × 215 mm
Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale
Marciana, Cod. Marc. It., IV, 152
(= 5106)
[Exhibited in London]

The two surviving preparatory

manuscripts for the translation into
Italian of Vitruvius’s treatise on
architecture with illustrations and
commentary, which Daniele Barbaro
published in Venice in 1556 (for this
printed edition, see cat. 64) are both
in the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice.
The first, cat. 61, is a version of only
the first four books of the treatise. In
keeping with the mediaeval use of
glosses, the commentary is set round
the text. In the second manuscript, as
happened in the printed edition, the
text and commentary are dis-
tinguished by different fonts, Roman
and italics, respectively, and alternate
across the whole page. While the
[62.] previous custom of placing the com-
ments round the text made it difficult
for the reader to link them to the
relevant passage – see, for example, De
architectura commented by Cesare
Cesariano (1521) – the system followed
by Barbaro for the first time in
publishing a treatise of architecture
makes moving from the comments to
the text much simpler. Moreover, in
the printed work this is made even
easier by the indenting of paragraphs
and numbering of lines. It is difficult
to say whether this great innovation
was due to Barbaro or his publisher
Francesco Marcolini. The Marciana
manuscript shown here is certainly the
closest to the printed edition, but
surely could not have been the version
given to the printers, not least because
the final version was usually destroyed
in the process. The manuscript shows
various simultaneous stages in the
drafting of the work. In addition to a
work on the Quadrivium (the four
disciplines of advanced mediaeval
university studies: arithmetic, geom-
etry, music and astronomy), which
Barbaro believed to be related to the
topics in the De architectura, it
includes Vitruvius’ ten books, trans-
lated and commented in fair copy,
plus an earlier version only of the fifth
and eighth books, concerning public
buildings and water, respectively; 120
[63.]
 Barbaro’s small autograph corrections
to these particular books were
incorporated in the corresponding
books of the complete version. Other
widespread small changes, revealed by
a comparison of the manuscript
translation of the ten books with the
printed version, highlight Barbaro’s
indefatigable work in polishing the
text, which must not have completely
satisfied him. He seems to have
worked harder on making improve-
ments to enhance and complete the
commentary than on polishing the
translation of Vitruvius. In fact the
commentaries are still not finished in
several books, except for the first two,
in which the copyist assembled the
commentary and translation in fair
copy with thirty-six lines on each
page. At times the copyist, in agree-
ment with the author, narrows the
frame of the text to leave room to
insert a commentary, evidently not yet
ready, in the margin. Barbaro inter-
venes to correct oversights by the
copyist in the use of the two kinds of
fonts – thus remedying small lacunae
probably due to the difficulty in
deciphering his handwriting – and to
insert the references to figures. He also
adds, mainly in the margins, long
passages of commentary, written at
times in a very personal way and at
other times more formally, which in
both cases seem to be in his hand. He
did not, however, complete the
necessary work in this manuscript.
Since some parts in the printed version
are missing from various chapters in
the manuscript, we can surmise that
the printed version was preceded by at
least another manuscript version.
Some comments added in the printed
version are particularly useful in
reconstructing the preparation of the
book, because they contain many
acknowledgements by the author to
those who helped him personally in
various ways, like Palladio and Marco-
lini. For example, Marcolini is
mentioned several times in the com-
mentary to the last chapters of the
printed ninth book, but not in the
manuscript. We can rule out, however,
Barbaro’s silence being due to the fact
that this valuable collaboration was
not yet established when he was
writing the manuscript. More likely,
he thought of adding the acknow-
ledgements only in the definitive text
for publication, as he did with his
praise of contemporary Venetians such
as Nicolò Zeno, responsible for the
renewal of the Arsenale. Thus, we do
not find any evidence beyond that
recorded in the printed version which
could lead us to understand more fully
when and how Palladio was involved
in drafting the work.
From this we have to examine some
illustrations in the manuscript and
investigate the ways in which the
121 images were prepared. In the manu-
script Barbaro makes frequent notes
on the position of the figures in
relation to the text. He writes in the
margin: ‘the figure goes here’, ‘leave
room for the figure’, or instructions
included in the commentary, at times
together with indications about the
subject of the image. The copyist often
left small to medium-size spaces for
the illustrations, which the author
sometimes filled with drawings by his
own hand, especially for subjects in
which he was well versed due to his
scientific background: figures on
geometry and astronomy in Books i
and ix, building materials and tech-
niques in Book ii and diagrams on
harmony in Book v; almost all of these
appear in the printed version. Barbaro
was probably less skilful as an archi-
tectural draughtsman and only drew
minimal notations as reminders for
himself, such as the plan of a round
temple and profiles of mouldings.
Precisely because of his lack of
proficiency as an amateur, we can also
attribute to his hand the drawings of
oeci and domus in the manuscript
(Cellauro 2000, fig. 8). His methods
for selecting the drawings, and making
and including them in the text have
still not been fully worked out in the
manuscript. While in Books iii and iv
around a third (and occasionally
more) of the page is left blank for
medium-sized figures (of comparable
size to the images in the printed
book); elsewhere there are less precise
indications. For example, the set of
full-page images of temples in the
printed Book iii (pp. 68-73) are only
mentioned in the manuscript with a
generic ‘plans’ and no precise infor-
mation about the spaces they should
occupy. The preparation of illus-
trations may have dragged on for a
long period and been carried out at
different times from the drafting of
the text. A significant example of this
time-lag is the addition of a bifolio
with four pages of figures of Roman
temples after the pagination of the
printed version had already been
defined. The paging problem was
solved by simply giving the four pages
Roman numbers (cxxiv-cxxviii)
which would not interfere with the
Arab numeration of the book (in-
serted between pp. 124 and 125). The
working method thus appears less
linear and well-organised than the
unprecedented quality of the elaborate
apparatus of large-format printed
illustrations on full or double pages
would suggest. Barbaro, moreover,
indicates flaws due to oversights by the
engraver in a couple of figures, pos-
sibly already impressed, and certainly
already printed, when writing the final
copy of the commentary. There are
some doubts about his claim that ‘we
were not told about the size of the
paper’ when justifying the trimming
of the lower edge of a temple plan,
published at the beginning of Book i.
This somewhat ambiguous phrase
suggests a lack of co-ordination with
the publisher or even that the format
of the book had not yet been decided
when preparations were begun on the
first large-sized drawings (Vitruvio
[ed. Barbaro] 1556, p. 20).
What is important in this still
rather vague context is the presence of
two drawings on sheets glued to
manuscript pages, in which the hand
of Palladio has often been recognised.
The figure (24v) depicts – with the
graphic details typical of printed
Palladian illustrations – the plan of a
tetrastyle prostyle temple. In 12v a
portico of caryatids is represented in a
very similar style to that of the printed
figure, except for the order: Corinth-
ian in the printed version and Ionic in
the manuscript. Both include, how-
ever, the presence of steps low down,
pedestals and an entablature with
dentils under the cornice, as well as an
arcade reminiscent of the Persian
portico. The grotesque figures of the
caryatids were also probably by
Palladio. They depart from the Vitru-
vian text and the precedents of Fra
Giocondo and Cesariano: instead of
being clothed in a full-length woman’s
dress, they wear a short costume, and,
despite their pose, with legs in a
relaxed position and the entablature
resting on their heads, suggest an
inability to fulfil any architectonic
role. Here Palladio obviously seems
not to have resorted – as he did on
other occasions – to the services of an
artist skilled in anatomy and figure
drawing. Moreover, again in this
drawing, we note how the front of the
portico, which turns perpendicularly
on the left side, suggests a knowledge
of drawings of the Erechtheum, well-
known in the first half of the century,
or at least of Giulio Romano’s re-
interpretation of it in the Mantuan
tomb of Pietro Strozzi. This drawing
thus confirms Palladio’s interest in the
architecture of Giulio Romano. It is
also evidence of Palladio’s collabor-
ation with Barbaro from the early days
of the preparation of the images for
Book i, and corroborates Barbaro’s
statement acknowledging the funda-
mental role of Palladio in the
illustrations of his book.
Literature: Olivato, in Puppi 1980c, p.
178; Cellauro 1998, pp. 57-128; Cella-
uro 2000, pp. 52-63, especially.
pier nicola pagliara
63. Daniele Barbaro (1513-1570)
Preparatory manuscript for
‘La Pratica / Della Perspettiva
/ Di Monsignor/ Daniel Barbaro
/ Eletto Patriarca d’Aquileia,
/ Opera molto utile a Pittori,
a Scultori, & ad Architetti. / ...
In Venetia, / Appresso Camillo,
& Rutilio Borgominieri fratelli,
al Segno di S. Giorgio. / M D LXVIII’
190 × 300 mm (310 fols; with many
pen and wash drawings)
Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale
Marciana, Cod. Marc. It., IV, 39
(= 5446)
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
Barbaro’s book on perspective aims at
a clear presentation of a complex topic
of artistic and scientific interest.
Though indebted to Alberti, Dürer,
Serlio and others, the work is superior
to most works available at the time;
from a painter’s point of view, Egnazio
Danti’s later publication of Vignola’s
perspective (1583) was more complete.
The book consists of essays on various
topics, including the representation of
regular solids, scenography (dealing
also with representing columns and
capitals), rendering shadows, and the
camera oscura. It is clearly written and
illustrated with woodcuts. This manu-
script only partly corresponds to the
printed book. It provides a much more
detailed and complete account of
some subjects, especially the dis-
cussion of regular solids. Another
Marciana manuscript (not exhibited
here) – Cod. Marc. It., IV, 40 (= 5447)
– is a genuine mock-up, presenting the
final layout, with the text hand-
written, but the woodcuts pasted in.
Literature: Frati, Segarizzi 1911, p. 27;
Barbaro 1980; Daly Davis 1980; Field
1997; Camerota 2001, p. 255; Farhat
2004; Camerota 2006, pp. 147-159.
howard burns
 64. Andrea Palladio
Reconstruction of the façade
of the Roman House
Page 170 in ‘I Dieci Libri /
Dell’Architettura Di M./ Vitruvio
Tradutti Et / Commentati Da
Monsignor / Barbaro Eletto Patriarca
/ D’Aquileggia. / ... In Vinegia Per
Francesco Marcolini Con Privileggi.
m d lvi’
Folio, 408 × 293 mm
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio,
cap d xvi 6

With his scholarly translation of

Vitruvius into clearly written Italian,
Daniele Barbaro realised an old
ambition of architects and scholars,
including Francesco di Giorgio,
Raphael, Sangallo, and Claudio Tolo-
mei. He provided a commentary with
elegant, carefully considered illu-
strations by Palladio, whose contri-
bution he praises. This full-page
woodcut, one of three dedicated to the
Roman house, presents Palladio’s
influential interpretation: a pedi-
mented portico with giant columns
occupies the centre of the façade.
Vitruvius does not describe house
façades, and Palladio relies on an
interpretation (deriving from Alberti)
of the ancient vestibulum as pedi-
mented and (here at least) inset, as in
the Badoer and Emo villas. Barbaro
shares Palladio’s view, speaking of the
vestibule (following not just Vitruvius
but other Roman writers) as ‘an open
space in front of the entrance, which
was not part of the house but led to
the house’; a place where clients
waited, it was ‘of great dignity and
adorned with loggias’.

Literature: Tolomei 1547, fols 81-83;

Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro) 1556, pp. 166-
176; Vitruvio (eds Tafuri, Morresi)
1987; Pellecchia 1992; Vitruvio (ed.
Gros) 1997, 2, p. 946, no. 174; Cel-
lauro 1998, pp. 111-116; Gros 2006,
pp. 75-76.

howard burns

65. Renato Cevese (designer),

[64.] Andrej Soltan (draftsman),
Ballico-Officina Modellisti sas
(model makers)
Model of Villa Barbaro
1971
Lime and beech wood with porcelain
biscuit details
Height 60.5 cm; length 333.5 cm;
width 190.5 cm
Scale: 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio

122
[65.]
 66. John Webb (1611-1672),
after Andrea Palladio
Unexecuted project
for Villa Barbaro at Maser
c. 1640-c. 1660
Ruler and compasses, black chalk
or graphite, pen and black ink
310 × 400 mm
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
History and ownership: John Webb;
George Clarke; Provost and Fellows
of Worcester College, Oxford,
since 1736
Oxford, The Provost and Fellows
of Worcester College, H&T 176
John Webb, Inigo Jones’s collaborator
and heir, made small copies from his
books and drawings, using hatching
to show walls. The drawings served
for study and comparison and
include this lost project which, as the
123
[66.]
site, layout and dimensions show, is Fontana 1980; Burns 1999, pp. 59-60.
for Maser. The design differs from
the built villa: the side wings have howard burns
colonnades, and the end towers half-
columns like the central block. The
sala is lit by serliana windows (cf. the 67a. Andrea Palladio
Villa Angaran, Quattro Libri, ii, p. Verso
63). Behind the house is a telescoped Façade elevation
version of Bramante’s Cortile del for a villa (?)
Belvedere: from the court, sym- Unidentified (French?) Draftsman,
metrical double-ramp stairs rise to a active in Rome
semicircular exedra. Palladio clarifies Survey, with frontal and side
this scheme in the executed design: elevations of Ammanati’s fountain
the side wings loose their columns on the Via Flaminia
and are distinguished from the 1554?
central block; court and exedra share The whole sheet: 517 × 428 mm
the same level; the main stairs are on the verso, without the attached
located conveniently at the sides of strip of mount
the sala. The Palladio drawing: ruler and
stylus, compasses or dividers, black
Literature: Harris, Tait 1979, p. 73 (as chalk, pen and brown ink, brush
a copy after the Quattro Libri plate); and brown wash
[67a.]

124
 [67b.]
125
237 × 415 mm (height measured
along the central axis score line;
the width, without the added strip,
is measured along the bottom
of the verso)
No scale, dimensions or notes on
the Palladio drawing; on the mount
‘A. Palladio’, in Burlington’s hand
The fountain drawing: ruler and
compasses; red chalk under-drawing,
pen and brown ink, brush and brown
wash; measurements in palmi and
once; notes: ‘ivlivs iii/pont.
max/pvblicae/comoditati /
anno iii’; ‘neptuno’; ‘pianta vingne
del pp Julio’
History and ownership: John Talman
(?); Lord Burlington; Dukes of
Devonshire; riba since 1894 (though
without any Talman mark, the
double gold lines are characteristic
of Talman’s mounted drawings; the
sheet, which Palladio once owned,
presumably was purchased
by Burlington from Talman)
67b. Unidentified (French?)
Draftsman, active in Rome
Recto
Plan of Villa Giulia with
the addition of a small court,
differing from that executed
Black chalk or graphite,
pen and brown ink
London, riba Library, Drawings and
Archives Collection, SB29/1(1) r-v
This is a surprising sheet, composed of
two originally separate pieces. It
documents Palladio’s knowledge of the
Villa Giulia, which he saw in Rome in
1554. On the upper part of the verso,
trimmed, is the elevation of a villa
façade (or a reconstruction of the
ancient house?), with a hexastyle por-
tico, and a flight of seven stairs.
Burlington correctly identified the
drawing as by ‘A. Palladio’. Acroteria
appear at the sides of the pediment;
the order is Corinthian, and the
central intercolumniation is wider
than the side ones. The use of black
chalk in the underdrawing could
indicate that the drawing is of the
1550s, rather than later when Palladio
used graphite. No scale is indicated.
The drawing is pasted to a front
and side elevation of Ammanati’s
fountain, subsequently built into the
casino of Pius iv, on the corner
between the Via Flaminia and the road
leading up to the Villa Giulia. On the
recto, a plan of the casino of the Villa
Giulia, by the same draftsman as the
fountain drawing, has been continued
on the back of Palladio’s drawing. The
hatching and the hand is the same.
What happened? First the fountain
draftsman drew the fountain, and the
plan of the Villa Giulia. Then he
wanted to extend the plan, to show an
unexecuted scheme for the court
behind the villa. He needed more
paper, and somehow obtained an
unfinished drawing from Palladio:
presumably he valued the plan of the
Villa Giulia more than the integrity of
his own abandoned elevation and
preserved it together with his own
drawings. All this probably took place
during Palladio’s visit to Rome in 1554,
when he saw the villa, which in-
fluenced his projects for Maser and
other villas.
Literature: Bafile 1952, p. 55; Land
Moore 1969; Falk 1971; Petroni 1987;
Kiene 1995, pp. 46-49; Keller, Schel-
bert, in Tuttle, Adorni, Frommel,
Thoenes 2002, pp. 180-181, cat. 63a-b.
howard burns
68. Pirro Ligorio (c. 1514-1584)
Perspective section of the lower
court of the Belvedere
in the Vatican
c. 1560
Brown ink on parchment,
ruler and compasses
566 × 1185 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘agiunta
della torre borgia/ parte nuova
della statione pia/ pius iiii pon.
max./ torre borgia/ podii
dell’hemicyclo verso/ della
torre borgia/U[n qua]rto
dell’hemyciclo/ Sono i nicchi quadrati
grandi n.° xi/ Sono i nicchi piccioli
rotondi n.° xii/ Tutto il circuito della
parte dell’Hemicyclo canne xxx/
boschetto verso ponente/ pius
iii medices/ pontifex max./ Palmi
19 oncia 1/ p. 4 on. 3/ p. 5/ p. 9 tre
quarti/ larga p. 27 e mezzo/ p. 27
e mezzo/ p. 15/ p. 18/ p. 18/ p. 18/
p. 18/ p. 18/ p. 18/ p. 18/ palmi 101/
palmi 50/ palmi 101/ largo canne
xxxii/ longo canne lxii tutto
il vano dell’atrio del piacere/
meridie/ pius iii medices
medi/olan. pont maximus/ canne
xii/ piazza soprastante all’atrio
dove è il fonte/ tramontana/
poggi verso belvedere’
History and ownership: Rodolfo
Lanciani collection, from the
Piedmont antiques market
Rome, Biblioteca di Archeologia
e Storia dell’Arte, inv. 40249
Together with two other large Ligorio
parchments in the same library, this
drawing was acquired in the last years
of the nineteenth century by Rodolfo
Lanciani, who realised they were
important documents. This is one of
the few surviving drawings from the
intense design activities of Pirro
Ligorio, ‘an auditor and Palace
architect’ in the Vatican at the time of
Pope Pius iv (according to archive
documents studied by Ackerman). We
know with certainty that in late 1560,
when the building site was re-opened,
this parchment was used to illustrate
the new works to the Pope. It not only
gives an excellent idea of Ligorio’s
intentions but also reveals the
personality of an architect famed for
his remarkable knowledge of the
antique. His very keen sensibility for
ornamental detail could not be further
from the teaching of Bramante. In fact
Ligorio offers a reductive interpret-
ation of Bramante in a wholly
decorative key with an emphasis on
surface, in line with the erudite taste of
the Medici pope. Bramante’s huge
building site, originally designed with
the architectural values of a deep
scenography (directly borrowed from
the ancient world), is transformed –
according to Ligorio’s definition in his
encyclopaedia (in the entry ‘Belvedere’
in the version in the Archivio di Stato,
Turin) – into a ‘place richly decorated
with porticoes, statues, springs and
woods with various walks’. The strictly
architectural qualities thus had to
make way not only for the – by now in
a certain sense Mannerist – pleasures
of fountains and gardens but, more
importantly, for the rich apparatus of
sculptural ornaments, and the in-
estimable adornment of 120 statues
(thirty-four in the hemicycle alone,
according to the inventory drafted
later under the austere Pius v, who
ordered their removal).
The errors in perspective, fre-
quently found in Ligorio’s drawings,
reveal his more demonstrative than
qualitative criteria. The horizontal cut
of the section, completely oblivious to
the effects of the deep axis conceived
by Bramante, presupposes a viewpoint
situated above the wing of the
constructed building, approximately
at the height of Pope Paul iv’s apart-
ments; Ligorio had in fact worked on
the interior decoration for them.
There is thus an inevitable allusion to
Ligorio’s famous reconstruction –
again ‘horizontal’ – of the Circus
Maximus: it is almost as if the Cortile
del Belvedere is to be a symbolic re-
visitation of the ancient hippodrome
(which the ecclesiastical tradition
associated with memories of martyrs).
This theory is confirmed by the
curved ends of the theatre and
nicchione (large niches) as well as the
ludic uses chosen by Pius iv for the
space, by designating it to host festiv-
ities and tournaments.
We could not find a better descrip-
tion of this ‘atrio del piacere’ (‘pleasure
atrium’) than the words used by
Ligorio himself, when comparing
them to the terms found in the
building site documents. In the
encyclopaedia, he also describes the
place as the ‘theatre’ or ‘Palatine
atrium’ thus referring to the imperial
building near the Circus Maximus;
work continued – according to the
‘design and in the presence of master
Pyrrho the architect’ – from 1563 to
1564. The work was concentrated on
the ‘prima piazza da basso’, also called
the ‘teatro da basso’ because of ‘the
row of podia, which have to be made’,
‘circular Tevertino podia’, surmounted
by an order of architecture and a
‘Doric cornice’. The original gold and
light blue stuccoes, made by Raphael
and Sangallo (documented a little later
also at the Villa d’Este, Tivoli), further
enhanced the great sumptuousness,
which Étienne Dupérac described in
glowing terms in the caption for the
official view of the Belvedere pub-
lished by Antoine Lafréry (1565):
‘ancient statues’ decorated a space
‘made into the form of a theatre...
judged to be one of the most beautiful
and remarkable things done since the
ancients and which may be called the
atrium of pleasure.’
The hemicycle may be considered
one of the Neapolitan architect’s
boldest inventions (as Ackerman
points out, it was elaborated on a
drawing by Baldassarre Peruzzi in the
Uffizi). Andrea Palladio was to recall
this Ligorian invention in the Maser
Nymphaeum (fig. 12.6), where he
designed a similar sequence of square
and round niches occupied by
statutes. But Ligorio must also have
seen Palladio’s projects, such as the
designs for the Basilica in Vicenza.
This would explain the small columns
being so close to the pillars, here seen
above the third order, and the
numerous statues surmounting the
upper balustrade.
Literature: Michaelis 1891, pp. 3-66;
Lanciani 1902, iii, pp. 235-240, fig.
177; Modigliani 1932, pp. 211-226;
Ackerman 1954; Cianfarini 1956, p.
40, cat. 167; Fagiolo, Madonna 1972,
pp. 383-402; Pinelli 1994; Schreurs
2000; Coffin 2004, pp. 43 ff., 60;
Occhipinti 2007, pp. xiv, xx and
passim.
carmelo occhipinti
126
 [68.]

127
[69.]

128
 69. Paolo Caliari,
called Veronese (1528-1588)
Susanna and the Elders
c. 1585-1588
Oil on canvas
140 × 280 cm
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum,
Gemäldegalerie, GG 3676
The painting is one of a series of ten
panels of scenes equally divided be-
tween the Old and New Testament,
the others being: Hagar in the Wilder-
ness, Lot and his Daughters leaving
Sodom, Rebecca at the Well, Esther and
Ahasver, The Adoration of the Shep-
herds, Christ and the Centurion, Christ
and the Adulteress, Christ and the
Woman of Samaria, and Christ Wash-
ing the Feet of the Disciples. Signifi-
cantly, there is a marked preference for
female protagonists in the series.
Nothing is known about the
commission: the paintings first appear
in the inventory of a Flemish noble,
Charles de Croy, Duke of Arschot,
who had been a diplomat of Philip III
in 1613. In 1619 the works passed to
the collection of George Villiers, Duke
of Buckingham, and then, in 1648, to
that of Archduke Leopold Wilhelm,
governor of the Netherlands, who
immediately sent them to the Imperial
palace in Prague. Prior to this story of
aristocratic ownership, it is thought
that Hans Rottenhammer brought the
group of paintings (‘Stories of the Old
and New Testament with life-size
figures’) to Germany in 1606, where
the painter Joseph Heintz vainly tried
to convince Duke Ernst von Schaum-
burg to acquire them. The negoti-
ations having fallen through, Charles
de Croy seized the opportunity to
make them his own (Garas 1990).
According to another hypothesis, the
paintings were directly acquired in
Venice by the Flemish noble when
passing through the city in 1595
(Brown 1990).
We have no way of establishing the
name of the patron of the series, dated
by all the critics – solely on stylistic
grounds – to the late years of Vero-
nese, who died in 1588. The suggestion
based on surveys of the female figures
that the series was intended for the
Venetian monastery of the Convertite
(Brown 1990) has absolutely no
logical validity and is negated by the
history of their subsequent ownership
which demonstrates that they were
sought after by the wealthiest aristo-
cratic collections in Europe.
The format of the paintings suggest
they were intended for one or two
rooms in a large building, such as the
Escorial. In all the known changes of
ownership there was also an eleventh
painting included in the series, The
Blessing of David, from the late 1540s
and of a different size (173 × 365 cm).
It seems to date from the artist’s final
129 years (1585-1588) on the basis of the
presence of assistants in the workshop
(Montemezzano, but arguably also
Alvise Dal Friso) and the tone of the
colours, which reflects the influence of
Jacopo Bassano, and is found in other
works of that period.
The handling of the theme of
Susanna and the Elders is unusual. The
two noble elders are monumental
dominating the central part of the
composition. They are like two
ancient prophets or philosophers
amiably and civilly chatting with a far
from naked Susanna, demurely
wrapped in a voluminous amount of
richly woven cloth. Two friendly little
dogs undermine the drama of the
scene, with Susanna’s dog (the
preparatory drawing for which is the
only surviving sheet relating to the
painting; Coutts 1980), courageously
snapping at the old men. The old men
are dressed, with minor variations, in
the deep red of Venetian senators. As
in two other paintings in the series, the
scene takes place in a garden, on a
raised platform, like a proscenium, a
space suggested by the two large
plinths – the second is concealed by
the figure of Susanna – which support
marble columns that rise endlessly
beyond the upper edge of the canvas,
thus giving a feeling of unbounded
space. The plinth of the visible pillar
marks the principal golden mean
division of the space, creating sub-
divisions with totally harmonious
rhythms. The axonometric weave of
the pergola is constructed from a
different viewpoint, from below. The
raised level on which the figures stand,
clearly higher than the onlookers gaze,
also has no recognisable elements of
perspective. On Susanna’s side of the
painting, the scene is closed by two
giant wash basins forming a wing. On
the other side, the night sky, still full of
light, is contrasted by a white marble
form, apparently the façade of a villa
with a grandiose central window, open
onto the darkness of the night.
Although Veronese was primarily
concerned in his art to depict the ideal
rather than the real, the façade of the
building bears a resemblance to the
central façade of the villa at Maser (fig.
12.3), as suggested especially by the
portal beneath the balcony. However,
here Palladio’s architectural language
has been translated into Veronese’s
pictorial language. The architecture
appears as if glimpsed between two
trees – the wings of a stage set or
scenographic garden – and seen from a
viewpoint which is significantly lower
than that found in the rest of the
painting. This reflects the practice of
perspective scene for theatres. The
effect is the representation of the villa
façade as a trompe l’oeil vista identical
to the interior decorations which
Veronese had created in the Villa
Barbaro at Maser. Palladio’s archi-
tecture is thus translated through paint
into a two-dimensional image.
When Veronese made the painting,
both Daniele Barbaro and Palladio
were dead (1570 and 1580, respecti-
vely), and Marcantonio Barbaro, in a
rare break from his frenetic diplomatic
commitments, had recently completed
the Tempietto at Maser (before 1584;
cat. 123). Veronese, in his later years,
often retreated to the countryside
outside Treviso. In this painting he
seems to be conjuring up, as if in a
dream, his years at Maser. Although
the Barbaro brothers’ features may be
recorded in the old men, Veronese’s
insistence upon the generalisation of
his figures would tend to discount
such an exercise.
As always in Veronese’s painting,
there is no conflict. The recognisably
Venetian nobles, with stately gait and
reassuringly eloquent gestures (one
even holds a graceful bunch of
flowers), discuss matters pertaining to
love, or other elevated subjects into
the night with the young woman,
whose pose, rather than suggesting
that she is protecting her honour,
seems to indicate the acceptance of a
polite invitation. If we were to replace
the deep red robes with the shiny
velvets and satin of the masked
shepherds of Arcadia, we would
encounter Watteau’s gallant invitation
to set off for Cythera, the island of
love. However, in Veronese’s work, the
vision is of a philosophical concept of
absolute love, as if the erudite
patriarch and his brother were
consulting a Susanna, though eternally
young, vital and beautiful, as the
allegorical figure of Wisdom or
Architecture.
Literature: Coutts 1980, pp. 142-144;
Garas 1987, pp. 111-121; Brown 1990,
pp. 231-239; Garas 1990, pp. 16-24.
sergio marinelli
70. Renato Cevese (designer),
Andrej Soltan (draftsman),
Ballico-Officina Modellisti sas
(model makers)
Model of Villa Emo
1970
Lime and beech wood with porcelain
biscuit details
Height 50 cm; length 356 cm; width
120.5 cm
Scale: 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
13. Villa Foscari or ‘La Malcontenta’
The Villa Foscari is not a farm villa, like the Villa Emo at Fanzolo or
the Villa Barbaro at Maser (section 12), with barchesse or other
outhouses incorporated in their wings. Nor is it the hub of a vast
agricultural estate. Set at the edge of the Venetian lagoon so that it
could be reached quickly by boat from Venice, it is a ‘suburban’
residence. In this sense it is similar to the Villa Rotonda (cat. 183),
and, like the Rotonda, in its classicising conception eludes an easy
categorisation.
The main front faces the river linking Venice to Padua. Like the
Villa Cornaro at Piombino Dese giving onto the road to
Castelfranco, the high outline of the villa had to be visible from afar
and it in turn was a good vantage point for observing arrivals. The
internal distribution is arranged vertically: the service rooms are on
the bottom and top floors, while the owner lived on the piano nobile.
According to the Quattro Libri, the patrons of the villa were
Nicolò and Alvise Foscari. But in a tax declaration of 1566, Alvise
seems to indicate that his brother was responsible for the
construction of the building, which he then inherited after Nicolò’s
death in 1560 (‘I found myself with the house that was built by the
[13.1.]
deceased Nicolò, my brother’). Nicolò may have begun work on the
building just after his marriage to Elisabetta Dolfin in 1555,
considering that Battista Franco, who died in 1561, had painted the
frescoes in the sala and started work on a side room of the villa,
evidently already built by that date (Zorzi 1969, pp. 151-152). If this
were the case, the villa would be Palladio’s first building in Venice or
in close proximity to the city.
It is not known how the Foscari came into contact with Palladio,
who in 1555 created an altar for the Venetian church of San Pantalon,
funded by, among others, the two brothers (Foscari 1982, pp. 89-93).
In any case, the antiquarian character of the villa is so marked as
obviously to be a reflection of the patrons’ tastes.
At the centre of the façade, a hexastyle pronaos stands on a high
base, flanked by two stairs, according to a model familiar to many
Renaissance architects, including Leon Battista Alberti for San
Sebastiano in Mantua: the ancient tempietto at the source of the
Clitumnus, near Spoleto (cats 72-73) (Zorzi 1969, p. 155). The con-
figuration of the stairs, however, is different: half-way up, they turn to
converge on the projecting pronaos. As an entrance for anyone
13.1. Villa Foscari,
plan of the principal
floor (drawing by
Simone Baldissini,
2008)
13.2. Villa Foscari,
woodcut reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 50)
13.3. Cat. 72, detail
130
[13.2.]
 [13.5.] [13.6.] [13.7.]

coming up the stairs, the sides of the pronaos are supported by two The current two-tone colour scheme of the building, due to a 1974 13.4. Villa Foscari,
front façade, detail
columns, as in the Ionic Temple of the Virile Fortune in Rome and in restoration, probably reflects the spirit of the original bi-chrome 13.5. Villa Foscari,
an almost illegible graphite study for the Villa Chiericati at design, in which the columns, pediment and fascias were covered in rear façade

Vancimuglio (riba xvii/i2r). This was an unusual solution for a thin layer of red stucco (Foscari 1978, pp. 278-279). 13.6. Villa Foscari,
front façade
Palladio, because it lacks the strength of the solution inspired by the 13.7. Villa Foscari,
Portico of Octavia (cat. 59), with walls that firmly bind the pronaos to Literature: Vasari 1568 (1906), vii, p. 530; Palladio 1570, ii, p. 50; sala

the house. However, this solution is erudite, reflecting the antiquarian Muttoni 1740-1760, i, pp. 22-23, v, pl. xxxiv; Bertotti Scamozzi
taste permeating the building, ‘signed’ by the patrons’ names engraved 1776-1783, iii, pp. 9-11, pls i-iii; Magrini 1845, pp. 76, 330, lxxii;
in Latin on the frieze, like that of Agrippa on the front of the Burger 1909, pp. 88-93; Ackerman 1967, pp. 53-56; Zorzi 1969, pp.
Pantheon. Of similar taste are the Ionic columns and ‘eustyle’ inter- 151-156; Forssman 1973; Puppi 1973, pp. 328-330; Burns 1975, p. 19;
columniation, considered the most graceful by Palladio: 2 and 1/4 Foscari 1978, pp. 273-282; Marini 1980, pp. 474-475; Tiepolo 1980,
diameters between the shafts, increasing to 3 diameters between the p. 45; Foscari 1982, pp. 89-93; Bassi 1987, pp. 63-83; Junecke 1987, pp.
central columns. The corner capital is designed with the external 171-188; Puppi 1988, p. 68; Battilotti 1990, pp. 104-108; Burns,
volute set diagonally and facing out on two sides, another citation Beltramini, Gaiani 1997; Boucher 1998, pp. 145-159; Battilotti 1999,
from Virile Fortune, previously used in the Villa Barbaro at Maser. p. 472; Lewis 2000, pp. 191-193.
A sophisticated interlacing of sources informs the villa’s internal
space, conjuring up the ancient baths, while the rear façade alludes to Guido Beltramini
their eternal aspect. The smaller rooms on the piano nobile all have
vaulted ceilings, but always in different forms (cross, pavilion, and
domical) which, together with the varied heights, create a complex
spatial experience culminating in the large sala. Covered by a high
cross vault, its rear wall is made transparent by a diaphragm of three
apertures surmounted by a thermal window. This solution had
already been tried out in the Villa Pisani at Bagnolo (cat. 31), but less
effectively. The large vault is clearly legible on the rear façade and is
the element organising the whole elevation; Palladio was probably
aware of a similar solution invented by Raphael for the Villa Madama
at Rome (cat. 28; fig. 5.4). Characterised by the transparent wall, the
absence of orders, and a pediment on the two fragments of trabeation
(like the fronts of the ancient Roman baths), the rear façade is
marked out by the rectangular grid designed by the marble plaster,
incised with smooth rustication, and the underlining of horizontal
elements. Two fascias mark the height of the base and piano nobile,
while the trabeation of the pronaos is flattened on the wall along the
133 perimeter and ends at the thermal window.
 71. Renato Cevese (designer);
Andrej Soltan (draftsman);
Ballico-Officina Modellisti sas
(model makers)
Model of the Villa Malcontenta
1974-1975
Lime and beech wood with porcelain
biscuit details
Height 67 cm; length 78.5 cm;
width 74 cm
Scale: 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio

72. Andrea Palladio

Temple at the source of the
Clitumnus: perspective elevation,
perspective section, detail
of the base
1540s
Verso: blank
No watermark; stylus, traces of black
chalk, pen and brown ink
428 × 282 mm
Notes on the drawing: various
measurements in palmi, ‘alto soto εl
volto palmi 20 1/4’ (in early epsilon
handwriting); measurements in piedi
(mature handwriting)
Units of measurement and scale:
palmo romano and piede vicentino;
4 units, of which the first is divided
into 6 multiples = 25.5 mm
History and ownership: Francesco
Dal Peder; Gaetano Pinali; donated
to the City of Vicenza in 1838;
Pinacoteca Civica, Vicenza, since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe,
D. 22r

The front view of the temple in the

lower part of the drawing is very
similar to an original drawing by Pirro
Ligorio, now in Paris (Bibliothèque
Nationale, Cod. It. 1129, fol. 399); Li-
gorio’s subsequent drawings show the
plan at the cella level (fol. 400), the
crypt together with a detail of the
trabeation (fol. 402) and the begin-
ning of a perspective section (fol. 401)
like that in the upper part of Palladio’s
drawing. The drawing is certainly
autograph Palladian and, since the
writings and measurements in Roman
palmi are noted in his youthful hand-
writing with the ‘epsilon’, he probably
copied the drawing in the 1540s,
perhaps during one of his visits to
Rome when he may have met Ligorio
(Burns 1973, p. 153). The mature
handwriting shows that Palladio later
returned to the drawing to convert the
measurements in palmi to piedi (5
piedi = 8 palmi), but without adding
any others, which would seem to rule
out a new survey. Recently it has been
suggested that Palladio’s source was
actually a drawing by Antonio da
[72.]
Sangallo, now in the Uffizi, in which
the temple is represented in a diagonal
view (Ghisetti Giavarina 2006-2007,
pp. 118-122). But the fact that the 134
 Palladio drawing is basically a
facsimile of Pirro’s means this albeit
well-argued proposal is not con-
vincing. Although in the Paris drawing
the perspective section has only just
been begun, whereas it is complete in
the Vicenza drawing, we must remem-
ber that Ligorio often made several
copies of his own drawings (Emerick
1998, pp. 116-117), and, indeed,
Sangallo’s drawing might rather be
considered the source of the
Neapolitan architect’s work.
Literature: Burns 1973, p. 153; Puppi
1989; Emerick 1998; Lewis 2000, p.
64; Ghisetti Giavarina 2006-2007,
pp. 115-128; Puppi 2007b, pp. 129-130.
guido beltramini
[73.]
135
73. Andrea Palladio
Front and section of the Temple
at the source of the Clitumnus
Late 1570s
Verso: elevation and plan of the
Temple of Antoninus and Faustina;
Talman mark 150 (twice)
Watermark: small anchor in a circle
with a six-pointed star; ruler
and stylus, black chalk or graphite,
pen and brown ink
280 × 375 mm (a single sheet
with a strip of paper reinforcing
the longitudinal axis on the verso)
Notes on the drawing: ‘de questo è
fata la pianta’, various measurements
in piedi
Units of measurement and scale:
piede vicentino (top: 5 piedi = 45 mm,
referring to the elevation of the
temple; in the lower right margin,
after the stair: 1 piede = 26 mm,
referring to the trabeation drawn of the temple is a plan of a pronaos
in a larger scale) column, with quadrants divided into
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones); three parts, perhaps used for a plan of
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord the capital, included in the engraving,
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire; but not in this drawing.
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings Literature: Emerick 1998, p. 116; Lewis
and Archives Collection, sc219/xi/15r 2000, p. 235; Ghisetti Giavarina 2006-
2007, pp. 121-122.
The style of drawing, size, reverse
image, measurements and reference guido beltramini
letters (almost all of them) link this
sheet to the double page in the
Quattro Libri (iv, pp. 100-101), the
only major difference being the
position of the statues. Cat. 72 seems
to be the source for all the indications
of measurements, leading us to rule
out any additions, and is basically
simply redrawn in an orthogonal
projection for the purposes of publi-
cation. On the base of the right wing
14. Gardens
No garden designed by Palladio survives today. He mentions gardens
in passing when describing some villas, but with the exception of
Maser (see p. 116) and the Villa Sarego (Quattro Libri, ii, pp. 51, 66),
he does not refer to particular features. Palladio never publishes a
garden design and in the Quattro Libri does not illustrate any
enclosure walls (except for that of the Villa Foscari - ‘Malcontenta’),
or villa enclosure portals, like those of the Godi and Badoer villas.
Lionello Puppi and Margherita Azzi Visentini, however, have shown
just how numerous and interesting the Veneto urban, suburban and
country gardens were, including gardens of families for whom
Palladio worked: the Porto garden at Thiene, the Thiene gardens at
Quinto, the garden of the Archdeacon Simone Porto in Vicenza.
Was Palladio ever involved in garden design? He never wrote on
gardens as a subject. This does not rule out, however, an interest in
plants and their properties, so typical of contemporary Veneto
culture. In his plans for the villas Pagliarino and Poiana (cats 54-55a)
he indicates the brolo behind the house. But this large walled
enclosure, with fruit and nut trees, such as walnut and mulberry (to
feed silk worms) was a required feature of any villa. Apart from walls
and (sometimes) entrance portals, gardens did not require the
architect’s involvement. More specific is his indication of a layout
with parterres at the side of and behind the huge villa which he
planned for Lunardo Mocenigo on the Brenta near Dolo (riba x/1v;
see cat. 126b). The simple grid he shows is functional, and has
nothing original in terms of layout, though the garden walls
decorated with niches and columns probably reflect his idea of
ancient garden enclosures (cat. 74).
Palladio would have seen elaborate gardens in the Veneto, Venice
and elsewhere, perhaps in Mantua, or at the Villa Imperiale in Pesaro.
He would have seen gardens in Rome, including those of the Vatican
palace, the Villa Madama (he records the fish pond; cat. 28), and the
Villa Giulia, in 1554 (cat. 67b).
In Rome he thought he had identified a huge ancient garden in the
area of the present Piazza San Silvestro: one of two enclosures has
semicircular ends and giant columns marking the side entrances;
these exedras and the side elevations possibly influenced the design of
the Villa Giulia court. The other rectangular enclosure has a perip-
teral temple at its centre. Palladio writes, ‘I believe that in ancient
14.1. Cat. 74, detail 136
 times these were gardens’. This complex would have been particularly Azzi Visentini 1988; Conforti Calcagni 1988; Azzi Visentini 1995;
interesting for him, because (like most Veneto gardens) it was on a Azzi Visentini 1996; Azzi Visentini 1996a; Conforti Calcagni 2003.
flat site, without springs or the possibility of creating fountains.
Palladio’s identification (or invention) of an ancient garden type is Howard Burns
pertinent to the only surviving garden design in his hand (cat. 75a),
where three alleys, lined with small (citrus?) trees, probably standing
in large pots, lead from portals resembling a triumphal arch to a small
round temple. The design resembles that for the Valmarana garden in
Vicenza, which survives just outside Porta Castello, transformed
from a formal into a landscaped ‘English garden’. The garden appears
in the 1580 Vicenza plan (cat. 179) with a formal layout and a central
tempietto. It was described by the English traveller Thomas Coryat in
1608: ‘in the middle of the garden is built a faire round roofe,
supported with eight stately pillars of white stone’. Coryat also
mentions a ‘labyrinth’, which, like the tempietto, is shown in a 1659
survey of the garden (cat. 76). The creator of the garden was Gia-
como Valmarana, brother-in-law of Isabella Valmarana (cat. 103),
patron of the Palazzo Valmarana (section 20). Giacomo’s decision to
use the land to create a semi-public garden was determined by its
location immediately outside the city walls, where, for reasons of
defence, building was banned. Vincenzo Scamozzi was later involved
at the garden; it is not certain whether Palladio designed the attractive
garden pavilion facing onto the fish pond to the north of the garden.
For Palladio, gardens were primarily areas filled with plants and
parterres near the house, or architectural creations, involving circular
temples and entrances inspired by triumphal arches, an idea derived
from Falconetto’s Codevigo portal, which imitates the Arch of Janus
in Rome. As we have seen, he was only once involved – at Maser – in
creating a garden where flowing water, descending from a spring, was
a major feature (as at Ligorio’s Villa d’Este), and where he made an
imitation of an ancient nymphaeum (fig. 12.6). But at Maser it is not
clear to what extent the fountain court design was Palladio’s and to
what extent Ligorio’s.

139 Literature: On the Veneto garden: Puppi 1972; Azzi Visentini 1984; 14.2. Cat. 76, detail
[74.]

140
 74. Andrea Palladio
Plan and partial elevation
of monumental enclosures
near Piazza San Silvestro, Rome
(adjoining Aurelian’s Temple
of the Sun?)
1541-1547; epsilon handwriting
Verso: plan of the Amphitheatrum
Castrense, Rome; Talman mark 54;
trimmed with loss of drawing
on the left margin
Watermark: lily or flowers in circle,
surmounted by star; ruler and stylus,
compasses, freehand underdrawing
with stylus, pen and brown ink,
brush and grey-brown wash
292 × 436 mm
Notes on the drawing: p[iedi],
p[erteghe]; in the middle of the
rectangular court, ‘chrεdo ch[e]
quεsti εrano zardini antichamεntε
son aprεso larcho dε portεgalo acanto
la strada flaminia i[n] roma’; towards
the bottom of the sheet, ‘strada
flaminia’
Unit of measurement and scale:
pertica and piede vicentino, 123 piedi
vicentini = 77 mm; probable
intended scale 1:576
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc217/x/17r
Palladio shows two enclosures measur-
ing about 88.6 × 133.5 m and 43.9 ×
92.8 m. At the centre of the larger one,
which is surrounded by little exedras,
is a peripteral temple with sixteen
columns. Palladio writes: ‘I believe
that these were gardens in ancient
times.’ In axis with the larger court is
an enclosure with apsidal ends, its
sides ornamented with two levels of
niches divided by columns. Giant
columns flank the side entrances; the
141 half-pediments above resemble those
of the hemicycle of Trajan’s Forum.
Palladio indicates where the complex
was: immediately to the east of the
present Corso (in the area of Piazza
San Silvestro), near the ‘Arco di
Portogallo’ (demolished 1662). No
traces remain today, though isolated
finds seem to confirm his plan. These
impressive spaces were probably
connected with the Temple of the Sun,
built by the Emperor Aurelian after
273.
Literature: Lanciani 1894-1895; Plat-
ner, Ashby 1929, pp. 491-493; Kähler
1937; Spielmann 1966, pp. 177-178;
Burns 1975, p. 204.
howard burns
75a. Andrea Palladio
Recto
Project for a monumental garden
Watermark: circle with cross lines,
vertical line extended upwards to star
with single lines; countermark also
present; Talman mark 49; ruler
and stylus, compasses, black chalk
underdrawing, pen and grey-brown
ink, brush and pale grey wash;
the sheet has been trimmed, with loss
on the left
305 × 421 mm
No scale or dimensions indicated
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc214/viii/13r
The plan shows a monumental,
probably urban, garden, with one
principal and two side entrances in the
form of triumphal arches; the tempietto
scenographically dominates the views
from all three entrances. The drawing
(unfinished) has been cut: the overall
layout is unclear, as is the reason for the
incomplete tempietto, apparently built
against a wall. The approach to the
main entrance widens towards the
gateway. The scheme reflects the
tempietto-in-the-middle type and the
triumphal arch villa portal at Vanci-
muglio (cat. 57). It does not seem
compatible with the Valmarana
garden, however, at least as it was
defined by 1580: the site discouraged a
centrally placed entrance towards the
city. No scale or measurements are
given, but assuming that the main
archway was 12 piedi wide (the side
entrances are half this), the overall
garden width would be about 53.50 m,
considerably less than the Valmarana
garden. Trees line the avenues: they are
probably potted not planted (if they
were citrus trees, as in the Valmarana
garden, they would be moved in winter
to a protected orangery).
Literature: Zorzi 1969, pp. 217-218
(suggests the project is for the royal
park in Turin, an hypothesis lacking a
solid basis, see: Battilotti, in Puppi
1999, pp. 379-380).
howard burns
75b. Andrea Palladio
Verso
Project for the gateway
of a garden
Early 1560s (?)
Ruler and stylus, compasses, pen
and brown ink; Talman mark 49
No scale or dimensions indicated
History and ownership: see cat. 75a
London, riba Library, Drawings and
Archives Collection, sc214/viii/13v
Palladio initially placed the central
arch higher. He drew the elevation
with the sheet folded: the cornice is
interrupted exactly at the fold line.
The arch has four Corinthian
columns, raised on pedestals, with
‘Veronese’ plinths, curving down to
meet the pedestal. There are swags
between the capitals. The arch imposts
have a generous gola moulding of the
Veronese type. There are pedestals,
presumably for statues, between the
columns: no niche is drawn, in
contrast to the arches with niches on
the recto. It is not certain (nor to be
excluded) that the arch is directly
connected with the recto design. The
motif of pedestals between columns is
found on the side elevation of the
Loggia del Capitaniato (cat. 104), in
Palladio’s design for the interior of the
palazzo at Brescia (cat. 142), and on
the Fregoso altar/monument at
Sant’Anastasia in Verona, signed (and
dated 1565) by Palladio’s friend Danese
Cattaneo, but architecturally inspired
– at the very least – by Palladio. The
two steps above the high attic are
presumably to carry a shield or trophy.
Similar steps appear above the Fregoso
monument and on a sketch for a tomb
(cat. 139).
Literature: Puppi 1973, p. 419
(associated with the Arco delle
Scalette); Burns, in Marini 1980a, pp.
165-166; Aurenhammer 1995, pp. 178-
179; Rossi 1995, pp. 113-131; Rossi
1996; Battilotti 1999, p. 486.
howard burns
76. Giusto Dante (active mid-
seventeenth century)
Survey plan of the Valmarana
Garden and properties
outside Porta Castello
1659
Ruler, stylus, compasses, pen and
brown ink, brush and watercolour
510 × 999 mm
[75a.]

142
 [75b.]

143
Notes on the drawing: inscribed on
the map (some inscriptions omitted):
‘la rocheta, contra della
rocheta, contra di porta
nuova, contra del quartiero,
Ponte delle Bele; piarda sive horti,
peschiera, giardino, borgo di s.
felice va alla porta dal [sic!]
castello, logia vechia, porta del
cas[tello], Castel vechio di SS.ri
Co. Valmarana, Case nove
Valmarana, casa habitata dal
giardiniero’; bottom right, ‘Dissegno
Fatto da me Giusto dante Perito
estraord[inari]o dei Benni Inculti, ad
Instantia delli Heredi con Benef[ici]o
di lege et inventario del q. Sr. conte
massimiliano Valmarana, deli lochi
Posti al Castel Vechio, in contra di S.
Felice, e Roccheta, al Giardino, dal
qual si vede la separation di case, Con
la pianta et lochi, et sue anotacione
de confini, Parte de quali luochi sono
statti acquistati, come dagli
instrumenti zitatti qui sotto con
numeri è cioe come segue:...
Terminatto in Vicenzza li 9 marzo
1659, jo giusto dante.’
Unit of measurement and scale:
pertica vicentina; scale of 25 pertiche
drawn at the top of the map; the
rectangular, flat central area of the
garden (excluding the wedge of land
to the west) measures approximately
88.6 × 173 m
History and ownership: a Valmarana
family archive(?)
Vicenza Biblioteca civica Bertoliana,
Archivio Torre, mappa no. 164
The map shows the Valmarana
Garden and its surroundings, in-
cluding the old castle which straddled
the city gate, converted into a Val-
marana house. To the north and east
of the garden are the old city walls,
with their ditch, converted on the
north into a fish pond; to the south
and west are public streets. The tem-
pietto appears towards the west; at the
centre of the garden is a circular maze.
If the 1580 bird’s eye view of Vicenza
(cat. 179) is trustworthy, the tempietto
was moved from its original central
position. Dante’s plan documents the
successive purchases which created
this large garden (87 × 173 m in its
central part). First the land above a
diagonal lane crossing the site was
purchased (1 February 1531), then the
lane itself (20 January 1532) and, lastly,
the land below it giving onto the main
road (1 February 1532). In a map of
1563 the garden is absent: only a
walled area appears, with a monu-
mental portal towards the street
[76.]
(Kubelik 1974; Burns 1975, p. 22). By
1580 the garden existed on land
adjoining the city walls where sub-
stantial construction was forbidden: a
semi-public garden, contributing to
the prestige of the city and the
Valmarana, as well as augmenting the
family income through sales of citrus
fruits grown there.
Literature: : Coryat 1905 (1611), ii, pp.
5-7; Soragni 1977, p. 76, no. 14; Zau-
pa 1982; Battilotti 1994; Battilotti
1999, pp. 477-479; Barbieri, Cevese
2004, pp. 248-252.
howard burns
144
145
15. The Façade of San Francesco della Vigna, Venice
The Observant Franciscan church of San Francesco della Vigna is a
remarkable case in the history of sixteenth-century Venetian archi-
tecture. The story of its construction enables us to make a
comparison over a gap of thirty years between the leading architects
active in the city in the sixteenth century: Jacopo Sansovino (1486-
1570) and Andrea Palladio (1508-1580). The building constructed by
Sansovino (begun in 1534) and the façade designed by Palladio (1564-
1565) were the expressions of two almost antithetical ‘formal uni-
verses, two different ages of the Venetian Renaissance, two different
circles of patronage’ (Foscari, Tafuri 1983, p. 145).
The reconstruction of the church was one of the first major design
opportunities offered to Sansovino in Venice, where he had arrived in
1527. A Florentine by birth and a sculptor by training, he introduced
an innovative language to Venice, shaped by the key experience in
Rome working alongside the great early sixteenth-century architects:
Bramante, Giuliano da Sangallo and Antonio da Sangallo the
Younger (Morresi 2000, pp. 367-425).
From 1529, as the proto (chief architect) of the Procurators of St.
Mark’s, Sansovino offered his highly refined figurative and
[15.1.]
architectural knowledge to the service of the state. He was capable of
pragmatically and flexibly ranging from the Roman magnificence of
the buildings in Piazza San Marco (Zecca, Library and Loggetta,
begun in 1536) to modest and even anonymous parish churches and
low-cost housing.
The definitive project for the Franciscan church was presented in
1535. It was then modified according to the proportions suggested in
a Memoriale written by the friar Francesco Zorzi. The design can be
associated with precedents in Florence, such as the church of San
Salvatore al Monte (begun in 1487). The rudimentary language of
this church – possibly a deliberate allusion to the austere spirit of
Savonarola’s preaching – appears to be wholly tuned to the principles
of pauperism pursued by the Observant Franciscans. On the exterior,
this simplification translates into plastered brickwork: on the side
facing the square, strip pilasters with no capitals or entablature set the
rhythm to the sequence of chapels.
We have no clear idea as to what kind of a façade design Sansovino
had in mind, or if he wished to use the same modest language for the
façade as for the rest of the church. As early as 1542, both the external
15.1. Church of San
Francesco della
Vigna, plan of the
façade (drawing by
Simone Baldissini,
2008)
15.2. Cat. 80, detail
146
 [15.4.] [15.5.] [15.6.]

façade and the internal counter-façade were dedicated to the unbuilt project for San Pietro di Castello and he proposed it again for 15.3. Church of San
Francesco della
celebration of Doge Antonio Grimani and some members of his the façades of San Giorgio Maggiore (1565) (section 18) and the Vigna, façade, detail

family. Giovanni, son of the doge and Patriarch of Aquileia, Redentore (1577) (section 24). Despite the important variations to 15.4. Church of San
Francesco della
continued the project after 1563, limiting the celebration of family the design of the central bay – which in some cases evoke the form of Vigna, side view
of the façade
members to the higher ranking prelates of the family. He asked a triumphal arch (cat. 77) and in others those of a temple front (cat. by Palladio

Palladio to design a triumphal funerary monument for the internal 91) – and in the positioning of the major and minor orders, also set 15.5. Church of San
Francesco della
façade (never built; cat. 80), and the grandiose external façade, which at different heights, the scheme designed by Palladio in these projects Vigna, façade

was already being built in 1566. It was almost certainly Daniele became a compositional model for generations of architects in Italy 15.6. Church of San
Pietro di Castello,
Barbaro (cats 60-64), Grimani’s designated successor and nephew of and Europe. Venice, façade

Giovanni Barbaro, a friar in the same monastery (Boucher, in Burns

1975, pp. 134-135; Morresi 2000, pp. 136, 149), who encouraged this Literature: Wittkower 1964, pp. 88-95, 102-106; Zorzi 1966, pp. 31-35;
commission. From 1556 Daniele Barbaro had started a deliberate Ackerman 1972, pp. 68-69; Boucher, in Burns 1975, pp. 134-135, cat.
strategy of renewing the Venetian building tradition through the 243; Ackerman 1977, pp. 9-26, especially pp. 13-14; Howard 1977, pp.
commentaries to his translation of Vitruvius (cats 61-62) which 49-67, especially pp. 53-54; Franco 1980, pp. 253-255; Foscari, Tafuri
presented Palladio, who had made the drawings, to readers and 1983; Tafuri 1984, pp. 30-33; Howard 1987, pp. 64-74; Tafuri 1987,
potential patrons (Tafuri 1987, pp. xi-lx); later, in 1559, together with pp. xi-lx; Boucher 1994, pp. 176-180; Tafuri 1994, pp. 427-441;
his brother Marcantonio (cat. 119), Daniele had backed Palladio in Battilotti 1999, no. 108, p. 493; Puppi 1999, pp. 345-347; Morresi
the project for the new façade of San Pietro di Castello (only 2000, pp. 134-152; Gaier 2002, pp. 149-178; Morresi 2003, pp. 134-
eventually built, with some modifications, after Palladio’s death, in 142; Cooper 2005, pp. 77-103.
1594-1596; fig. 15.6). This aborted opportunity led to the subsequent
commission for San Francesco della Vigna. Andrea Guerra
The Colossal order of the white Istrian stone façade sweeps away
any allusions to modesty and humility pursued by the Franciscans in
the project of the 1530s. Palladio’s solution allowed him to co-
ordinate clearly and coherently the external order with the internal
spaces: giant half-columns correspond to the high nave, whereas
minor pillars and half-columns relate to the lower, side chapels. The
configuration of the elevation, with two half-pediments flanking a
higher central pediment was the outcome of research on intersecting
orders begun in the early years of the sixteenth century in the façades
designed by Bramante (parish church of Roccaverano, 1509), Peruzzi
(Sagra di Carpi, 1514-1515) and Antonio da Sangallo the Younger
(church of Sant’Egidio in Cellere, 1513-1519, and designs for the
Church of San Marcello al Corso, U 869 A).
149 Palladio had almost certainly adopted the same scheme in the
[77.]

150
 77. Andrea Palladio
Elevation of a triumphal arch
Date uncertain
Ruler, incised lines, brown ink
312 × 415 mm
Unit of measurement and scale:
10 piedi = 65 mm (marked on the
base of the portal)
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc223/xiv/10r
The drawing is a single elevation of a
central bay in the form of a triumphal
arch (like the Arch of Trajan in
Ancona) and two lateral bays with
semi-pediments. This is the scheme of
a tripartite façade and intersecting
[78.]
151
orders which Palladio adopted in
various designs for Venetian churches
(cat. 91). The suggestion that this is an
initial drawing for San Francesco della
Vigna is icongraphically plausible (see
the celebration of the patron Grimani;
cat. 80) but problematic, given the
controversial interpretation of the
scale. The pediment inside the attic,
drawn as a dotted line in the same ink
over the stylus lines, may indicate an
alternative solution or the joint
presence of a pediment and attic, an
unusual solution in ancient triumphal
arches, but familiar to Palladio
through the Arch of the Gavi in
Verona (riba xii/11r). Burns (see cat.
110) argues that this project may be
connected with the funerary chapel of
Diane de Poitiers.
Literature: Zorzi 1966, pp. 7-8; Burns
1973, p. 146; Gioseffi 1973, pp. 43-66,
especially pp. 50-54; Burns 1975, p. 135,
cat. 244; Fagiolo 1978a, pp. 47-70,
especially pp. 63-64; Foscari, Tafuri
1983, p. 152; Boucher 1994, p. 179;
Battilotti 1999, no. 108, p. 493; Puppi
1999, p. 347; Burns 2000f, pp. 274-
277; Lewis 2000, pp. 240-241; Gaier
2002, p. 171; Cooper 2005, pp. 88-91.
andrea guerra
78. Giovanni Antonio Canal,
called Canaletto (1697-1768)
San Francesco della Vigna, Venice
c. 1735-1750
Ink on paper
273 × 377 mm
The Royal Collection, Her Majesty
Queen Elizabeth ii, RL 7494
[Exhibited in London]
79. Jacopo Robusti,
called Tintoretto (1518-1594)
Portrait of Jacopo Sansovino
1566 (?)
Oil on canvas
70 × 65.5 cm
Inscription: ‘iachopo tatti
sansovin’
Florence, Galleria degli Uffizi, 1890,
no. 957
This portrait of Jacopo Sansovino
(1486-1570) in old age shows him with
the quiet expression of a still active
man. And that is how he is described
by Giorgio Vasari, who is known to
have met him in Venice in 1566, the
proposed date for the painting.
Tintoretto may have used a previous
portrait as a model (Rossi 1974, p. 57,
fig. 136), almost certainly owned by
Sansovino’s family (Morresi 2004, p.
 77). The architect’s right hand stands
out sharply from the dark background
as he shows the instruments of his
profession: the compasses.
Literature: Rossi 1974, pp. 55, 57, 105-
106, figs 136-137; Rossi, in Puppi
1980c, p. 242, cat. 388; Rearick 1995,
pp. 51-68, especially p. 62; Morresi
2004, pp. 38-81, especially p. 77.
andrea guerra
80. Andrea Palladio
Project for the Grimani Monument
in the Church of San Francesco
della Vigna
1563-1564 (?)
Pen, ink, watercolour, traces of pencil
484 × 387 mm
History and ownership: Francesco
Dal Peder; Gaetano Pinali; donated
to the City of Vicenza in 1838;
Pinacoteca Civica, Vicenza, since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe, D. 17
This drawing almost certainly shows
the funerary monument for the high
prelates of the Grimani family; it was
to be erected on the internal wall of
the west façade of the church of San
Francesco della Vigna. The patron
would appear to have been the Patri-
arch of Aquileia, Giovanni Grimani,
who may have asked Palladio to
undertake this project around 1563-
1564. It was then abandoned in order
to begin work on the as yet unfinished
external west façade. The celebratory
theme is expressed in the form of a
majestic triumphal arch, proposed in
two versions, and enhanced by figures
drawn by Federico Zuccari. The
identity of these figures is uncertain,
apart from Wisdom at the top of the
monument in the left-hand solution.
The problem with relating this
drawing with Grimani patronage,
however, is also a lack of any cardinal’s
emblems.
Literature: Zorzi 1966, pp. 54-56;
Burns 1973, p. 152; MacTavish, in
Burns 1975, pp. 135-136, cat. 245;
Foscari, Tafuri 1983, pp. 143-145;
Tafuri 1985a, pp. 30-31; Battilotti
1999, no. 107, pp. 492-493; Puppi
1999, p. 425; Lewis 2000, pp. 242-
243; Morresi 2000, p. 151; Gaier
2002a, 1, pp. 197-234, especially 208-
222; Cooper 2005, p. 88.
[79.] andrea guerra
81. Giovanni Maria Falconetto
(1468-1535)
Project for an altar flanked
by two funerary monuments
c. 1520-1535
Pieced together from two sheets; the
join line is horizontal in the middle
of the drawing; the sheet is backed,
with a window to display the
inscription; ruler, compasses, stylus,
dark chalk, grey brown ink in the
elevation, yellow-brown ink in the
plan and the added measurements;
brush and grey wash; many small
holes have been made in the sheet
as a guide
636 × 476 mm
Notes on the drawing: on the recto,
‘P[iedi], 0[nce], M[inuti]’; above the
altar: ‘qvi crvcem cvm christo/
tvlerit/ omnibvs avctvs
erit/virtvtibus’; on the verso,
‘chass[oni?] de Gustinianij [?]’
Units of measurement and scale:
piedi, once, minuti (but no indication
of which city); 1 piede = c. 12.25 mm
(c. 1:28)
Florence, Gabinetto di Disegni
e Stampe degli Uffizi, U 2194 A
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
This very large drawing was pre-
sumably made for presentation to the
patron. Plan and elevation are aligned,
but recession is shown perspectively.
Care has been devoted to both archi-
tecture and figures; wash adds three
dimensionality. The structure is large:
the niches housing two figures ex-
emplifying the callings of arms and to
letters are 5 piedi wide. The total width
of the monument is about 37.60 piedi
and its height 44.66 piedi to the top of
the statue. The width, according to the
piede used (the city is not specified),
would vary from 13 to 13.50 m and the
height from 15.40 to 16 m. Few
Veneto churches (Sant’Anastasia in
Verona, and the Frari or San Giovanni
and Paolo in Venice are among them)
could house this structure. It is an
‘unwrapped’ funerary chapel (with an
altar to say masses for the two
deceased) to be built onto an interior
wall of a church. A third sarcophagus
appears below the figure of Charity.
Surprisingly, no coat of arms or
inscription with names is included.
The only clue to the identity of the
project is a scratchy note on the verso:
‘chass[oni?] de Gustinianij [?]’
(‘sarcophagi[?] of the Giustiniani [?]’).
The note is probably an identification,
but could also be a memorandum.
Gaier interpreted it as the former and
suggests that the project is of 1526 and
for a double tomb for Girolamo and
Marcantonio Giustinian in San
Francesco della Vigna in Venice: the
church was rebuilt by Sansovino from
1535 onwards, and the Badoer-
Giustinian chapel took a different
form. The main difficulty with Gaier’s
suggestion is that the proposed 152
153
[80.]
 154
[81.]
 monument is probably too large for
the church.
Curving plinths and an entablature
based on the Arco dei Gavi suggest a
Veronese inspiration. The triumphal
arch corresponds to the re-
construction of the Arch of Jupiter
Ammon in Verona, shown in three
Palladio drawings (cat. 82). Apart
from the deity’s horned head in the
keystone, these drawings also show
pedimented side bays, which are
absent in Giovanni Caroto’s re-
constructions of the arch of 1540 and
1560. With Caroto ruled out, only
two Veronese candidates remain:
Michele Sanmicheli and Falconetto.
Sanmicheli can be excluded on
stylistic grounds. Falconetto, architect
and painter, can, however, be identi-
fied as the author. The knowledge of
the antique displayed in the sheet
points to him, as does the skilful
montage of Veronese elements to
create a novel arch composition,
based on the Arches of the Gavi and
of Jupiter Ammon, the latter
imaginatively embellished with rect-
angular openings, reminiscent of the
niches in the terraces above the
Roman theatre in Verona. Character-
istic of Falconetto is the failure (as in
his two Paduan city gates) to give a
more than decorative role to the
columns, here dwarfed by heavy
entablatures and florid decoration.
The attribution is reinforced by the
existence of a drawing by the same
hand (Burns forthcoming). It may
well be that this design is for a tomb
for the Giustinian family. But Vasari’s
comment remains pertinent: ‘He
[Falconetto] desired nothing more
than that the occasion should present
itself to do things similar to those
[antique ones] in greatness, and
sometimes he made plans and designs
with the same care which he would
have employed had he had to execute
them immediately.’
Literature: Ferri 1885, p. xxix (‘un-
known sixteenth century artist’);
Burns, in Marini 1980a, pp. 99-101
(Falconetto); Gaier 2002a (Falco-
netto, for San Francesco della Vigna);
Burns forthcoming.
howard burns
82. Andrea Palladio,
after Giovanni Maria Falconetto
(1468-1535)
Elevation and details of the Arch
of Jupiter Ammon, Verona
c. 1540-1547; epsilon handwriting
Verso: blank, except for Talman
mark 49
This drawing has a washed and
ironed look; watermark: anchor in
circle surmounted by six-point star;
countermark C S with small cross;
155 ruler and stylus, compasses, no chalk
underdrawing visible, pen and light
brown ink
394.5 × 275 mm
Notes on the drawing: piεdi (four
times), p[iedi] (several times), o[nce]
(several times), m[inuti] (several
times); added by Palladio with a
different pen, ‘mεzurato co[n] εl
piεde antiquo’
Unit of measurement: piede antico
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc221/xii/14r
This drawing is a rapid and unfinished
copy of a reconstruction by Falconetto
of the fragmentary Arch of Jupiter
Ammon in Verona. The Veronese
painter-architect’s reconstruction in-
spired his large funerary altar design
(cat. 81) and resembles his perspectival
representations of arches in the frescoes
in the Palazzo d’Arco, Mantua. Palladio
immediately redrew this reconstruction
orthogonally in riba xii/22v, adding a
partial plan and a detail of the pedestal.
He later (1560s ?) reworked the re-
construction in riba xii/13r-v. These
drawings show how a copy of another
architect’s drawing could generate
further research and redrawing on
Palladio’s part over the years, as he
worked towards publication, which in
this case was not realised.
Literature: Spielmann 1966, p. 171,
cat. 218 (Palladio, probably before
1545); Schweikhart 1977, p. 40;
Burns, in Marini 1980a, pp. 100-101;
Tosi, in Marini 1980a, pp. 51-52;
Lewis 2000, pp. 47-49, cats 11-12
(Palladio, c. 1540; perhaps field
survey).
howard burns
[82.]
 16. The Refectory of San Giorgio Maggiore and the Monastery of the Carità, Venice
In the mid-fifteenth century, Flavio Biondo (an antiquarian whom
Palladio read closely) argued that the Benedictine monasteries were
the heirs to ancient Roman houses because of their sites and the fact
that they were often constructed on top of ancient ruins, like the
abbey of Grottaferrata, built over Cicero’s Villa Tuscolana. This
conviction was widely shared by sixteenth-century scholars of the
antique: monks, like Gregorio Cortese, and Vitruvian exegetists, like
Cesare Cesariano, who turned to Lombard religious residences to
illustrate aspects of the Roman domus (Beltramini 2007, p. 93).
Palladio was well aware of this tradition when, in the space of two
years, he designed two monastic buildings in Venice with un-
precedented solutions. He enacted a twofold revolution both in
terms of the consolidated typologies used by the two religious orders,
and in the Venetian tradition, as regards the construction and form.
For the refectory of the monastery of San Giorgio Maggiore, Palladio
designed a great masonry vault, inspired by the spaces of the ancient
baths, succeeding where Sansovino had failed fifteen years earlier in
the Libreria Marciana. For the monastery of the Carità he designed
an enormous palace, as magnificent as an ancient patrician domus,
[16.1.]
16.1. Monastery of
the Carità, ground
floor plan (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
2008)
16.2. Monastery of
the Carità, woodcuts
reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II,
pp. 30-31)
16.3. Cat. 84, detail
with a court surrounded by two stories of orders and an open atrium
with Composite columns in a giant order. At the beginning of his
commitments in Venice, Palladio had no hesitation in measuring
himself with the architecture of the ancients (to use the words of
Daniele Barbaro) and he did so on the grand scale which could be
afforded by a patronage that was private and collective: the Cassinese
Benedictines and the Lateran Canons, respectively.
The project for the Refectory of San Giorgio Maggiore dates from
the early months of 1560, since by July the contracts with the masons
had already been signed for the building work. It was completed in
1563 (Zorzi 1967, pp. 59-64). Palladio took over a building site which
had been interrupted many years earlier. The walls of the base, with
service spaces, had already been built and the large hall above, had
risen as far as the present-day windows. The typology was that of a
conventional monastic refectory, with a vestibule for the hand basins
and a long dining room with no particular spatial qualities which had
probably been conceived to be covered by an old-fashioned lunette
vault.
Despite these considerable restraints, Palladio created an all’antica
156
[2.]
 16.4. Monastery
of San Giorgio,
Refectory exterior

16.5. Monastery
of San Giorgio,
Refectory, main hall

[16.4.] [16.5.]

building never seen before in Venice. It seemed to stem directly from
his reflections on the variety of rooms in ancient residences (also
discussed by Alberti), or even from one of his studies reconstructing
the Roman baths: a series of three spaces, with different forms,
heights and ceilings, in a sequence designed to generate a complex
spatial experience. The first, very high room, with a pavilion vault, is
dominated by a large portal reproducing an elegant antique example:
the basilica of San Salvatore at Spoleto. A few steps lead up into the
vestibule with a much lower ceiling and cross vaulting. At the sides
of a portal – reproducing the proportions of the previous one but in
Palladian forms – two red marble hand basins recall ancient sar-
cophagi. Lastly, there is the great dining hall, dominated by a
stunning longitudinal barrel vault, which at the centre meets a
transversal vault, balancing the excessive length inherited from the
previous building site: the model is the vault for Antonio da
Sangallo’s Cappella Paolina in the Vatican, but the scale is triumphal
(Burns 1975, p. 137). The monks had insisted on preserving the stone
windows surrounds from the previous construction, which Palladio
dressed up with refined antiquarian touches, derived from the
Temple of Vesta: outside he placed moulded stone panels beneath
them and, inside, terracotta aedicules round them, thus adapting the
windows to the scale of the new hall (Burns 1975, p. 137). The great
thermal windows visible from the outside were left blind; they had
only been conceived from the outset as recesses to enliven the walls
supporting the vault (Beltramini 2007, p. 97). Paolo Veronese’s
Wedding at Cana (Paris, Musée du Louvre) originally dominated the
whole rear wall, and the monks, who dined on benches and tables
along the walls of the most strikingly all’antica environment in the
lagoon, could thus mirror themselves in the history of the antique.
In March 1561, while work was proceeding at full speed on the
Refectory of San Giorgio, Palladio delivered a wooden model to the
Lateran Canons for their new monastery, the Convento della Carità
and, on 1 June, he took up the post of supervisor of the construction,
a job for which he was paid for a whole year. Work must have
progressed rapidly, since the dates 1561 and 1562 can be read in the
Doric frieze of the court. We know little more, only that Palladio was
again at work in 1569, this time repairing the atrium, only for it to be
damaged by fire in 1630.

16.6. Monastery of
San Giorgio,
Refectory, plan
(drawing by Simone
Baldissini, 2008)

16.7. Monastery of
San Giorgio,
Refectory,
longitudinal section
(drawing by Silvio
Mazzoleni, 1969)

[16.6.] [16.7.]

158
 16.8. Monastery
of San Giorgio,
Refectory, cross
section of the first
vestibule (drawing
by Silvio Mazzoleni,
1969)

16.9. Monastery
of San Giorgio,
Refectory, cross
section of the second
vestibule (drawing
by Silvio Mazzoleni,
1969)

[16.8.] [16.9.]

The partial destruction of the monastery and its subsequent
transformation into a museum (now the Gallerie dell’Accademia)
must not obscure the fact that the building was first and foremost a
residence, as stressed by Palladio himself on publishing the project in
the Quattro Libri: ‘I sought to make this house look like those of the
ancients’ (ii, p. 29). But Palladio slightly understates his ambitious
objective. For generations the form of the Roman domus had been
the subject of keen debate, solely based on Vitruvius’ text with none
of the real examples that we have today, thanks to the later
excavations of Pompeii and Herculaneum. Daniele Barbaro and
Palladio had published their own reconstruction of the domus in the
translation of Vitruvius (ed. Barbaro 1556, p. 167), and that plan
provided the model for the Venetian monastery, which has a
surprising eight-columned atrium, two tablina (one used as sacristy,
the other as the Canons’ chapter) and a large court. Although
Palladio’s interpretation of the Corinthian atrium described by
Vitruvius is more like a peristyle, the atrium of the Carità is still
unique in Cinquecento architecture in terms of its refined (and
barely functional) all’antica rendering of the open atrium. We must
remember, however, that the monastery of the Carità was not an
abstract compendium of citations of antique spaces, but a building
designed with a careful distribution of spaces, like all’antica words
ordered according to a rigid syntax. In the Quattro Libri, Palladio
stresses, for example, the correspondence between the height of the
atrium ceiling and that of the third level of the court colonnade, and
how the columns of the tablina support the wall of the cella above.
This degree of care taken over integrating the parts of the domus ‘de’
nostri tempi’ (‘of our times’) is reminiscent of Antonio da Sangallo’s
rigorous alignment of the ground floor in the Palazzo Farnese, a
precedent well known to Palladio. Conceived as the reconstruction of
the Vitruvian house, this Roman residence also provided the model
for the arcaded court with two storeys of orders, even if, as in
Michelangelo’s modification, the third level is a solid wall. The Doric
order frieze has an elegant sequence of bucranes and swags, designed
with surprising inventive freedom, albeit based on ancient sources.
Like the two portals in the refectory of San Giorgio Maggiore, their
presence is justified by the need to vary the second Doric frieze, set
in the corresponding position in the outer façade of the convent.

16.10. Monastery
of San Giorgio,
Refectory, first
vestibule

16.11. Monastery
of San Giorgio,
Refectory, second
vestibule
with wash basins

159
[16.10.] [16.11.]
 [16.13.] [16.14.]
Once only legible from the other side of the canal (now filled in), it
is a canonic compendium of triglyphs and metopes.
Palladio is documented as having been paid for ‘li stampi’, i.e. the
moulds used to produce the bricks and moulded elements in the
architectural order. In fact, apart from a few stone elements, such as
bases and capitals, the building was made of brick and painted red to
smooth out inevitable colour variations in the individual elements
made of baked clay. This work was done so carefully that Henry
Wotton thought the columns for the Corinthian atrium were
monoliths.
Literature on the Refectory of San Giorgio Maggiore: Vasari 1568
(1906), vii, p. 529; Muttoni 1740-1760, iv, p. 16, pls xviii-xix;
Magrini 1845, pp. 47-48, xiii-xiv, no. 28; Damerini 1956, p. 64;
Ackerman 1966, p. 153; Zorzi 1967, pp. 36-42, 59-64; Puppi 1973,
pp. 338-339; Wilinski 1974-1976, pp. 67-151, especially pp. 133-135;
Burns 1975, pp. 136-138; Burns 1979a, pp. 9-34, especially p. 21;
Battilotti 1980b, pp. 261-265; Tiepolo 1980, pp. 50-51; Battilotti
1982, pp. 175-218, especially pp. 184-185; Boucher 1998, pp. 162-163;
16.12. Monastery
of the Carità, plan
of the tablinum and
oval stairs (drawing
by Gilda D’Agaro and
161 Vittoria Pelzel, 1965)
[16.15.]
Battilotti 1999, p. 487; Cooper 2005, pp. 109-111; Beltramini 2007, 16.13. Monastery of
the Carità, external
pp. 92-103. walls on the canal,
now filled in
16.14. Monastery of
Literature on the Monastery of the Carità: Vasari 1568 (1906), vii, p. the Carità, courtyard
529; Palladio 1570, i, p. 61, ii, pp. 29-32; Muttoni 1740-1760, i, pp. 1- 16.15. Monastery of
the Carità, oval stairs
4, pls iii-vi; Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, iv, pp. 37-41, pls xxiv-xxvi;
Lazzari 1835; Magrini 1845, pp. 48-52, xiv-xv; Zorzi 1965, pp. 240-
247; Ackerman 1966, pp. 153-156; De Angelis d’Ossat 1966, pp. 43-51;
Bassi 1971; Puppi 1973, pp. 333-336; De Carli, Zaggia 1974, pp. 421-
444; Burns 1975, pp. 138-140, 212, 226; Bassi 1978, pp. 89-111; Bassi
1980; Bassi 1980a, pp. 249-252; Marini 1980, pp. 461-463; Tiepolo
1980, pp. 45-49; Battilotti 1982, pp. 175-218, especially pp. 182-184;
Frommel 1990, pp. 146-165; Asquini 1992, pp. 231-237; Boucher 1998,
pp. 152-154; Piana 1998-1999, pp. 310-321; Battilotti 1999, pp. 486-
487; Cooper 2005, pp. 147-161; Modesti 2005; Gros 2006, pp. 71-73.
Guido Beltramini
 83. Guido Beltramini, Mauro
Zocchetta with Simone Baldissini
(designers); Pesavento Felice
& Figli snc with Ivan Simonato
(model makers)
Model of the Refectory
of San Giorgio Maggiore
2008
Wood
Height 50 cm; length 100 cm;
width 100 cm
Scale 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale
di Studi di Architettura Andrea
Palladio
84. Giovanni Antonio Canal,
called Canaletto (1697-1768)
Caprice View of the Monastery
of Lateran Canons, Venice
1743-1744
[84, photograph prior to restoration]
Oil on canvas
107.6 × 129.5 cm
Provenance: Consul Joseph Smith,
Venice; 1763-1770, King George iii
The Royal Collection, RCIN 406991
This view shows the cloister of the
monastery of the Lateran Canons, or
the Carità; the figures crowding the
scene include the canons, recognisable
in their white habit. The adoption of
a strictly central perspective, rather
unusual for a Canaletto veduta, sug-
gests that the artist made the image
not only through direct observation
but also by referring to the plates of
the building in the Quattro Libri (ii,
p. 6) and to Antonio Visentini’s
drawings. His aim in fact was not to
offer a view of the building’s
condition in the mid-eighteenth
century, but a didactic interpretation
162
 of what could be admired in Palladio’s
original drawings. The arm of the
cloister framed by the veduta has been
made symmetrical, thus reversing the
forms on one of its sides; all the arches
have been modified to create a strong
vertical thrust; the unbuilt balustrades
have been extended above the fic-
titious wings, to confer on the
building a sense of completeness that
it lacked.
The painting is one of a set of
thirteen to be placed above doors
(sovrapporte), made by Canaletto from
1743 to 1744. From the careful
inventory made by his patron, the
British Consul in Venice Joseph Smith
(1675-1770), we can surmise that these
works were explicitly commissioned
by Smith to furnish his residence on
the Grand Canal, or his country house
at Mogliano Veneto; it is not known,
however, how the individual paintings
were distributed in the various rooms.
All the paintings in the group take
Venice as their subject and, according
to Smith’s declared intentions, they
were to represent the ‘most admired
buildings’: these focused especially on
the major examples of Cinquecento
architecture, including as many as five
works by Palladio. In each of the views
of Palladio’s buildings, the painted
image departs from both the genres of
the veduta and the capriccio: the
elements of these representations are
not mere inventions, but drawn from
the plates in the Quattro Libri or
derived from the artist’s careful
observation of the architect’s extant
works. The existence of a specific
iconographic programme, presumably
developed by Smith in the context of
the cultivated circle that frequented
his celebrated art collection, is
confirmed by a second series of
sovrapporte. Commissioned from An-
tonio Visentini and Francesco
Zuccarelli, they were dedicated to the
most renowned Neo-Palladian build-
ings in Britain. A few years later,
Smith also published a facsimile
edition of the Quattro Libri. There is
no documentary evidence to suggest
that Canaletto took an interest in the
Palladian Revival. Indeed, in some of
the sovrapporte, the relatively poor
quality of the painting is seen as
evidence of his lack of emotional
involvement with the commission, or
the intervention of the hand of an
assistant: this work is one of them.
Literature: On this work: Levey 1964,
no. 413; Constable, Links 1989, ii, pp.
432-436, no. 456; Modesti 2005, pp.
262-273, fig. 115; Sdegno 2005, pp.
171-178, figs 17 and 22-26. On the
commission by Smith: Haskell 1963,
part 3, chap. 11; Levey 1964, pp. 32-33,
nos. 408-416; Levey 1964a, pp. 17-19
and p. 23, fig. 3; Vivian 1971,
Appendix A, no. 85/97, pp. 178 and
163 196-197; Barcham 1977, pp. 383-393;
Canaletto 1980, nos. 34-37; Delneri
1986, pp. 70-72; Delneri 1988, pp. 65-
76; Constable, Links 1989, pp. 432-
433; Delneri, Succi 1991, pp. 29-46;
Harris 1994a, pp. 247-265; Links 1994,
pp. 150-151.
susanna pasquali
85. Tommaso Temanza (1705-1789)
‘Vita/ Di/ Andrea Palladio/
Vicentino/ Egregio Architetto/
Scritta/ Da Tommaso Temanza/
Architetto, Ed Ingegnere/ Della/
Serenissima Repubblica/ Di
Venezia./ Accademico Olimpico/
di Vicenza,/ Et Ricovrato di
Padova/ Aggiuntevi In Fine/ Due
Scritture Dello Stesso Palladio/
Finora Inedite./ [Printer’s mark]/
In Venezia, MDCCLXII./
Presso Giambatista Pasquali./
Con Licenza De’ Superiori,
E Privilegio’
Quarto
273 × 200 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi di
Architettura Andrea Palladio,
cap b xviii 17
In his ‘Life of Andrea Palladio’,
Tommaso Temanza quotes a satirical
quatrain without mentioning the
source: ‘Non va il Palladio per male a
puttane/ che se tal volta pur gli suol
andare/ lo fa perché le esorta a
fabbricare/ un atrio antico in mezzo
Carampane’ (‘In visiting prostitutes,
Palladio does no wrong / even though
at times he frequents them / he goes
because he begs them to build / an [85, detail]
ancient atrium in the middle of the
Carampane’).
The building site of the new
monastery was generously funded by
Angelica Leoncini, who inherited a
fortune on the death of her elder sister,
the celebrated courtesan Giulia
Lombarda. As Temanza explains, the
‘Carampane’ was the red-light district
in Venice, and the quatrain probably
refers to Palladio’s atrium in the Carità
and its ‘profane’ funding. Recently it
has been suggested that the Leoncini
sisters are the female figures in
Carpaccio’s Two Venetian Courtesans,
now in the Museo Correr, Venice.
Literature: Temanza 1762, pp. lxxxi-
lxxxii; Ellero 2001, pp. 123-130.
guido beltramini
[85.]
17. Housing in Venice
We only know with certainty of two designs by Palladio for low-cost
housing in Venice: four standardised housing units (cat. 86a) and a
palazzo in the Quattro Libri (Palladio 1970, ii, p. 72). The site chosen
for the latter is not known, but the written text and drawings of the
plan and elevation describe it as a three-storey building, with a
corresponding three storey façade decorated by a sequence of Ionic,
Corinthian and Composite columns. This was a new development in
the output of Palladio, who in Vicenza always designed two-storey
houses, and may be explained by the intensive land use and costly
foundations in Venice (Burns 1975, p. 154). The shading on the façade
reveals that the central part of the building (six bays) projects beyond
the wings, while a long flight of stairs at the entrance, flanked by two
supporting walls, in turn emerges from the central part of the façade.
Given the size of the page, the decision to include the plan above the
elevation on the same sheet prevented Palladio from correctly
representing the former: the central part of the façade projects only
minimally. Palladio attempted to compromise by specifying in the
text that ‘the entrance projects a good deal’. The issue is not banal:
especially considering the projection of the stairs, this could hardly be
a waterside palace, but rather overlooked an open area – an unusual
site for Venice. The entrance is a sumptuous space with four columns
and a flat ceiling (Palladio specifies that the columns are identical to
those on the façade and therefore there was no room for a vault). The
entrance leads into a second room giving onto a lateral courtyard
(scarsella), a large oval stair, and, lastly, a small courtyard with two
loggias fronted with Ionic columns identical to those of the façade
and with a eustyle-type intercolumniation, the central bay being
wider than the others. Palladio responded to the irregular site by
establishing a massive central symmetrical block (corresponding to
the six bays in the projecting part) and sacrificing the regularity of the
left-hand wing, without bothering about the very small size of the
rooms on the courtyard due to the angled side. This was a strategy
Vincenzo Scamozzi would adopt in his Vicentine palaces, such as the
Palazzo Trissino al Corso (Scamozzi 1615, ii, p. 126). The internal
distribution is also organised rather offhandedly and is masked
behind the apparent regularity of the façade. Palladio writes that the
large sala on the piano nobile, above the entrance, is full height and
at the third level a balcony runs right round it. This element is also
17.1. Cat. 86b, detail 164
 17.2. I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 72)

17.3. Villa Cornaro,

Piombino Dese,
stairs

[17.3.]

found in the Villa Rotonda, and would also reappear in Scamozzi’s
Villa Molin alla Mandria.
The distinguishing element in the plan is the large oval staircase
with a void in the middle; the steps are supported by a continuous
spiral of columns, like the stairs of the Belvedere in the Vatican by
Bramante. The continuous spiral of columns is a new feature for this
kind of stairway, otherwise often used by Palladio (Burns 1975, p.
154). The reason for the novelty lies in the staircase’s exceptional
dimensions: a maximum oval diameter of over ten metres and flights
1.5 metres wide (too wide to leave them floating), almost double that
of the oval staircases in the monastery of the Carità (figs 16.12 and
16.16) and the Villa Cornaro at Piombino Dese (fig. 17.3), or the stairs
in the Palazzo Grimani at Santa Maria Formosa, Venice, although the
latter is only tentatively ascribed to Palladio. In addition to their
obvious function as a feature of official receptions, their scale may
also have been determined by the need to bring light into the central
area of the building, something which is achieved in the left-hand
wing by the small cavedio. A surviving preliminary study of this
building may be the drawing on riba xvi/9v (De Angelis d’Ossat
1956, pp. 158-161).
The use of the stairs as a light well is also found in the plan of a
palazzo drawn on riba xvi/8 Ar (cat. 87) and is one of the elements
for the suggestion made here that the building was sited in Venice. A
host of clues contribute to indicating that this building and cat. 86a
are not abstract exercises but practical studies: the first drawing is full
of executive details for a standardised building, the second, on the
grounds of its plan and size may refer to a casa da stazio, the typical
residence of the nobility and the mercantile bourgeoisie, which
continued to be built over the centuries in basically the same fashion,
with a portego (large hall and passage) crossing the whole length of the
building (in earlier periods it began as the façade loggia, which was
gradually transformed into a window with several lights), linking the
series of lateral rooms to the various floors.
In both drawings Palladio introduces variations and new features,
167 diverging from the usual organisation of Venetian residences. In the
standardised housing, the position of the doors, always at the centre
of a wall, is anomalous when compared to the traditional custom of
situating the doors off-centre, near the perimeter wall, for structural
reasons. In the drawing of the palazzo, Palladio radically departs from
this tradition, by setting the large stairs at the centre of the portego,
thus curbing its function as a passage. The design of the stairwell,
with an unusual rectangular plan and a void in the middle, allows
daylight to flood into the heart of the building. This idea develops in
an innovative way solutions already found in other Venetian
buildings (e.g. the Ca’ Pesaro degli Orfei, the Palazzo Da Mura on
Murano and the Cà Corner alla Ca’ Grande), in which, however,
light enters the portego from the side, thanks to windows giving onto
a small courtyard.
Literature: Palladio 1570, ii, p. 72; Muttoni 1740-1760, ii, pp. 42-43
pl. 54; Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, iv, pp. 47-48, pls 34-36; Trin-
canato 1948; Zorzi 1954, pp. 105-121; De Angelis d’Ossat 1956; Puppi
1973, pp. 290-292; Burns 1975, pp. 152-153; Huse 1979, pp. 68-74;
Bellavitis 1982, pp. 55-70; Gianighian 1984; Huse, Wolters 1989, pp.
27-38; Battilotti, in Puppi 1999, pp. 268-269; Cooper 2005, pp. 49-
61.
Guido Beltramini and Mario Piana
[86a.]
168
 86a. Andrea Palladio
Recto
Project for four standardised-type
housing units with courtyard
and well
1560s
Watermark: four crescents in a
crowned semicircle; ruler and stylus,
compasses, black chalk (some marks
in the middle of the drawing, traces
on the edges of the apertures, and a
scale on the left) pen and brown ink,
brush and sepia wash
346 × 211 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘cale, cale,
scoperto, scoperto, poco, poco’;
various measurements
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino or piede veneziano; 10 piedi
= 35 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc225/xvi/9r
Howard Burns was the first to analyse
this sheet correctly, when presented at
the 1975 London exhibition (Burns
1975). It represents a project for four
standardised housing units, which
must be located in Venice, due to the
use of the typical term cale at the
centre, referring to the small ‘streets’
which they overlook. This is a
practical study, referring to a real site,
as is demonstrated by the irregularities
in the plan, the lack of apertures on
the broken-profile end, suggesting the
presence of a neighbouring building,
the articulation of the stairs with a
single flight of fan-shaped steps, and
some meticulously executed minor
details.
Excluding the streets, the block of
the building is around 14 × 26 metres
wide; the hinted continuation of the
perimeter walls at the straight end
does not allow us to establish if they
are drawn indications of the context,
or if the units were meant to continue
along the longitudinal axis. The plan
only shows the ground floor, but the
twenty-six steps in each stair would
mean a difference in level of around
five metres, suggesting that the build-
ing was also to have a mezzanine in
addition to the first floor. The dotted
lines corresponding to the small
courtyards (requie in Venetian) could
indicate a projection of balconies on
the plane.
Two vertical conduits can be seen for
each housing unit, positioned inside
the walls of the end rooms. Four of
them, near the edges, are probably
169
gutters carrying rainwater to the cistern
beneath the well. The other four,
perhaps meant for discharging waste
water and sewage, suggest these rooms
were intended as kitchens. The
interpretation of the indenting in the
perimeter walls between the windows is
problematic, but probably indicates the
presence of fireplaces. In the four larger
rooms and the room overlooking the
street, the rectangular conduits in the
walls may reasonably be read as flues
and therefore indicate more fireplaces,
despite their surprising presence in all
the ground-floor rooms (except for the
entrance rooms), which is unusual for
Venetian buildings. This may be partly
explained by the fact that these
conduits are for fireplaces in the rooms
on the upper levels, not included in the
drawing, even though Venetian flues
are traditionally grouped into twos or
threes in the same vertical.
It is also difficult to explain the
presence of stylus and pencil marks
corresponding to the crossing of the
walls subdividing the living units,
barely legible and not confirmed in
the pen drawing. This is obviously an
initial idea, later abandoned, for
creating service rooms (for unknown
purposes); they could hardly be
bathrooms, given their absence in
contemporary Venetian buildings of
this kind and the fact that their
position interferes with the circu-
lation.
On the verso (cat. 86b) Palladio
sketches two alternatives for a
sequence of four standardised housing
units on an irregular site, suggesting
that it represents a known location.
Although we do not know if the site is
in Venice, the design is compatible
with the type of minor housing
projects which were also tackled in the
city by Sansovino.
Literature: Zorzi 1954, pp. 118-120;
Burns 1975, pp. 152-153; Cooper 2005,
p. 52.
guido beltramini and mario piana
86b. Andrea Palladio
Verso
Draft of a letter about
the port of Pesaro, projects for
low-cost housing in Venice,
sketches of a small church,
reconstructions of a theatre,
a palace plan, the Pola temples,
portals and doors
Mid-1550s (?); mature handwriting
Talman mark 54; graphite (?), pen
and light brown ink; all the drawings
are freehand
346 × 211 mm (on the recto)
Notes on the drawing (written after
the sheet was folded): ‘Ill[ustrissi]mo
et ecelentisimo havendo veduto el
modelo del porto de pe[saro]/
el[cancelled?] ch[e] a fato m[esser]
bortolameo genga et udito le rason
sue ce...[?]/n cio me a parso cosa... si
bele le vero ch[e] io no[n] me
arecor[do] / come stia el sito ne lo
efeto ch[e] facia li fiumi se porta /
asai materia al tempo dele pioge et se
vano del cor... [Zorzi reads
‘contr(ario)’] / aquistando piu lito et
resterengando [= ristringendo] el
mare p[er] no[n]/ esere stato a pesaro
solo p[er] pas[sag]gio ma jo dicho
bene [che?] ... / quela casa [=cassa?]
seria visibele et durera p[er] petuo
bela/ i[n]ventione e durera
grandissimo tenpo’
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
or piede veneziano, in the ink sketch
of a housing development at the top
of the sheet
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings and
Archives Collection, sc225/xvi/9v
This sheet is of great interest. It is the
only case – apart from the drawing
showing ideas for the city hall in
Brescia (cat. 142) – in which we see
Palladio freely associating antique
schemes and ideas for modern pro-
jects. In addition to a draft letter
commenting on the model of Barto-
lomeo Genga (1518-1558) for the port
of Pesaro, which Palladio had seen in
Venice, at the top of the sheet there are
sketches for low-cost housing in
Venice and two plans of ancient
theatres. The two bays of a palatial
façade, top left, have pedimented
window tabernacles, like those which
appear in the project for the Ducal
Palace, Venice (cats 181-182). Bottom
left, there is a plan of a grand Venetian
palace, related to a plate in the Quat-
tro Libri (ii, p. 72). Among the other
sketches are a portal, the façade
elevation and plan of a small domed
chapel or church, an altar design (?), a
rusticated portal, and a sketch plan of
the twin temples at Pula (see the
Quattro Libri, iii, pp. 32-33, which
Palladio explains he has incorporated
into his reconstruction of the Greek
square; iv, pp. 107-109). The housing
schemes are different from that on the
recto, and show a sequence of essen-
tially identical units for a somewhat
irregular site. The theatre plan at the
top resembles that of the Teatro Berga
in Vicenza (cat. 126a), model for the
Roman theatre plan in the 1556
edition of Vitruvius.
The testimony of Vasari (whose
informant may have been Palladio)
that Genga himself presented his
model for the port at Pesaro to experts
gathered in the house of Conte
Giovan Iacomo Leonardi (ambassador
of the Duke of Urbino in Venice till
1558 and friend of Trissino and
Daniele Barbaro) relates directly to
Palladio’s draft letter: Palladio in fact
writes that he had seen the model and
heard Genga’s arguments. Zorzi dated
this sheet to 1548, because Palladio
witnessed a document in Venice in
that year. Puppi, however, is certainly
correct in seeing the meeting, and
consequently the letter, as from a time
when Palladio was collaborating
closely with Barbaro in the period
immediately before the publication of
the 1556 Vitruvius (the ancient theatre
plans can be connected with a plate in
the Vitruvius). None of the sketches is
demonstrably after the mid-1550s; a
later dating could only be sustained by
arguing that Palladio was copying or
rewriting his letter to Leonardi, some
years after it had first been written.
This is not impossible, but it is more
probable that it was an immediate
reaction to Genga’s model. The letter,
though only a rough draft, is import-
ant, given the lack of autograph texts
by Palladio, as it shows that Palladio
was capable of writing about archi-
tecture without initial help from
friends or collaborators.
Literature: Vasari 1568 (1906), vi, p.
327; Zorzi 1965, pp. 35-37, and fig. 31;
Battilotti 1999, pp. 468-469 (on the
palace project); Puppi 1999, pp. 290-
292; Cooper 2005, pp. 49-53, and fig.
46.
howard burns
87. Andrea Palladio
Project for a palazzo (in Venice?)
Verso: part of a plan for a palazzo
with square stairs at the end of the
portego, flanked by four rooms on
either side with rectilinear stairs;
Talman mark 150
No watermark; ruler and stylus,
measuring compasses, pen and brown
ink, brush and sepia wash; traces
of a scraped line in top right
and two possibly unintentional signs
on the stairs, scraped later
115 × 218 mm (cut on lower
and upper margins)
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
or piede veneziano
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
[86b.] 170
 (John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings and
Archives Collection, sc225/xvi/8dr
Contrary to what Zorzi believed and
despite the irregularities shared by the
two plans (the buildings both project
out over the calle), this drawing is not
an alternative design for the site
referred to in cat. 86a: the overall
dimensions of the building are differ-
ent (c. 69 × 99.5 piedi = c. 24 × 34
metres) and the ends of the building
have windows, thus presupposing a
double front. The four alternatives for
the plan of a palazzo (riba xvi/9 B)
were thus intended for a different site.
These alternatives are found on a sheet
originally glued alongside 9 A, prob-
ably by Lord Burlington, whose over-
[87.]
171
all dimensions are approximately 47.5
× 92 piedi (approx. 16 × 32 m).
The plan, divided into three units
and a portego (large central hall and
passage), and the presence of doors
positioned near the perimeter wall
suggest that this a project for a
Venetian site. The drawing does not
show the ground-floor plan, but that
of an upper floor. This can be deduced
from the absence of external points of
access and the multi-light windows at
the ends of the building. On the right-
hand side is a street, partially covered
at the ends by service rooms jutting
out over the passage.
The organisational solution of the
building is unusual on the grounds of
the position and number of vertical
links: there are three main stairs, plus
another two serving mezzanine rooms.
The square-plan stairs, flanked by
small cavedi, interrupt the central
portego, in a way alien to conventional
Venetian building practice. The two
other rectilinear stairs with double
flights of many steps span a vertical
difference in level of around 6 metres.
The most likely explanation is that
these stairs serve different, independ-
ent floors. The twin stairs thus
probably belong to the floor shown in
the drawing, possibly the second floor.
The central stair, completely sur-
rounded by windows and with no
access to the two double flights,
probably only serves the lower floor
and provides a light well for the
second floor.
Literature: Zorzi 1954, pp. 118-120;
Burns 1975, pp. 152-153.
guido beltramini and mario piana
 18. The Church of San Giorgio Maggiore, Venice
The church of San Giorgio Maggiore was Andrea Palladio’s first
project for the complete reconstruction of a religious building. The
earlier designs for San Pietro di Castello (1559) and San Francesco
della Vigna (1564-1565) had only involved the façades. Seen by
Giorgio Vasari just after its completion, the wooden model was
already being built at the end of 1565, whereas the building site was
opened on March 1566, a few years after the completion of the
Refectory (cat. 83).
This was a very prestigious project because of the importance of
the patrons, Cassinese Benedictines, and the location on the island of
San Giorgio. The complex was one of the oldest monastic settlements
in Venice and its position in the heart of the Bacino di San Marco
meant that it had always been a prominent landmark. Many six-
teenth-century paintings included the monastery as the background
to views of the Piazzetta, highlighting the contrast between official
public buildings and the monastery on the island, surrounded by tall
cypresses, vegetable gardens and vineyards. The monastery conveyed
an image of a tranquil solitary place, ideal for nurturing the spiritual
benefits of the contemplative life, as opposed to, and complementing,
places connected with the active life. Not surprisingly, in the Middle
Ages some doges had retired from politics to live out the rest of their
earthly existence on San Giorgio. This symbolic visual link between
the island and the city’s civic buildings was highlighted by the ducal
procession, held on Christmas and St. Stephen’s Day every year since
the twelfth century. Welcomed by the abbot, the doge entered the
church of San Giorgio to worship the relics of the Protomartyr
Stephen, preserved under the high altar.
Despite major reconstruction work around 1419, the church had
always remained of modest dimensions, separated into three naves
by columned arcades and preceded by a spacious quadriporticus.
Palladio considerably increased the dimensions of the building,
introducing a cruciform plan with projecting transepts and a dome
over their crossing. This solution seems to combine a quincunx
arrangement, recognisable in the area organised around the dome,
and the basilica plan of three naves. A similar scheme was adopted
in the church of Santa Giustina in Padua, one of the most important
congregation churches, already coming to completion just before
1562 (Burns 1975, p. 142; Ackerman 1977, pp. 17-20). From this

18.1. Church of the

Monastery of San
Giorgio, plan
(drawing by Simone
Baldissini, 2008)

18.2. Church of the

Monastery of San
Giorgio, longitudinal
section (drawing
by Silvio Mazzoleni,
1968)

18.3. Cat. 90, detail

172
[18.1.] [18.2.]
 [18.5.] [18.6.]

precedent, Palladio seems to have borrowed the giant order on a Imperial Roman forum to the whole of the Bacino di San Marco, the 18.4. Church of the
Monastery of San
high base, but intersected it with a minor order of slender columns urban heart of the Venetian Republic. Giorgio, interior

set on the ground, thus making the internal space more transparent 18.5. Church of the
Monastery of San
and luminous. He reduced the side chapels to simple altars set Literature: Damerini 1956; Zorzi 1966, pp. 36-77; Isermeyer 1968, Giorgio, façade

against the walls and transformed the sequence of domes over the pp. 42-58; Timofiewitsch 1968, pp. 13-53; Ackerman 1972, pp. 60- 18.6. Church of the
Monastery of San
nave used in the Paduan church into a single barrel vault. The 77; Burns 1975, pp. 140-142, cat. 252; Ackerman 1977, pp. 9-26, Giorgio, monks’ choir

church was extended in only one direction, westwards, by especially pp. 17-20; Battilotti 1980b, pp. 261-265; Isermeyer
demolishing the old quadriporticus. In this way the façade was not 1980, pp. 259-268; Cooper 1991; Ackerman 1994a, pp. 251-258,
only more visible from the Bacino di San Marco, but some parts of especially pp. 255-257; Boucher 1994, pp. 182-194; Battilotti 1999,
the old presbytery to the east could be left intact, conserving the pp. 495-496; Puppi 1999, pp. 363-369; Guerra 2001, pp. 93-110;
high altar with the sacred relics and the monk’s choir. The new Cooper 2005, pp. 109-145; Guerra 2006, pp. 353-383; Guerra
church was thus to be attached to the structure of the old choir and 2006a, pp. 161-181.
was to end after the last bay in the central nave, possibly with an
exedra of columns (Guerra 2001, pp. 95-98; Guerra 2006, pp. 378- Andrea Guerra
381). The whole present-day area of the presbytery, with the high
altar, and beyond it, the deep choir, was the outcome of work done
from 1581 to 1589 (fig. 18.6), modifying the original project after
Palladio’s death (cat. 91).
An alternative solution was also envisaged for the façade: a pronaos
with giant columns instead of the present flat façade made from 1597
to 1610 (cat. 90). Had this pronaos been erected, it would have been
a completely new solution for Venice, and highly unusual for the
period, as Palladio himself acknowledged when describing his project
for the façade of San Petronio, Bologna in a letter of 1579 (Ackerman
1994a, pp. 255-257). Only Michelangelo, before him, had proposed a
similar solution, for St. Peter’s, Rome, as seems to be demonstrated
by an autograph drawing (cat. 92) and subsequent engravings by
Étienne Dupérac. Understandably, the Benedictines themselves, right
from the opening of the building site in 1566, had decided to
postpone indefinitely the construction of such an innovative façade.
The pronaos would have given the church the appearance of an
ancient tetrastyle temple, drastically changing the appearance of the
island. Its visual link with the nearby Biblioteca Marciana in the
Piazzetta (1537-1556), based on models of the Basilica Aemilia and the
175 Theatre of Marcellus, would have extended the image of an ancient
 88. Giovanni Antonio Canal,
called Canaletto (1697-1768)
San Giorgio Maggiore
from the Bacino
di San Marco
c. 1740
Oil on canvas
60.5 × 95.1 cm
Provenance: Lord Cromwell;
Christie’s 1984; City Art Galleries,
Manchester
Manchester City Galleries, 1984.3
This is a veduta of the island of San
Giorgio Maggiore seen from the
Bacino di San Marco; in the distance
the view widens to include a strip of
sea and the Riva degli Schiavoni. The
white Istrian stone façade of the
church is represented almost orth-
ogonally and the shadow accentuates
the pedestals of the giant order.
Immediately behind lies a wall
containing the thermal windows and
the dome. Adjacent to the church, the
monastery is accentuated by the large
arch which serves as the entrance for
boats.
The view of San Giorgio has a
companion painting of the same size
and similar subject: The Church of the
Redentore (cat. 115). A copy of this pair
of paintings is known to exist, while
other versions of the two subjects
[88.]
appear individually in various col-
lections alongside different views of
Venice. Interestingly, the patron of this
specific pair of paintings – we do not
know his name but we may reasonably
presume he was English – wished to
have a particular image of Venice: two
views of the lagoon city, predictably
picturesque in the minor details, but
featuring carefully chosen architecture
– the two major Palladian churches in
the city.
Literature: Constable, Links 1989, i, p.
xlix, ii, p. 735, no. 301* (alternative
no. 301); Links 1998, p. 30, no. 301*
(alternative no. 301**).
susanna pasquali
89a/b. Paolo Farinati (1524-1606)
Interior view of the church
of San Giorgio Maggiore
(possibly from a wooden model)
After 1565
Charcoal, pen and brown ink,
watercolour
288 × 407 mm
Notes on the drawing:
on the recto, ‘A’, ‘B’ (twice), ‘R’,
‘X’; ‘p 16 1/2’ (twice), ‘piedi 12’;
on the verso, ‘A’, ‘X’
Verona, Museo di Castelvecchio,
Gabinetto di Disegni e Stampe,
25437-2B1952 r-v
On both sides of this sheet the artist
has sketched views of the church of
San Giorgio Maggiore with details of
the architectural order. On the façade
interior a large round window (1571) is
still in place over the West door and
the entrance portal is different from
the one built by Palladio using the
columns from the previous church:
the idea of reusing the stones, already
mentioned in the Quattro Libri of
1570 (iv, p. 16), almost certainly oc-
curred to the architect during the
demolition work begun in March 1566
and after the design. This drawing,
therefore, may show the original
solution in the wooden model (1565),
which possibly opened up, thus
allowing Farinati to examine the
interior, as is suggested by the dis-
torted perspective of the naves.
Literature: Puppi 1971, pp. 162-171,
especially p. 170; Marinelli 1993, pp.
13-22, especially p. 16; Marini 2000, p.
31; Svalduz, Zaggia, in Marini,
Marini, Rossi 2005, pp. 68-70, cat. 4.
andrea guerra
90. Andrea Palladio
Project for the façade
of San Giorgio Maggiore
1565
Pen and ink, ruler, compasses,
incised lines
293 × 200 mm
Unit of measurement and scale:
piede veneziano; 10 piedi veneziani =
34 mm according to the scale
indicated on the plinth of the giant
order
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc223/xiv/12r (right)
Dating from around 1565, this
drawing of only half of the elevation
shows the original unbuilt design for
the façade of the church of San
Giorgio. Palladio adopts the scheme
of a tripartite façade, which appears in
other sheets (cat. 77), but here inserts
a columned portico in the central bay.
The drawing is built up from the
curved line of a quarter circle incised
with the compasses set in the central
intercolumnation at the height of the
capitals. The line coincides with the
present barrel vault of the nave
176
 [89a.]

[89b.]
177
[90.]
178
 interior. The orthogonal drawing thus
enabled Palladio to check the
dimensions between exterior and
interior on the same plane. Under the
portico, a large circular window was
to be opened; it was created in 1571
(cat. 89a) but later walled up
following a change to the project, and
is still visible today on the internal
wall of the façade.

Literature: Wittkower 1964, p. 93;

Barbieri 1966, pp. 337-355, especially
pp. 341-344; Zorzi 1966, p. 7;
Isermeyer 1972, pp. 105-133, especially
p. 112; Burns 1973, p. 146; Burns 1975,
pp. 142-143, cat. 254; Frommel 1977,
pp. 107-124, especially pp. 113, 121;
Timofiewitsch 1980, pp. 237-246;
Cooper 1990, pp. 136-145, especially
pp. 136-138; Ackerman 1994a, pp. 251-
258, especially p. 255; Boucher 1994,
pp. 176-180; Guerra 2002, pp. 276-
295, especially pp. 281-284; Cooper
2005, p. 140.

andrea guerra

91. Anonymous Draftsman

Plan of the church of San Giorgio
Maggiore with portico
c. 1581
Pen and ink, watercolour, ruler,
compasses, incised lines
870 × 565 mm
Units of measurement and scale:
passo veneziano; 10 passi veneziani
= 120 mm according to the scale
indicated on the longitudinal axis
of the church
Venice, Archivio di Stato,
Miscellanea Mappe 857/dis. 1

The plan is an accurate survey of one

half of the monastery church and
cloisters at the end of the first
building campaign (1566-1575) and
immediately after Palladio’s death.
Dating from around 1581, the
drawing seems to summarise the
original project and update it ahead
of the construction of parts not
initially included in Palladio’s scheme
(the presbytery and choir, 1581-1589).
Palladio’s inventions (including a
porticoed façade, but modified
compared to cat. 90) are combined
with solutions by others, such as the
non-load bearing free-standing
columns added in the corners of the
presbytery. Those responsible for the
changes may have included Marcan-
tonio Barbaro, whose presence at San
Giorgio was documented in 1581,
and, through his good offices, the
young Vincenzo Scamozzi (1548-
1616).

Literature: Timofiewitsch 1962, pp.

160-163; Barbieri 1966, pp. 337-355,
especially pp. 341-344; Zorzi 1966, p. [91.]
52; Ackerman 1967b, i, pp. 110-115,
179 especially pp. 114-115; Burns 1975, p.
143, cat. 255; Frommel 1977, pp. 107-
124, especially p. 121; Battilotti, in
Puppi 1980c, pp. 264-265, cat. 431;
Timofiewitsch 1980, pp. 237-246;
Cooper 1990, pp. 136-145, especially
pp. 138 e 144, no. 11; Battilotti 1999,
no. 171, p. 510; Puppi 1999, pp. 428-
431; Guerra 2001, pp. 93-110, especially
p. 104; Guerra 2002, pp. 276-295,
especially pp. 285-286.
andrea guerra
92. Michelangelo Buonarroti
(1475-1564)
Topographic study for the main
façade and portico of the Basilica
of St. Peter in the Vatican
and eight lines of verse
1546-1547 (?)
Charcoal (sketch) and pen (verse)
217 × 211 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘Di te conteco
amor molt’anni sono / nutrito ho
l’alma e se non tutto imparte / il
corpo ancora; e con mirabilarte / con
la speme il desir m’ha fatto buono //
Or lasso alzo il pensier con lalie e
sprono / mestesso in più sicura e
nobil parte. / le tuo promesse indarno
delle carte / e del tuo onor di che
piango e ragiono’ [‘Of you, with you
with love, for many years / I
nourished my soul and if not all, in
part / also my body; and with
admirable art / through hope, desire
made me good // Now weary, I raise
my thought with wings and drive /
myself to safer and more noble parts.
/ Your vain promises on paper / and
of honour, which I mourn and think
on’]
Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, Vat. Lat. 3211, fol. 92v
[Not exhibited]
Noted by Frey among the drawings
belonging to Fulvio Orsini, this sketch
was identified by Tolnay as an idea of
Michelangelo for the main façade of
St. Peter’s, Rome. It is the only known
autograph representation of this part
of the building (Frey 1987, p. 231;
Tolnay 1927, pp. 158-161; Tolnay 1930;
Tolnay 1976-1980, no. 592). On the
same sheet is a fragment of a sonnet,
inspired by Petrarch (‘Voi ch’ascoltate
in rime sparse il suono’); the suggested
date for the verse is 1547-1550 (Frey
1987, p. 485; Noè Girardi 1960, p.
438). The sketched plan is of the
eastern sector of the basilica showing a
deep colonnaded portico at the main
entrance. On the right, the ramps of
stairs lead up to the Palazzi Apostolici,
which, according to Alfarano’s plan,
made before the demolition of the
Constantinian Basilica, flanked the
chapel of St. Gregory. The position of
the stairs in the north-east corner of
the quadriporticus of St. Peter’s enables
us to situate the scheme in the topo-
graphy of the Vatican (Satzinger 2005
and 2008, fig. 19, p. 144). The two
adjacent rooms shown in the plan
would thus correspond, albeit with
some inconsistencies, to the Sala Regia
and the Cappella Paolina.
The vague description of the build-
ing masses involved, the summary
interior plan of the Basilica, and the
proposed date of the sonnet (1547;
Noè Girardi 1960, p. 438) suggest this
sketch was made during Michelan-
gelo’s early years of work on St. Peter’s
(Thoenes 1968 and 2006 [2008]). It
seems to record his preoccupations,
expressed in a celebrated letter to
‘messer Bartolomeo’, in which he
refers to topics known to have been
discussed with Paul iii in winter 1547-
1548, after Sangallo’s project had been
shelved because it would have
involved: ‘pulling down Paul’s chapel,
the Stanza del Piombo, the Stanza
della Ruota and many others; nor
would the Sistine Chapel, I believe,
have come off unscathed’ (Carteggio,
iv, mlxxi, pp. 251-252).
Michelangelo continued to work on
the frescoes in the Cappella Paolina
until 1549. And the chapel built and
frescoed at the behest of Paul iii was a
crucial factor in the decision to
abandon the project according to
Sangallo’s model, since the con-
struction of the north tower in the
façade in that project would have
involved demolishing the chapel
(Frommel 1964, p. 20). Clearly topo-
graphical in approach, the plan
appears to touch on issues, which to
Michelangelo’s mind, could have con-
nected the project to what he believed
was Bramante’s original composition,
forthrightly described in the same
letter as: ‘clear and straightforward,
well-lit and isolated from the sur-
roundings’. This dashed-off sketch,
with few reference points and the
obvious error of the portico with a
column on the central axis, thus seems
to have been made to inform a
discussion on the distant future of the
basilica. In fact in the early years of
Michelangelo’s involvement in St.
Peter’s, the lively debate on the fate of
Sangallo’s project must also have
touched on issues concerning the
main façade. This seems to be
corroborated by the medal coined for
the Jubilee of 1550. Three years after
Sangallo’s death, the medal still shows
the façade according to his model
(Thoenes 1995, p. 366). A drawing
attributed to Pirro Ligorio is linked to
this project by the form of the dome
and the presence of two bell towers on
the façade: it shows Paul iii holding a
model of the basilica ending in a
pronaos with six free-standing
columns (Thoenes 2000, p. 43).
The idea for the central plan of the
church, entered by a deep pronaos
inspired by the Pantheon, is also
found, with significant variations, in
various works: the drawings made
after Michelangelo’s death, now in
Naples (Keller 1976) and Florence
(Uffizi Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe,
collezione Santarelli, fols 174-175); a
sketch originally in the Dyson Perrins
collection (Tolnay 1930; Smyth 1970);
and the engravings by Étienne
Dupérac of 1569 (Bedon 1995). It is
possible that these versions virtually
completing the building were based
on Michelangelo’s ideas, as indicated
in Dupérac’s drawing: ‘ex exemplari
michaelis angeli buonarroti...
delineata’. There is, however, no
certain information to confirm that
Michelangelo ever produced a com-
plete project for the eastern sector of
the building and the façade in
particular. The alternative solutions in
these drawings, however, raise many
questions about the final form of the
architecture he envisaged and the
impact it would have had on an urban
scale (Alker 1921; Thoenes 1963 and
1968; Satzinger 2005 and 2008;
Thoenes 2006 [2008]).
Despite the uncertainties, the
drawings all agree on the idea of a
central plan with a pronaos on the
main façade. They would thus seem to
have been based on the proposal in the
Biblioteca Vaticana drawing, which
differs from the others as regards the
depth of the portico.
We can surmise that Michelangelo
had communicated his idea of ending
the building with a portico in this
scheme and that it was developed
from the vague image in the
Biblioteca Vatican sketch into the
more realistic solutions depicted in
the engravings and drawings made
after his death.
Palladio may have heard an echo of
these ideas as early as his Roman trip
of 1547 (see pp. 54-56), or perhaps a
trip of 1550, now known through
recently discovered documents (Bel-
tramini, Demo 2008). According to
Palladio’s biographer Gualdo, during
this visit, he was consulted on the
Vatican basilica (Gualdo, in Zorzi
1958-1959; Zanchettin 2008). Later,
on his last known trip to Rome in July
1554, his natural curiosity in the most
important papal building site must
have been further whetted by the work
begun with the support of Julius iii.
Despite its vagueness, Michelangelo’s
sketch is an effective image of ideas
that may have influenced Palladio’s
designs as they moved toward making
central plans with columned-
porticoed entrances, such as those in
the projects for San Petronio (cat. 150)
and San Giorgio Maggiore (cat. 91).
They may also have influenced him in
the more prudent designs, also in
terms of building stability, for the Villa
Chiericati at Vancimuglio, the Villa
Rotonda and the Tempietto at Maser
(cats 57, 183, 123).
Literature: Frey 1897; Alker 1921; 180
 [92.]

181
Tolnay 1927; Tolnay 1930; Noè Gi-
rardi 1960; Thoenes 1963; Barocchi,
Ristori 1965-1983; Thoenes 1968;
Smyth 1970; Keller 1976; Tolnay 1976-
1980; Bedon 1995; Thoenes 1995;
Thoenes 2000; Satzinger 2005; Thoe-
nes 2006 (2008); Satzinger 2008.
vitale zanchettin
93. Vincenzo Luchino (publisher
active in Rome 1552-1566)
Exterior view of the extrados
of an apse of the Basilica
of St. Peter in the Vatican
1564
Copper engraving
385 × 550 mm (Satzinger 2005);
384 × 586 mm (Millon, Smyth 1994)
Inscription: ‘pio iiii. p. m. dicatum
/ forma partis / templi / divi
petri in / vaticano / michael
angelus / bonarotus / inventor
/ romae vincentius luchinus
excu.(dit) / cum privilegio
mdlxiiii’
Rome, Istituto Nazionale
per la Grafica, Gabinetto
delle Stampe, F.N. 120631
Published by Luchino in the year of
Michelangelo’s death (1564), this en-
graving shows the extrados of an apse
in St. Peter’s and the two short wings,
pierced by the deep windows, flanking
the external hemicycles.
The overall arrangement in the
lower part, with the rhythm set by the
giant pillars, carefully renders the
actual building, respecting the se-
quence of profiles and proportions of
the individual parts in the con-
struction. In the upper part, the attic
is shown in the condition it was left in
by Michelangelo, with a smooth
surface interrupted by large arched
windows lighting the apse interior.
The papal coat of arms and the
dedicatory inscription in the upper
part of the drawing conceal the
winding line of the bare attic walls
above the giant order of pilasters,
easily recognisable in the view attrib-
uted to Dosio in the sheet U 2536 A
(Dosio [1976], p. 63). When the
engraving was printed, only the
extrados in the south transept had
reached this height, but its overall
form could not have been easily made
out, partly because of the presence of
the rotunda of Santa Maria della
Febbre, which still backed onto the
new basilica while it was being built.
Although depicting the south apse,
the view may be considered as a kind
of model aimed at fixing Michel-
angelo’s definitive ideas for the
extrados to be used throughout the
building. Concealing uncertainties
and problems left unsolved, it renders
a complete image with all the elements
for a sector of the building to be
replicated in the other three apses in
the new basilica. On these grounds, it
is very likely that the engraving was
conceived as one of a larger collection
of views aimed at illustrating a
possible final project, just after Miche-
langelo’s death, and that there existed
other preparatory drawings for this
interrupted publishing project (Bedon
2008, p. 202, no. 149).
It has been suggested that the
engraving was partly based on the
wooden model made by Michelangelo
in the early months of 1547 (Coolidge
1942, pp. 98, no. 54, 112 ff.; Saalman
1975, pp. 380-386). The overall form
and the proportions of this model
would seem to correspond more, how-
ever, to those shown in U A 96, which
differs from the actual building in the
form of the central window and the
height of the real entablature (the
approximate ratio between pilaster
and entablature is 1:6 in U A 96, com-
pared to 1:4.5 in Luchino’s engraving).
The author of the engraving may
thus have taken the overall form of the
building from Michelangelo’s wooden
model, but the measurements of the
members seem to have been mainly
derived from a direct comparison with
the built basilica.
On his last visit to Rome in 1554,
Palladio possibly saw Michelangelo’s
first model for St. Peter’s, in his house
at Macel de’ Corvi. Moreover, by this
date the constructed parts and the
apsidal area of the south transept, in
particular, already clearly showed the
giant order framing the various levels
of the building.
The construction, however, raised
many doubts about the form and
proportions to be adopted to complete
the members. Luchino’s engraving,
which was the first of many printed
images of Michelangelo’s project, was
made in the year of the Florentine
architect’s death and ten year’s after
Palladio’s last trip to Rome. Luchino
had his copper engravings made by the
printers Salamanca-Lafréry to whom
he is documented as being indebted in
1563 (Ehrle 1908, p. 39; Bedon 2008).
When the company of Salamanca-
Lafréry was dissolved in 1563, Luchi-
no’s publishing project was taken up
by Dupérac, who, in 1569, printed
three celebrated engravings, which he
presented as Michelangelo’s definitive
idea for St. Peter’s. These prints show
some important similarities with
Luchino’s engraving, but also sub-
stantial differences in the general
conception, since they show all the
parts of building as completed rather
than only the actual construction.
There is no firm evidence that
Palladio knew this engraving, but he
was in direct contact with the
publisher. Ten years before publishing
the elevation of St. Peter’s, Vincenzo
Luchino, under the name of Lucrino,
had published Palladio’s first printed
books in 1554 during his last Roman
stay: the two small guides entitled
Descrittione de le chiese stazioni... che
sono nella città de Roma and L’an-
tichità di Roma (cats 159 and 160), for
which Luchino bought the rights for
ten years. Moreover, again in 1554, an
edition of the L’antichità di Roma was
published in Venice by Matteo Pagan,
possibly without the authorisation of
the Roman publisher (Daly Davis
2007, p. 151), who is known to have
been in contact with Venetian
publishing circles at least until 1569,
after which time there is no further
trace of his activities (Bedon 2008, p.
203, no. 150; Borroni Salvadori 1980).
Palladio’s Roman books and the
engravings of St. Peter’s could thus be
clues to Palladio’s early knowledge
about the architecture of the south
apse of the basilica and an important
source for his use of the giant order.
The careful reproduction of the
members of the completed south apse,
shown in an orthogonal projection in
Luchino’s engraving, could have
cleared up many of Palladio’s doubts at
the time of his last visit to the Vatican
building site. The giant order, espe-
cially on the upper level of the
aedicule-framed windows might thus
have been a source for Palladio’s more
mature solutions for the intersection
between orders of different sizes,
which he had possibly already guessed
at a decade earlier but had remained
latent in his design activities. The
outcome of his late approach to this
theme can be seen in the façades of
palaces built subsequently, and in
church interiors, such as the apses of
the transept in the church of the
Redentore (cat. 116), clearly a version
of the tripartite south hemicycle of St.
Peter’s.
Literature: Ehrle 1908; Coolidge 1942;
Ackerman 1961 (1986), pp. 214-216;
Thoenes 1968, p. 332 no. 9; Millon,
Smyth 1969; Dosio [1976], p. 63;
Borroni Salvadori 1980; Millon,
Smyth 1988; Millon, Smyth 1994, p.
652; Thoenes 2000a, pp. 37-38;
Satzinger 2005, p. 84; Daly Davis
2007; Bedon 2008.
vitale zanchettin
182
 [93.]

183
19. Venice: the Rialto projects
To grasp the significance of Palladio’s ideas for the Rialto, we must
begin with the old wooden bridge, which can be seen in the
background of a painting by Vittore Carpaccio, now in the Gallerie
dell’Accademia, Venice (fig. 19.2): a temporary structure, with the
central section which actually opened, equipped with tie-rods and
pulleys. This fifteenth-century ‘machine’ was by its very nature
temporary, although thanks to restorations and rebuilding, it
continued to function until 1591. Palladio’s solution came from
another universe: a stable white stone bridge that would permanently
link the two sides of Venice.
We know of two Palladio designs for the Rialto bridge. The first
was drawn on a sheet now in the Museo Civico, Vicenza (D. 25) (cat.
94a/b), and the second was published on a double page in the
Quattro Libri (cat. 99). There are also another two autograph
drawings showing alternatives for the design of the entrance loggias,
also in the Museo Civico, Vicenza (D. 19 and D. 20) (cats 96 and 97).
It would be simplistic, however, to interpret them as mere bridge
designs; they actually envisage a rational organisation of the Rialto
area, the commercial centre of the city. In 1514, after a devastating fire,
the architect Fra Giovanni Giocondo had proposed rebuilding the
Rialto area according to rational criteria inspired by the ancient
world. The project is now lost, but a description by Vasari informs us
that it concentrated shops and trading spaces in a square urban block,
bounded by canals, with a central piazza surrounded by loggias, like
the Greek forum illustrated in the edition of Vitruvius, printed in
Venice in 1511 (Vasari 1550, 1568, eds Bettarini-Barocchi 1966-1997, iv,
pp. 562-563).
Palladio refers to this tradition, particularly in cat. 94b showing the
plan of the bridge with two large piazzas at the bridge ends; this is
one of his rare surviving urbanist projects. What was the date and the
occasion for this project? From Zorzi (1966) to the present day,
scholars have thought that Palladio tackled Rialto at two different
times, in an initial project of 1554, documented by cat. 94a/b, and
then from the mid-1560s in the drawing later published in the
Quattro Libri (Zorzi 1966, p. 224). As evidence for the date of the
first project, considerable documentation refers to the fact that in
1554, the Provveditori al ponte called for ideas and projects. There is
also a report of 1588 written by Marcantonio Barbaro, mentioning
19.1. Cat. 94a, detail 184
 [19.2.]

19.2. Vittore
Carpaccio, Healing of
that in 1554 various models of the bridge were sent to Venice from
the Possessed Man
by the Patriarch
many parts of Italy. But from a systematic survey of the many sources
of Grado, showing
the fifteenth-century
available, it emerges that neither Barbaro (a very eloquent silence,
wooden Bridge
of Rialto, oil
given he was a close friend) nor anyone else mentions Palladio’s
on canvas, c. 1494.
Venice, Gallerie
project as being presented at that time. Various elements in the
dell’Accademia architectural language of cat. 94a are clearly not from the 1560s. In
the aedicules abutting the piers, the half-columns show the typical
Ionic capital in the Temple of Saturn, which Palladio only used in the
Palazzo Barbarano at Vicenza (1569-1570). The pillars and Corinthian
columns in the central loggia rise up directly from the bridge deck,
without resting on a base, and their balustrades act as screens between
the shafts. This solution appears in the second order in the courtyard
of the monastery of the Carità, Venice (mid-1560s) and more fully in
the courtyard of the Palazzo Barbarano. Paolo Gualdo also mentions
a later date: ‘we do not find [the Teatro Olimpico] described in his
book, because as we said, he designed it in the last years of his life,
like the public palace for the Republic of Venice, the bridge of Rialto,
in the same city, and other of his very noble ideas’ (Zorzi 1958-1959,
p. 94).
In the absence of any documentary evidence supporting the theory
of designs at two different periods, I believe that some shared features
predominate in all his projects for the Rialto and that the three
Vicenza drawings and the project described in the Quattro Libri
record contemporaneous ideas for the design, each providing various
alternatives.
The three Vicenza drawings are clearly related to each other. The
elevations are made in the same scale, all the flights of steps are the
same height, and, most importantly, the decorative apparatuses
appear to have been drawn by the same figurative artist, identified as
Bernardino India (figs 19.3-5) (Magagnato 1974, p. 83). Even the
number of shops envisaged on the ground floor in cat. 94a/b and the
Quattro Libri woodcut is almost identical: 68 in the former, and 72
in the latter. The difference between the two is that in the first case
the shops are situated both on the bridge and in the piazzas, whereas
in the second they are all concentrated on the bridge. This second
solution clearly envisages the same number of shops, but avoids
demolition at the two ends, transforming the bridge into a piazza on
water. The number of shops is one of the key elements in the project,

19.3-5. Bernardino
India, figures on
Palladio’s drawings
for Rialto: from the
left, cat. 94a, cat. 96
and cat. 97

186
[19.3.] [19.4.] [19.5.]
 [19.6.]
because shops were a source of income for the Venetian state.
Given that the ante quem date is undoubtedly 1570, since the
Rialto design is included in the Quattro Libri, what date can we
suggest for the project? In the long, carefully reasoned list of as many
as 28 works by Palladio included by Vasari in the second edition of
Le Vite (Vasari 1568, eds Bettarini-Barocchi 1966-1997, iv, pp. 195-
198), there is no mention of a design for the Rialto (Vasari 1568, eds
Bettarini-Barocchi 1966-1997, vi, pp. 195-198). This absence is
significant given that in other passages of Le Vite, Vasari discusses
Michelangelo’s project for the Venetian bridge and details of Fra
Giocondo’s design for the Rialto market.
We know that Vasari obtained his information from Palladio
himself during his stay in Venice in May 1566, and that Palladio’s
drawing for a funerary chapel in Florence in Vasari’s ‘book of
drawings’ (cat. 162) was probably the product of their meeting.
In the text accompanying the Rialto bridge in the Quattro Libri,
Palladio says he was inspired by the Ponte Elio in Rome, ‘completely
covered by loggias with bronze columns and statues’. This is a surprising
statement, because it contradicts the generally held view subscribed to
187
[19.7.]
by Filarete, Raphael and even Pirro Ligorio, that, on the basis of an 19.6. Bridge of Santa
Trinita, Florence
image on antique coins, the Ponte Elio had no superstructure (Burns,
Nesselrath 1984, pp. 448-450). It was Alberti who believed that this
Roman bridge was roofed and, it is reconstructed as such in the 1550
edition of his book, illustrated by Cosimo Bartoli, a close friend of
Palladio (Alberti [ed. Bartoli] 1550, p. 288). In the ‘Life of Alberti’, Vasari
writes that he had an autograph sheet by Alberti in his ‘book of
drawings’, showing the Ponte Elio, covered ‘for protection from the sun
in summer and from rain and wind in winter’ (Vasari 1568, eds
Bettarini-Barocchi 1966-1997, iii, p. 288).
It cannot be ruled out that Palladio’s designs for the Rialto bridge
were occasioned by the meeting with Vasari in Venice, in the
company of Cosimo Bartoli (therefore post May 1566), and were
stimulated by Alberti’s thoughts and the drawing. In September 1569,
the Venetian Senate expressed its intention to re-launch the process
to build the new bridge. Francesco Sansovino demanded that his
father Jacopo be given the commission to design a stone bridge, but
this project stalled with the imminent onset of the war with the Turks
in 1570 (Sansovino 1581, p. 135). However, given that proposals mainly
19.7. Rialto, aerial
view
 Premise to interpreting the drawings
for the bridge of Rialto
The two drawings cats 96 and 97,
were made on sheets bearing the same
watermark and using the same scale,
indicated at the foot of the sheets as 5
piedi = 27 mm. They are alternatives
produced at the same stage in the
design process, and show common
elements, such as the number of steps
(24, occupying 69 mm), and the same
distance between the bridge deck and
architrave (141 mm) (fig. 2).
Although no measurements are
provided on the elevation of cat 94a,
the scale can be deduced from the
dimensions found on the plan on the
verso (cat. 94b). If we bear in mind
that in the plan, the span between two
imposts on the bridge is indicated
with the measurement of 132 piedi,
and that the distance between the
same elements in the elevation on the
recto (cat. 94a) is 731 mm, then the
took the form of a wooden model, it is possible that Palladio’s ideas elevation is in a scale in which 5 piedi
for a bridge may not necessarily have been connected with any equals 27.5 mm: basically the same
involvement in a competition, but rather were the product of his scale as cats 96 and 97. Confirmation
of this shared scale can be found by
reflections on the validity of ancient models of bridge building and, observing that the niches for the
if anything, were linked to an event just after his meeting with Vasari. statues in the piers of cat 94a are 18 ×
45 mm, and the analogous elements
In April 1567, Bartolomeo Ammannati had begun work on the bridge between the half-columns in the
of Santa Trinita in Florence (fig. 19.6), a project well-known in elevation on cat. 97 measure 18 × 44
Venice. Indeed in autumn 1567 Cosimo Bartoli sent a design to mm.
Measurements are not even given in
Florence for a pump to clear water from the foundations of the the woodcut with the plan and
bridge of Santa Trinita. The Florentine bridge was built with elevation of the bridge in the Quattro
Libri (cat. 99). But, if we suppose the
depressed arches, as an alternative to the round, ancient Roman arch. span between the imposts of the end
It was thus just as remote from Palladio’s Roman-style bridges as the piers to be the same as that indicated
in the plan on cat. 94b (132 piedi),
old ‘organic’ wooden bridge, and marked the beginning of future
then the two projects are basically
developments in bridge building. compatible (fig. 1). Moreover, signifi-
cant concordance can be found, for
example in the size of the plans of the
Literature: Vasari 1550, 1568, eds Bettarini-Barocchi 1966-1997; shops and the steps, albeit allowing for
Rondelet 1836; Cessi, Alberti 1934; Zorzi 1966, pp. 223-262; Puppi the differences between drawing and
woodcut.
1973, pp. 299-303; Burns 1975, pp. 123-128; Marini 1980, pp. 504-
Having established the same scale
505; Olivato Puppi 1983, pp. 739-750; Calabi, Morachiello 1987; for the plan of the bridge in the
Belluzzi, Belli 2003; Cooper 2005, pp. 185-186. Quattro Libri and the two elevations
on cats 96 and 97, we note that the
overall width is basically identical (figs
Guido Beltramini 3-4). In both the woodcut (cat. 99)
and cat. 97, the two entrance blocks
are the same, the central bay is as wide
as the main row of shops, the
rectangular apertures correspond to
the side streets and to the stretches of
walls flanking the shops (fig. 4). Much
less immediately visible, but equally
significant, is the similarity between
the plan in the Quattro Libri and the
elevation on cat. 96: the overall size is
the same, both have side stairs, the
diameter of the columns is identical
and the arches are compatible with the
entrances to the three internal streets.
We must bear in mind, however,
that the plan on cat. 94b shows a
break in the flight of stairs reached by
a lateral flight of 24 steps in the ascent
to the bridge. From here the ascent
continues with a cordonata (aligned
with the smaller arcades at the ends) to
reach the bridge deck, corresponding
to the three central arches. The height
at the intermediate landing corres-
ponds to that at the end of the ramp in
cat. 96 and cat. 97 (also with 24
steps). This correspondence can also
be found in the elevation, given that in
the elevation on cat. 94a Palladio
marks the beginning of the ramp with
a line at the two edges of the sheet.
In the Quattro Libri, the bridge
deck is much higher and is reached by
a much longer flight of steps. This
means that the height of the bridge
deck from the ground in the two
alternatives for the entrances is
different from that shown in the
elevation illustrated in the Quattro
Libri, although they all correspond
from the point of view of the plan.
A possible explanation for this, on
the basis of drawings available today,
may lie in Palladio’s attempt to re-
construct the design method for the
bridge of the Rialto, suggesting that he
might have begun with the initial
solution (cat. 94a/b) of a five-arched
bridge with a more gradual incline.
Realising it was impossible to build
the two piazzas at the bridge ends
(because this would involve the
extensive demolition of existing
structures), but not wishing to lose the
necessary shops, Palladio decided to
transfer them onto the bridge itself, by
increasing the width but retaining the
five arches. At this stage, he studied
variations for the bridge ends, drawn
on cats 96 and 97. He thus abandoned
the solution of five arches, which
would have created difficulties for the
traffic on the canal, reducing them to
three and increasing their span.
The solution for the ends of the
bridge illustrated in the Quattro Libri,
however, is still linked to cat. 97. We
must remember that these were not
necessarily successive stages. Given
Palladio’s design methods, he may well
have elaborated various alternatives at
the same time.
guido beltramini
188
 [2.]

[1.] [3.] [4.]

1. The woodcut of the

bridge of Rialto
reproduced in the
Quattro Libri, set
on the same
dimensional scale as
cat. 94a/b (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
2008)

2. Comparison
of dimensions
as shown in cat. 96
and cat. 97 (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
2008)

3. Comparison of the
plan of the bridge of
Rialto as reproduced
in the Quattro Libri
and cat. 96 (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
2008)

4. Comparison of the
plan of the bridge of
Rialto as reproduced
in the Quattro Libri
and cat. 97 (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
189 2008)
 94a. Andrea Palladio
Recto
Elevation of the bridge
of the Rialto with five arches
After May 1566, before 1570
No watermark; ruler and stylus,
compasses, graphite (two lines on the
wall of the end spans), pen and brown
ink, watercolour and brown ink
477 × 760 mm
Unit of measurement and scale: piedi;
the scale is not indicated, but can be
calculated as 1 piede = 5.5 mm
94b. Andrea Palladio
Verso
Plan of the bridge
of the Rialto with five arches
After May 1566, before 1570
Ruler and stylus, compasses, pen
and brown ink
477 × 760 mm
[94a.]
Notes on the drawing: in the centre,
‘pie 132’ (twice); on the right from
the top, ‘fontego de todeschi, pasa 26,
campo de San Bortolamio, pasa 9,
pasa 32, San Bortolamio’
Scale: at the centre, 5 passi = 34 mm;
on the right, 5 passi = 34 mm
History and ownership: Francesco
Dal Peder; Gaetano Pinali; donated
to the City of Vicenza in 1838;
Pinacoteca Civica, Vicenza since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe,
D. 25r-v
Recto
This is a presentation drawing: the
lines of the architecture are inter-
rupted to present sculptural details
such as the figures in the niches on the
piers surmounted by river gods and,
on the pediment, allegorical figures.
Magagnato attributed these to the
hand of Bernardino India (figs 19.3-5).
Unusually for a drawing of this kind,
Palladio also uses the verso to show a
general plan of the bridge on a smaller
scale.
The bridge has five arches: the three
central spans are larger than the two
end spans which support the initial
incline to the deck. The two key
problems for the project were the
provision of sufficient clearance under
the bridge to allow canal traffic to
move freely, and the creation of a
gentle incline from street level to the
deck; only the second has been
resolved in this scheme. The proto-
type, suggested in part by the taber-
nacles on the piers, is the Bridge of
Augustus in Rimini, which Palladio
believed to be ‘the most beautiful and
the most worthy of consideration’ of
the ancient bridges (Palladio 1570, iii,
p. 22). As in the old wooden Rialto
bridge, the parapet walls are blind,
except where they open up sceno-
graphically at the middle of the bridge
with an all’antica loggia, inspired by
the Temple of Clitumnus (Burns 1975,
p. 124) (cats 72-73).
Verso
This is one of the very few surviving
drawings by Palladio which addresses
design on an urban scale. It shows the
Rialto bridge lying between two
piazzas at the ends of the bridge, with,
on the right, indications of the main
architectural features in the immediate
vicinity: the Fondaco dei Tedeschi,
and the campo and church of San
Bartolomeo. Palladio considers super-
imposing the rational space of two
rectangular Roman forums on the
190
 urban chaos of the Rialto. The shops required, especially in an area of high
all open onto the external side, so as land prices and extremely fragmentary
not to disturb the peace of the internal mixed ownership. The drawing thus
space, surrounded on three sides by has more value as a manifesto.
loggias and reached through a large
four-columned atrium (found also in Literature: Scolari 1837, p. 31; Magrini
the reconstruction of the Greek square 1845, pp. 152, 331; Zorzi 1966, pp. 224-
in the Quattro Libri, iii, p. 33), and by 225; Puppi 1973, p. 301; Magagnato
a series of smaller openings providing 1974, p. 83; Foscari 1982b, pp. 71-80;
access to the bridge from the streets, Morachiello 1983, pp. 175-179; Mora-
but which could be locked at night chiello, in Puppi, Romanelli 1985, pp.
(Burns 1975, p. 125). The large access 59-60; Calabi, Morachiello 1987, p.
ramp projects into the area of the 224; Puppi 2007b, pp. 149-151.
piazza, like the steps of a temple in a
sacred enclosure, as, for example, at guido beltramini
the Forum of Nerva (Puppi 1973, p.
302) (cat. 136).
Although the drawing is a practical
approach to the subject, Palladio could
hardly have considered feasible the
huge demolition campaign that
realisation of the project would have

[94b.]

191
 95. Guido Beltramini
and Mauro Zocchetta (designers),
Ivan Simonato (model maker)
Model of the bridge of Rialto
according to drawing PCVi D. 25r-v
(cat. 94a/b)
2008
Wood
Height 34 cm; length 244,5 cm;
width 50 cm
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
In transforming the Palladian design
into a three-dimensional model, most
doubts concerned the area of the two
piazzas, which could only be re-
constructed on the basis of the plan
(cat. 94b). The two large flights of
stairs beside the entrance atrium have
40 steps and rise to seven metres,
presupposing the existence of signifi-
[96.]
cant spaces on the second level. We
might imagine a higher frontal mass,
with lower wings, made up of single-
order loggias, as seems to be suggested
by the absence of stairs descending at
the end of the loggias. It may also be
the case, however, that the loggias
might have two orders, thus making
the design closer to Palladio’s drawings
of the Greek and Roman squares in
the Quattro Libri.
guido beltramini
96. Andrea Palladio
Project for an alternative
entrance to the bridge
of the Rialto
After May 1566, before 1570
Verso: notes, not in Palladio’s hand
Watermark: anchor in a circle
surmounted by a star; ruler
and stylus, compasses, pen and brown
ink, brush and sepia ink
381 × 572 mm
Unit of measurement and scale: piede;
5 piedi = 27 mm
History and ownership: Francesco
Dal Peder; Gaetano Pinali; donated
to the City of Vicenza in 1838;
Pinacoteca Civica, Vicenza, since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe,
D. 19r
This sheet was previously considered
to be a design for the Loggia del
Capitaniato in Vicenza or for a
triumphal arch that formed part of the
street decorations for Henry iii’s
entrance to Venice in 1574. Burns was
the first to associate the drawing with
the Rialto bridge on the basis of it
192
 [97.]

193
 having similar measurements to those
in cat. 97, and the presence in its
decorative scheme of an often repeated
lion’s head, the symbol of the Republic
of Venice (Burns 1979, pp. 119-120).
His suggestion has now been con-
firmed by our reconstruction pro-
posing the drawing as an alternative for
the entrance to the bridge, again with
five arches (the flight of stairs reaches
the same height as in cat. 94a). Here
the bridge has already been widened to
accommodate three streets with shops,
as in the illustration in the Quattro
Libri (cat. 99). Palladio does not show
the three internal streets, but draws a
five-arched loggia, with fluted
Composite half-columns.
This is a presentation drawing. The
first arch on the left shows an
alternative to the other four, with the
necking of the column continuing on
the wall and two decorative tondos at
a tangent to the arch. The loggia is
richly decorated with swags and lion’s
heads between Composite capitals; the
architrave is carved with oak leaves;
more swags hang from lion’s heads in
the attic (as in the drawing for the
Palazzo Valmarana; cat. 101); and there
are six crowning statues. These are
drawn by the artist who also worked
on cats 94a and 97; he has been
identified as Bernardino India.
Literature: Pée 1941, pp. 145-147;
Zorzi 1965, p. 174; Puppi 1973, pp.
378-379; Burns 1975, p. 33, Burns
1979, pp. 113-140; Morachiello, in
Puppi, Romanelli 1985, pp. 62-63;
Lewis 2000, pp. 157-158; Puppi
2007b. pp. 151-152.
guido beltramini
97. Andrea Palladio
Project for an alternative
entrance to the bridge
of the Rialto
[100.] After May 1566, before 1570
Verso: notes not by Palladio
Watermark: anchor in a circle
surmounted by a star; ruler
and stylus, compasses, pen and brown
ink, brush and sepia ink
550 × 428 mm
No notes on the drawing
Unit of measurement and scale:
piede; 5 piedi = 27 mm
History and ownership: Francesco
Dal Peder; Gaetano Pinali; donated
to the City of Vicenza in 1838;
Pinacoteca Civica, Vicenza, since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe,
D. 20r
Burns was the first to associate this
drawing with the Rialto bridge
scheme. He notes how the three
statues on the attic celebrate Venice as
the city of Justice (the female figure
holding scales seated on a chair, with
its arms in the form of lions, between
Prudence and Temperance) and that
the width and apertures were
compatible with the entrances to the
bridge in the Quattro Libri woodcut
(cat. 99). All these elements suggest
the drawing was an alternative
solution to the entrance of the bridge
(Burns 1975, p. 126). Lewis agrees with
the attribution and highlights the
affinities with cat. 96, while Mora-
chiello extends them to cat. 94a/b.
But, accepting without question that
the date of cat. 94a/b is 1554, the two
scholars could not conclude that these
alternatives may have been elaborated
at the same time. Puppi does not rule
out that it may be an alternative idea
for the bridge entrance to the one in
cat. 94a/b itself.
The structure is truly monumental
and one of Palladio’s most ornate
designs. Burns rightly stresses that the
façade of the entrance block is very
close to the drawing for a religious
building (cat. 77) on the grounds of
the high attic and the prominent
entablature over the arch and relating
to the corner columns. Moreover, he
points out that the rectangular form of
the church entrance portal is similar to
the portal leading to the side streets in
the Rialto project. Scamozzi adopted
this solution to modify the ospitalia
(guest quarters) in the Teatro Olim-
pico, in order to provide access to two
of the ‘Roads of Thebes’.
Literature: Burns 1973, p. 153; Burns
1975, p. 126; Burns 1979, p. 119; Mora-
chiello, in Puppi, Romanelli 1985, pp.
63-64; Boucher 1998, pp. 198-199;
Lewis 2000, pp. 288-289; Puppi 2007b,
pp. 152-153.
guido beltramini
98. Guido Beltramini, Mauro
Zocchetta with Simone Baldissini
(designers), Ivan Simonato (model
maker)
Model of an alternative
to the entrance of the bridge
of the Rialto according to drawing
PCVi D. 20r (cat. 97)
2008
Resin
Height 34 cm; length 42 cm; width
30 cm
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
The organisation of the plan can be
deduced from Palladio’s shadings on
the sheet, and consists of, in sequence,
the flight of stairs corresponding to
the central arch, a projecting entrance
block and two set-back entrances to
the side streets. The distance that the
entrances are set back is hypothetical,
and here the model follows the
Quattro Libri (cat. 99) in which the
two podiums have a square plan. The 194
 solution was obtained by turning the
lateral fronts – rather than the front of
the blocks of the bridge entrance – on
their sides. In the lateral fronts three
steps lead from the bridge deck to the
raised level of the side streets.
guido beltramini
[99.]
195
99. Andrea Palladio
The bridge of the Rialto
1570
Woodcut on paper, in I Quattro
Libri dell’Architettura (Venice 1570),
iii, pp. 26-27
Folio
300 × 210 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi di Architettura
Andrea Palladio, cap c xvi 10
In the text accompanying the image in
the Quattro Libri, Palladio is elusive.
He avoids explicitly mentioning
Venice, but makes the site easily
recognisable. Apparently he wanted the
design to be a significant example of the
superiority of the antique bridge
model, without associating it too much
with a specific location. The elevation
of the bridge, although reduced to three
arches, is modelled on the Bridge of
Augustus in Rimini in terms of the
mighty rusticated piers with a strip of
moulding along the lines of the joints,
the aediculed niches and the cornice
supported by brackets. The curved
architrave framing the arches, however
is more like the Ponte degli Angeli at
Vicenza, as are the more slender
proportions between the width of the
piers and the spans of the arches
(Palladio 1970, iii, p. 24).
Unlike cat. 94a, the bridge deck is
completely flat, but only achieved at
the cost of a very long, awkward flight
of stairs. This was required in order to
realise the brilliantly radical invention
of a piazza-bridge: in fact Palladio
brings together twin bridges, creating
a full-blown urban space on water.
guido beltramini
100. Alberto Sdegno (co-ordinator
and director); Paolo Ravagnan
(computer graphics)
Animated film of the bridge
of the Rialto, according to the
I Quattro Libri dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570), III, pp. 26-27 (cat.
99)
Animated film made as part of the
degree dissertation, Paolo Ravagnan, I
progetti di Andrea Palladio per il Ponte
di Rialto: ricostruzione geometrica e
simulazione digitale, supervisor Prof.
Alberto Sdegno, co-supervisor Prof.
Agostino De Rosa, Università iuav di
Venezia, Facoltà di Architettura, a.a.
2005-2006.
 20. Palazzo Valmarana, Vicenza
Sea benetto quel anemo sì bello
che g’heva vostra mar, Segnor Paron
e quel dì che per far questo bel cason
Barba Pallabio si ghe fe el moello.
(Giovanni Battista Maganza, Rime rustiche, ii)
‘Blessed be your mother’s such noble spirit, my Lord, and the day
good old Palladio designed for her this beautiful great palace.’ These
flattering remarks, addressed by Giovanni Battista Maganza to
Leonardo Valmarana, recall the building erected by Leonardo’s
mother, Isabella Nogarola. She was the patron of the great family
palace at Pozzo Rosso (cat. 101): in December 1565 she signed a
contract for the building with the capomastro Pietro da Nanto and
her profile is etched on the foundation medal (cat. 103). Her husband
Gianalvise had died in August 1558, a serious loss also for Palladio,
who knew him well. In September 1543 Gianalvise had managed
Andrea’s first public project: the temporary decorations for the entry
of Bishop Ridolfi into Vicenza (see p. 2). In autumn 1548 he helped
speed up the last stages of the procedure to choose Palladio’s design
for the loggias of the Basilica and spoke out eloquently at the crucial
session of the City Council on 11 April 1549 (see p. 82). Having won
the battle for the project, he personally kept the accounts for the
construction from 12 November 1549 to September 1550. Sixteenth-
century sources described him as being competent in architecture
and letters – he was the author of a tragedy entitled Placidia – and
was so well versed in history and Latin that he was able to correct the
proofs of De Sestertio by Leonardo Porto (Burns 2000a, p. 27). Like
Giangiorgio Trissino, who lived on the opposite side of the street
from him, Valmarana seemed to inhabit the antique world as a
passion and refuge, possibly at times even being totally absorbed by
it, like Fabio Monza – a friend of his and Palladio’s – who noted in
his diary: ‘11 March 1586. I did not leave home as I was inadvertently
detained in reading Gioseffo’s de bello judaico’ (Monza 1988, p. 14).
Gianalvise Valmarana’s family policies reveal a much more practical
side, however. He had a European outlook and traditionally very
close links with the Empire. Having been made a Count Palatine by
Charles v in 1540, he benefited from the leading role played at the
Vienna Court by Leonardo Nogarola, Isabella’s brother. As many as

20.1. Palazzo
Valmarana, ground
floor plan (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
2008)

20.2. Palazzo
Valmarana, woodcut
reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II,
pp. 16-17)

20.3. Cat. 101, detail

196
[20.1.] [20.2.]
20.4. Palazzo
Valmarana, façade
20.5. Palazzo
Valmarana, façade,
detail
[20.4.]
three Valmarana sons entered service at the Habsburg courts and
their loyalty was rewarded with an annual pension of 600 ducats,
assigned in 1557 by Philip ii to a Nogarola aunt with the right to leave
it as a legacy on her death to Gianalvise’s firstborn son. This
happened in 1567, with three years of back payments, probably used
for the construction of the new palace (Burns 1991, p. 197, no. 59).
Isabella’s father-in-law already owned properties on the site, which
from the late fifteenth century had occupied the entire width of the
lot with a courtyard, garden and stables. A survey of 1563-1564 reveals
the houses were of different heights, which Palladio absorbed in the
new building. Unlike the apparent symmetry in the Quattro Libri
plate, the real situation of the complex assemblage is clearly legible in
the survey of the constructed building, and was probably why a new
atrium could not be built, forcing him to preserve the long oblique
atrium and the traditional fifteenth-century solution of the sala above
the loggia.
Palladio was also strongly guided by the site in designing the
façade: on the narrow street he made a front that was more of a bas
relief, with a minimum of projecting elements, such as the refined,
20.6. Palazzo
Valmarana, Ionic
loggia overlooking
the courtyard
[20.6.]
[20.5.]
lively motifs in the cornice corresponding to the giant pilasters.
Palladio reacted to this loss of sculptural consistency by designing a
façade which conceptually seems to have been based on the
superimposition of two planes, or two different ‘layers’ (as we would
say in today’s computer-assisted design jargon) (Tafuri 1973, p. 155).
The first layer is a palace with five bays and an order of giant
Composite pilasters on pedestals, rectangular windows and balconies
on the piano nobile, surmounted by an attic. If we imagined
extending the entrance arch to all the bays we would obtain
something similar to the Loggia del Capitaniato (section 21). The
second layer is the façade of the single-storey, with paired Corinthian
pilasters on a high base supporting the entablature, complete with
pulvinated frieze; the entablature runs across the whole front jutting
out above the end of the double pilasters surmounted by crowning
statues. The superimposition is explicit in the two end bays that do
not belong to the ‘first’ façade. Indeed the window is changed, the
end pillar is missing from the attic and a window is even opened in
the entablature, almost negating its nature, as if it were a ‘spyhole’
revealing Palladio’s thinking. Closer examination shows how the
198

[20.7.]
giant pillars interrupt the intermediary cornice which juts out
between them, augmenting the perception of a superimposition.
Columns tall enough to unify two storeys already appear in the
archaeological reconstructions in the edition of Vitruvius of 1556, but
they were only really implemented in Palladio’s Venetian projects for
monasteries and churches of the 1560s and here, for the first time
effectively built in a private palace. One of the sources of this type of
composition of superimposed layers is Palladio’s design method of
orthogonal projection, which in this case reproduces on the plane the
free-standing columns on pedestals of the Temple of Minerva at
Assisi (riba xv/9; Burns 1975, p. 348). A second source is certainly his
experience of Veronese antique buildings (fig. 26.6), and their
compositions of layers in depth, visible here in the system of windows
with small pillars which cite the masonry terraces of the Roman
amphitheatre (riba xii/22), which had also inspired Sanmicheli in
the sequence of layers in the external façades of the Porta Palio.
Raphael’s Palazzo Branconio in Rome (fig. 5.11) provided the model
for the way the simplified entablature is flattened onto the walls of
the building; Palladio also used this solution for the four façades of
199
20.7. Palazzo
Valmarana, courtyard
elevation and section
(drawing by Andrej
and Ewa Soltan,
1970)
the Villa Rotonda (cat. 183), on which he was working at the same
time.
Literature: Palladio 1570, ii, pp. 16-17; Muttoni 1740-1760, i, pp. 10-
11, pls ix-x; Bertotti Scamozzi 1761, pp. 62-63; Bertotti Scamozzi
1776-1783, i, pp. 52-54, pls xx-xxii; Dalla Pozza 1943, pp. 51-56;
Forssman 1965, pp. 102-106; Zorzi 1965, pp. 247-253; Ackerman
1966, p. 109; Barbieri 1972, pp. 63-79, especially pp. 66-67;
Forssman 1972, pp. 83-104, especially pp. 101-102; Burns 1973, p. 148;
Puppi 1973, pp. 369-371; Tafuri 1973, pp. 149-165, especially p. 155;
Mantese 1974, iv/i, pp. 785-786; Fairbairn, in Burns 1975, pp. 235-
236; Battilotti 1980, pp. 61-63; Marini 1980, pp. 455-456; Puppi
1980a, pp. 267-275; Cerutti Fusco 1985, p. 132; Barbieri 1987, pp. 77-
81; Monza 1988; Dal Cortivo 1988-1989; Burns 1991, pp. 197-198;
Boucher 1998, pp. 236-237; Battilotti 1999, p. 496; Burns 2000a, p.
27; Barbieri 2002.
Guido Beltramini
 101. Andrea Palladio
Elevation and section of the
courtyard of Palazzo Valmarana
1567-1569
Verso: an armiger with the Valmarana
coat of arms (Palladio’s hand), with
a copy in a larger scale, a Corinthian
capital, three leaves and the word
‘Molto’ (not in Palladio’s hand);
Talman mark 150; graphite triangles
and squares and, below, pen
for the lower left leaf
Watermark: anchor surmounted
by a six-pointed star; ruler and stylus,
compasses, pen and brown ink, brush
and grey ink in the apertures
288 × 313 mm
[101.]
Notes on the drawing: measurements
in piedi
Units of measurements and scale:
piede vicentino; 10 piedi = 47.5 mm
History and ownership: Inigo Jones;
John Webb; John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc227/xvii/4r
The drawing is probably a study for
the woodcut in the Quattro Libri,
although the section of the court was
not actually published, possibly be-
cause it was not considered to be very
significant. The projecting blocks in
the upper entablature may have been
an attempt at an improvement, but
they were never built. The measure-
ments of the façade coincide with
almost all those in the Quattro Libri,
while, at the top of the attic, a stucco
swag appears in the drawing, although
in neither the building nor the
woodcut. In the drawing, the frieze of
the giant order is pulvinated: since the
window was drawn later, it may have
led to a simplification in both the
treatise and the palace as built where
the frieze is flat. The reverse occurred
with the bases of the giant pilasters:
they are of the Attic order in the
drawing and woodcut (in which the
minor order bases become more
complicated) but were actually
Composite in the built structure,
linked with a shell moulding to the
basement.
In a note in the lower margin of
page 17 in his copy of the Quattro
Libri (cat. 192), Inigo Jones seems to
allude to the fact that he owned this
drawing, when he comments that ‘The
drawing of this fatciatta and more then
is hear of the face of the Portico with
in’, not found in the page of the treatise
(Cerutti Fusco 1985, p. 132).
The fact that the sheet was intended
for publication means that the
200
 members are not shaded (there was no
patron to convince); only the windows
are darkened for inclusion in the
woodcut. In drawing the mouldings,
Palladio adopts a kind of ‘shorthand’,
only indicating the beginning of the
profiles. The drawing is much freer
than appears at first glance: the stylus
establishes the vertical axis, and the
ruler guides the horizontal and vertical
lines of supports and apertures,
whereas not only the statues and
capitals, but also the mouldings,
entablature, rustication pattern and
even the drops around the windows
are drawn freehand.
Literature: Burns 1973, p. 148; Fair-
bairn, in Burns 1975, p. 236; Cerutti
Fusco 1985, p. 131.
guido beltramini
102. Giovanni Antonio Fasolo (?)
Gianalvise Valmarana
and his family
1552-1553
Oil on canvas
158.5 × 257 cm
Vicenza, Musei Civici, A 59
[Not exhibited]
There are still doubts about the
identity of the artist of this group
portrait but not about the fact that it
represents Gianalvise, his wife Isabella
Nogarola and their eight children:
from the eldest Margherita (1540) to
the youngest Massimiliano (1552). On
the far right, already wearing the gold
chain and sword, the insignias of a
knight, is Ascanio (1543), who served
at the court of Philip ii. Beside
Gianalvise, astride a hobby horse, is
Leonardo (1550), the future principe of
the Accademia Olimpica, who was to
inaugurate the Teatro Olimpico
(section 26) in 1585. Unlike the proud
Iseppo Porto in Veronese’s portrait
with a sword at his side (cat. 36), the
cultivated Gianalvise, wearing a casual
robe, looks out from the intimate
setting of the sala. His hand is held out
toward Isabella, whose face reveals the
determination which she was to bring
to running the family affairs after her
husband’s death in 1558.
Literature: Dal Cortivo 1988-1989, pp.
86-228; Lodi, in Avagnina, Binotto,
Villa 2003-2005, pp. 414-416.
guido beltramini
201
103. Anonymous medal-maker
Foundation medal
of Palazzo Valmarana
1566
Lead, cast, light-coloured patina;
∅ 43 mm
Inscriptions: obverse,
‘isabela.noga[rola].valm[aranae].u
[xor].ae[tatis].s[uae] a[nnorum]
xxxxx’; reverse, ‘i v 1566’;
on the obverse is a profile of Isabella
Nogarola Valmarana and,
on the reverse, the Valmarana arms
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
This medal was found under the
plinth of a column in the atrium of
the Palazzo Valmarana in the 1840s.
All the evidence points to a found-
ation medal like that of the Palazzo
Civena dated 1540. The passionate
interest in the antique and its rituals,
or presumed to be such, in Palladian
Vicenza seems to have led to this
practice of coining foundation medals.
The founders of the legendary
Sforzinda in Filarete’s story made
medals to preserve the eternal memory
of the patrons, even when the
buildings would have fallen into ruin.
In a letter of 1552, Aretino mentions
medals of Vicentine women –
Caterina Chiericati and the daughters
of Marcantonio Thiene – made by
Alessandro Vittoria.
Literature: Aretino 1557, pp. 412-413;
Magrini 1845, p. xxiv, no. 47; Burns
1975, p. 236; Burns 2000e, p. 239; [102.]
Beltramini, in Beltramini, Burns
2005, pp. 322-324.
guido beltramini
[103.]
21. Loggia del Capitaniato, Vicenza
On the map known as the ‘Carta del Peronio’ (cat. 38), the site of the
future Loggia del Capitaniato is still a vacant area delimited by fences.
From 1571 to 1572 this empty space would be filled by one of
Palladio’s most imaginative designs: a building on an urban scale
reflecting a differentiated response to the specific features of the
corner site, with two different façades, on the piazza and street,
respectively. By widening the view to embrace the adjacent areas, the
Loggia becomes the endpoint of a ‘Palladio street’, which presented a
sequence of three further buildings by the architect – the Palazzo
Iseppo Porto (cats 34a/b and 37), the Palazzo Thiene (only partly
built; cats 21-22) and the Palazzo Barbarano (cats 106-108) – laid out
along the axis of an ancient Roman street that was closed by the
loggias of the Palazzo della Ragione.
There had been a public loggia on the piazza since the fourteenth
century. This was where business was done, bans and proclamations
read, and sometimes justice administered. In 1521 the Loggia was
remodelled, with contributions from Titian and Paris Bordon in the
frescoes of the vaults (Bortolan 1892, pp. 15-16, 28-29). In 1565 the
Great Council of Vicenza approved the purchase of the houses
[21.1.] [21.2.]
adjacent to the old loggia, in order to construct a larger building to
house the Council hall on the piano nobile. But something went
wrong, and in April 1571, although the building was still standing, the
Great Council, fearing a collapse, appointed two deputies to the
fabbrica, with a budget of 300 ducats, to undertake repairs, or if
necessary, its ex novo reconstruction (Zorzi 1965, pp. 117-118). The
second option was chosen and work proceeded so rapidly that by the
end of the year the roofing had almost been finished. The building’s
use was changed, however: the piano nobile was now to accommodate
the audience hall of the Capitano, who lived in an adjacent house.
On 1 March 1572, Palladio sent some templates for the stone parts to
Vicenza (Fasolo 1938, p. 264). In August the artist Fasolo died, after
having painted the coffered ceiling, evidently finished by that date.
Dating the project is problematic. It may date from 1565, when the
purchase of the houses on the piazza was approved. The speed with
which the new structure was built presupposes a well-defined project,
partly because the bricks had to be produced according to Palladio’s
designs (the ‘stampi’ or moulds mentioned in the contracts for the
Carità), and required several months to dry. The inspection of April
21.1. Loggia del
Capitaniato, ground
floor plan (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
2008)
22.2. Loggia
del Capitaniato,
longitudinal section
(drawing by Andrej
and Ewa Soltan,
1966)
21.3. Cat. 105, detail
202
21.4. Loggia del
Capitaniato, the
façades on Piazza
dei Signori and
Contra’ del Monte

21.5. Detail
of fig. 21.4

[21.4.] [21.5.]

1571 to resolve whether to repair or rebuild may have been a formality,
following a decision already made on the grounds of a project
presented by Palladio in the previous months.
Who commissioned the Loggia? The city managed the building
site through two provveditori (administrators) and anticipated the
funds, but ultimately the resources came from the Venetian central
government. The most obvious candidate is the Capitano, Gian-
battista Bernardo, whose name is engraved on the frieze of the
building. He was in service in Vicenza from 1570 to 1572, and
Maganza dedicated some panegyric verse to him (Zorzi 1965, p. 112).
At this time the role of the Capitano was changing. His tasks were
becoming of greater importance and no longer concerned solely with
questions of security. Thus he might have merited such a grandiose
residence. Bernardo oversaw the remodelling of the river port at the
Isola, and his name is recorded in the inscription celebrating
Palladio’s construction of the palace for the Piovene brothers (cat.
149) (Zorzi 1965, pp. 83-84).
Palladio built the Loggia del Capitaniato opposite one of his own
buildings, the loggias of the Basilica, designed a quarter of a century
earlier (section 8). There are several affinities between the two
buildings. For example, the sala in the Loggia is at the same level as
the second order of the loggias in the Basilica. The impost mouldings
of the arches are similar, and there is little difference in the heights of
the Doric half-columns of the Basilica and the Composite half-
columns on the lateral façade of the Loggia. The most radical
difference lies in the choice of a giant order for the piazza façade of
the Loggia, made more imposing by half-columns jutting out beyond
their own radius, and in the red colouring of the brick shafts which
contrasts with the white stone parts (bases, capitals and entablatures)
and the extensive stucco surfaces. There are still some barely visible
traces of the red colouring, conventionally used in Venetian buildings
at that time. Palladio sets the façade with the giant order on the open
space of the piazza and the minor order on the narrower space of the
street. From the eighteenth century this choice puzzled
commentators because it was accompanied by details considered
alien to Palladian thinking, such as the cornices of the windows
interrupting the architrave. But in fact windows also interrupt the
architrave on the lateral apses exterior in the church of San Giorgio

21.6. Loggia del

Capitaniato, balcony
on the façade on
Piazza dei Signori

21.7. Palazzo
Valmarana, Ionic
loggia overlooking
the courtyard, detail

204
[21.6.] [21.7.]
 21.8. Loggia del
Capitaniato, façade
on Piazza dei Signori
[21.8.]
and on the side of the church of the Redentore in Venice. The texture
of the walls of the Loggia show no sign of having been modified
during construction. It seems, rather, that Palladio used a system of
composition by superimposed layers, also found a little earlier in the
Palazzo Valmarana (cat. 101), but here with a three-dimensional logic,
as if the building with minor orders fitted into the side of the giant
order palace, like a drawer. Some difficulties were undoubtedly
created by the use of the large half-columns, which could neither be
widened much nor set on pedestals without encroaching on the
arches (Burns 1975, p. 32), but equally the compositional freedom of
the Loggia is the outcome of a deliberate design strategy. The
projecting balconies that emerge from the half-columns had to be
supported by strong brackets. In the courtyard of the Palazzo
Barbaran da Porto or the Palazzo Valmarana, Palladio supported the
balconies by extending the cornice out from the entablature and
inserting a large square stone block to project from the frieze (fig.
21.7). The same happens here: to highlight the stone block on the
frieze, it is carved like a triglyph and ‘rests’ on the curved architrave
which becomes the archivolt. This totally abstract solution implies
205
that the sides of the columns support the cornice directly, eliminating
the frieze and architrave. The particularly elegant bases are derived
from those of the Maison Carré in Nîmes (Burns 1975, p. 207).
Literature: Muttoni 1740-1760, ix, pp. 27-29, pls vii-xv; Bertotti
Scamozzi 1761, pp. 20-23; Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, i, pp. 44-47,
pls xiii-xvi; Magrini 1845, pp. 162-171, liv-lv, no. 74; Bortolan
1892; Pane 1961, pp. 357-359; Zorzi 1965, pp. 109-124; Ackerman
1966, pp. 119-121; Venditti 1969; Gioseffi 1972, pp. 45-62, especially
pp. 58-60; Puppi 1973, pp. 376-379; Burns 1975, pp. 31-32; Zurli 1978,
pp. 255-271, especially pp. 265-270; Burns 1979, pp. 113-140,
especially pp. 119-120; Battilotti 1979-1980, pp. 199-218, especially
pp. 209-210; Puppi 1980a, pp. 267-275, especially pp. 268, 275;
Barbieri 1987, pp. 82-83; Nicoloso 1989, pp. 7-13; Ackerman 1994,
pp. 11-22, especially pp. 16-17; Boucher 1998, pp. 242-245; Battilotti
1999, p. 497; Fongaro 1999-2000; Fongaro 2002.
Guido Beltramini
104. Renato Cevese (designer);
Andrej Soltan (draftsman);
Ballico-Officina Modellisti sas
(model makers)
Model of the Loggia
del Capitaniato
1970
Lime and beech wood with porcelain
biscuit details
Height 64.5 cm; length 67.5 cm;
width 51.5 cm
Scale: 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio

105. Andrea Palladio

Study of the Baths of Agrippa
and detail of the brackets
for the Loggia del Capitaniato
1570s
Verso: study of the Baths of Vespasian;
notes for building-site accounts
Ruler and stylus, compasses, pen
and brown ink
289 × 387 mm
Notes on the drawing: piedi
(mature handwriting) and various
measurements
No scale indicated
History and ownership: Lord
Burlington (acquired in Italy, 1719);
Dukes of Devonshire; riba
since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc212/vii/2r

While working on a reconstruction of

the Baths of Agrippa, Palladio rapidly
sketched on the same sheet the
solution for the large brackets sup-
porting the balcony of the Loggia (fig.
21.6). The way of drawing and ink are
identical, suggesting that Palladio
made the sketch at the same time as
the reconstruction, possibly to illus-
trate a previous solution to someone.
This therefore is not an initial idea on
paper, but rather an explanatory
sketch, based on his memory of a
previous solution. The verso shows
some other sketches of spaces in baths
and notes on unidentified building
site materials.

Literature: Burns 1975, pp. 32-33.

guido beltramini

[105.]
206
207
22. Palazzo Barbarano, Vicenza
The Palazzo Barbarano is the only large urban residence which
Palladio finished as intended. Over the centuries its use has never
changed and today it still provides a good example of the
magnificence of a sixteenth-century Vicentine palazzo, complete
with its internal and external decorations. Yet more than any other
building it has puzzled orthodox Palladianists, disturbed by the
asymmetry of the façade and courtyard and suspicious of the lavish
decoration. In 1776, Bertotti Scamozzi accused the patron Montano
Barbarano of ‘overpowering violence’ for having forced Palladio to
abandon his own principles (Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, i, p. 48).
But for our sensibility what makes it one of his most interesting
buildings is the way the architect responded to the constraints of the
site, and his creative freedom in overcoming them.
Palladio’s initial decision regarding the scheme was on an urban
scale: he reversed the pre-existing building, setting its new entrance
on Contra’ Porti. The Barbarano’s existing fifteenth-century palace
on the site was oriented in the opposite direction and entered
through a large doorway, which is now in the rear wall of the
courtyard. The previous building was also organised round a
22.1. Palazzo
Barbarano, ground
floor plan (drawing
by Simone Baldissini,
2008)
22.2. Palazzo
Barbarano, woodcut
reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II,
pp. 22-23)
22.3. Cat. 109, detail
[22.1.]
courtyard, with a loggia with a double order of arches (Beltramini
2000, pp. 9-10). By setting the new façade on Contra’ Porti, Palladio
strengthened the urban axis consisting of the newly constructed
palace for Iseppo Porto, and on which the large Palazzo Thiene
should also have been completed, and visually culminating in the
loggias of the Palazzo della Ragione, then in construction. The façade
is particularly rich: a double order of Ionic and Corinthian half-
columns with the lower part clad in stone monoliths, and an
extensive stucco decoration, almost as lavish as festival architecture.
Palladio exploited the unusual corner site by continuing the façade
for two bays along the side street, enhancing the vista and skilfully
designing the corner with two interlocking columns. In October
1575, when the building work had been completed, Montano applied
to have the stretch of street in front of the palace paved at his own
expense (Mantese 1971-1972, p. 40).
Given that the palace had been divided between two branches of the
family in the 1520s, initially Montano could only ask for a project
concerning the northern portion of the property, which consisted of a
tall narrow block along the Contra’ Riale (there are still signs of it in the
208
[22.2.]
 22.4. Palazzo
Barbarano, plan of
the palace in the
urban context: right
(light yellow), the
original property, left
(dark yellow), the
property acquired by
Montano Barbarano
from his cousins
after 1569

22.5. Palazzo
Barbarano, courtyard
elevation and
longitudinal section
(drawing by Andrej
and Ewa Soltan,
1967)

[22.5.]

[22.4.]

base and the stone surrounds of the fifteenth-century windows) and
some rooms to the left of the empty space into which the present atrium
was fitted. From 1568-1569, Palladio designed various alternatives and in
July 1570 he is documented as personally overseeing the application of
the stone monoliths onto the lower part of the façade, still only
consisting of five bays (Biadego 1886, pp. 17-18). Almost at the same time
– according to the Quattro Libri – Montano bought the southern half
of the property from his cousins, a lot stretching from the Contra’ Porti
to the street behind (fig. 22.4). This forced Palladio to add another two
bays to the façade, making the entrance door asymmetric, but offering
him the opportunity to design a large courtyard: by replacing the
existing fifteenth-century loggia with the double order of trabeated
loggias, he created the equivalent of the peristyle of the ancient Roman
house as illustrated in the Quattro Libri (ii, p. 34).
Palladio was not allowed to demolish the fifteenth-century parts,
and he had to take into account the oblique course of the walls in the
buildings flanking the area, probably empty at the time, where he
added the atrium, welding the two existing buildings together. The
trapezoidal space of the atrium was divided into three naves: the
central nave has a cross vault, whereas the free-standing columns were
joined to the perimeter walls by fragments of rectilinear entablature,
on which the barrel vaults were set. This system is not only more solid
and secure (brick vaults support the weight of the sala much better
than wooden beams, vulnerable to fire), but also created the illusion
for the onlooker of a regular plan. In fact Palladio maintained a
constant span in the central arches, and absorbed the irregularities in
the sections of rectilinear trabeation by creating a kind of ‘serliana’.
He adopted a variation of the Ionic capital, derived from the Temple
of Saturn in the Roman Forum, to conceal the rotations required to
align the columns and half-columns. The same problem was posed
by the façade, in which the bays between half-columns are of variable
width. Palladio conceived the windows as an empty space between
the pillars, inspired by the terraces of the Roman amphitheatre in
Verona (cat. 125). He keeps them constant, but varies the width of the
pillars, less easily observed by the eye (Beltramini 2000, pp. 24-25).
Forced to dress all’antica the Gothic buildings, Palladio con-
centrates on the key features in the project – the atrium and
colonnade along the courtyard – investing them with great expressive

210
 [22.6.] [22.7.]
power. A fundamental space of mediation between the exterior and
interior of the building, the atrium is undoubtedly one of the most
successful designs in his entire output. More than twenty years earlier,
in the Palazzo Thiene and, especially, the Palazzo Porto, Palladio had
begun transforming what, in the Veneto tradition, was a space with
no specific architectural identity into the functional and formal
centre of gravity of his own buildings, reinterpreting, also on the basis
of local examples, the atrium of the ancient Roman house in which
four piers supported the roof of the impluvium. In the case of the
Palazzo Barbarano, the narrow shape of the entrance hall led to
unprecedented monumentality, inspired by the great ancient apsed
halls, such as the basilicas flanking the Theatre of Marcellus, of which
Palladio made a drawing (cat. 109).
Similarly, the brilliant ‘solo’ scenography of the imposing Ionic-
Corinthian double loggia on only one side is an exceptional element,
dominating the courtyard and distracting from the asymmetry of the
whole (inevitable without demolishing the fifteenth-century building
on the left) which was too narrow to accommodate both loggias and
rooms. On visiting Vicenza in 1922, Le Corbusier sketched in his
211
[22.8.]
notebook (cat. 201) the sequence of the view of the atrium and, 22.6. Palazzo
Barbarano,
alongside, the transition from the atrium to the courtyard (Beltra- raking view
mini 2000, pp. 17-18). 22.7. Palazzo
Barbarano, façade,
‘[Montano] built his heroic palace for posterity and the raking view
ornamentation of the country, adorned with regal apparatuses.’ This 22.8. Palazzo
Barbarano, atrium
was how Giulio Cesare Mainente celebrated the achievement of
Montano Barbarano, patron of the building and its decorative
schemes in the margin to the ‘Life of Palladio’ in his own copy of the
Historia di Vicenza (Marzari 1604, p. 200; one example is in the
Biblioteca del cisa Andrea Palladio, Vicenza). Barbarano must have
had close ties with Palladio (more than is revealed by the scant
information in the documents), considering that he persuaded him to
stay in Vicenza during the second stage of the application of the stone
cladding to the façade, despite competition for his services from
Federico Serego. According to the sources, Barbarano was fond of
music and letters and with his cultivated cousin Giulio Barbarano,
probably personally oversaw the iconography of the sumptuous
decorative programme which, both on the interior and exterior,
celebrates the virtues of Scipio, an allusion to the Barbarano family’s
 [22.9.] [22.10.]

22.9. Palazzo
Barbarano, courtyard
glorious military past (Burns 2000d, p. 6). An inventory drafted in pp. 46-47; Burns 1975, pp. 219-220; Battilotti 1980, pp. 67-69;
22.10. Palazzo
1592, after the death of Montano and his widow, gives details of the Bolcato 1980, pp. 18-30, especially p. 23; Mantese 1980, pp. 147-157;
Barbarano,
courtyard, interior
furnishings in the palace, from which we can deduce that the Marini 1980, pp. 458-460; Barbieri 1987, pp. 86-93; Boschi 1990, pp.
of the Ionic loggia monumental rooms, except for the sala, had one or more beds and a 220-225; Boucher 1998, pp. 245-249; Battilotti 1999, p. 500; Forster
fireplace. The walls were clad in brightly-coloured brocades (pink and 1999, p. 226; Beltramini 2000, pp. 8-27; Burns 2000d, pp. 6-7;
yellow, turquoise and gold, reds, yellows and greens) matching the Lewis 2000, p. 219; Beltramini 2002a.
baldachins of the beds. The sala had a long table for banquets, and the
inventory mentions 181 examples of majolica ware bearing the Guido Beltramini
Barbarano coat of arms (Beltramini 2000, p. 19). A rich collection of
recorders also features in the inventory, evidence of Montano’s love of
music (Bolcato 1980, p. 23).

Literature: Palladio 1570, ii, pp. 22-23; Marzari 1604; Muttoni 1740-
1760, i, pp. 14-15, pls xiii-xix; Bertotti Scamozzi 1761, pp. 66-68;
Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, pp. 48-51, pls xvii-xix; Magrini 1845,
pp. 79, xxv-xxvi, no. 47; Biadego 1886, pp. 17-18; Forssman 1965,
pp. 97-102; Zorzi 1965, pp. 253-260; Ackerman 1966, pp. 119-121;
Mantese 1971-1972, pp. 27-121, especially pp. 39-47; Burns 1973, pp.
133-154, especially p. 147; Puppi 1973, pp. 393-395; McAndrew 1974,

212
 106. Andrea Palladio
Study for the plan of Palazzo
Barbarano (Alternative A)
1568-1569
Verso: Talman mark 150
Watermark: countermark A; ruler
and stylus, compasses, pen and brown
ink, brush and sepia ink
213 × 295 mm
Notes on the drawing: various
measurements
Unit of measurement and scale:
piede vicentino; 10 piedi vicentini
= 25.7 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc226/xvi/14 Ar
[106.]
213
This is one in a series of three
alternative plans for the Palazzo Bar-
barano (first project), before Montano
Barbarano acquired the adjacent
property (on the bottom in all three
sheets) from his cousins. They are
presentation drawings, in the same
scale, and enabled the patron to assess
three possible schemes, probably
elaborated at the same time. In this
drawing Palladio sacrifices the
courtyard to place a large vaulted
room at the centre of the building, to
function as an atrium, derived from
the ‘basilicas’ in the Theatre of Mar-
cellus, Rome (cat. 109). With the
stylus, he draws two apses at either end
of the atrium, but only goes over the
left-hand one with the pen and then
erases it. An atrium in the heart of the
building would have allowed a large
sala on the piano nobile, quiet but lit
only from the side opening onto the
cousins’ courtyard. A kind of internal
street would have crossed the palace
providing access to the stables from
the street on the rear side. In the
drawing the half-columns in the
façade have a diameter of 7 milli-
metres and therefore correspond to 2
and 3/4 piedi indicated as the diameter
of the giant order in the plate in the
Quattro Libri, albeit with an
excessively wide intercolumniation.
Literature: Forssman 1965, pp. 97-98;
Zorzi 1965, p. 188; Burns 1973, p. 148;
Burns 1973a, p. 178; Puppi 1973, p.
395; Burns 1975, p. 220; Burns 1982,
pp. 73-80; Beltramini 2000, pp. 14-15,
21 and 24; Lewis 2000, p. 219.
guido beltramini
107. Andrea Palladio
Study for the plan of Palazzo
Barbarano (Alternative B)
1568-1569
Verso: Talman mark 150
Watermark: anchor in a circle
with six-pointed star; ruler and stylus,
compasses, black chalk, pen
and brown ink, brush and sepia ink
210 × 296 mm
Notes on the drawing: various
measurements
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; 30 piedi vicentini = 77 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc226/xvi/14 Br
 In this proposal the atrium becomes
square and is moved toward the
façade. Its decreased size allows the
presence of a small square courtyard of
28 piedi (like the sala) between the
loggias. As in the palace for Iseppo
Porto, the model is a reinterpretation
– also through Vicentine examples –
of the atrium of the ancient Roman
house, in which four columns support
the sloping roof of the impluvium. To
give the precise terminology, we note
that Palladio uses the term ‘atrio’
(atrium) for the monastery of the
Carità, where the columns are effect-
ively set round the perimeter of the
open space, and generally prefers the
term ‘entrata’ (entrance) for the rooms
that give access to the palaces, in
which the columns support a solid.
Here Palladio seems to ignore the
restraints of the site: the atrium walls
[107.]
are parallel and building the wall
shown at the bottom would have
meant demolishing a large pre-existing
wall and occupying around half of the
property belonging to Barbarano’s
cousins. The façade is unresolved: he
designs two half-columns on the right
and left wings of the façade, but then
erases them since they would have
stood opposite the windows. They
seem to be of a giant order, like those
of the courtyard, but not as wide as in
Alternative A.
Literature: Forssman 1965, pp. 97-98;
Zorzi 1965, p. 188; Burns 1973, p. 148;
Burns 1973a, p. 178; Puppi 1973, p.
395; Burns 1975, p. 220; Burns 1982,
pp. 73-80; Beltramini 2000, pp. 14-15,
21 and 24; Lewis 2000, p. 219.
guido beltramini
108. Andrea Palladio
Study for the plan of Palazzo
Barbarano (Alternative C)
1568-1569
Verso: Talman mark 150
Watermark: angel in a circle
with six-pointed star; ruler and stylus,
compasses, black chalk, pen
and brown ink, brush and sepia ink
205 × 298 mm
Notes on the drawing: various
measurements
Unit of measurement and scale:
piede vicentino; 20 piedi vicentini
= 51.5 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc226/xvi/14 Cr
214
 The atrium and sala above have been
increased in size to the detriment of
the second loggia on the courtyard
and the proportions between court-
yard, atrium and sala as defined in
Alternative B (cat. 112). As in Alter-
native A (cat. 111), this brings an
advantage, however, in maintaining
the sequence of the three rooms at the
top, now harmoniously proportioned
(without the irregularities of the site:
24 × 16, 16 × 16, 12 × 16 piedi), and
the possibility of enlarging the small
room to the left of the atrium. Beside
the stables there is a service stair, as in
Alternative A. The presence of monu-
mental ground-floor rooms was a
typical feature of Vicentine palaces,
since they were lived in by the owners
and not used as shops for rent or as
storerooms.
This is the version published in the
[108.]
215
Quattro Libri (ii, p. 22) and so the
façade is dressed with a giant order,
later abandoned in favour of the
double order, possibly because this was
a more flexible method for concealing
the differences in the widths of the
bays.
Literature: Forssman 1965, pp. 97-98;
Zorzi 1965, p. 188; Burns 1973, p. 148;
Burns 1973a, p. 178; Puppi 1973, p. 395;
Burns 1975, p. 220; Burns 1982, pp. 73-
80; Beltramini 2000, pp. 14-15, 21 and
24; Lewis 2000, p. 219.
guido beltramini
109. Andrea Palladio
Sketches of elements
of the Theatre of Marcellus
and the Baths of Caracalla;
study reconstructing the Baths
of Agrippa
c. 1570; mature handwriting
The sketches were not necessarily
made on the spot; they are more
probably rapid copies of other
Palladio drawings; the sketched
reconstruction of the Baths
of Agrippa, bottom, linked to other
sheets (cat. 139), suggests a date
of around 1570
Recto: sketches of buildings
at Pozzuoli and Baia
Watermark: a Greek cross and five
moons in a circle; pen and brown
ink, freehand; the sheet is folded
in both directions with losses along
the horizontal line
417 × 289 mm
Notes on the drawing: p[iedi]
q[uarti], on[ce], m[inuti] (several
times); ‘A’ (on a cornice profile);
 216
[109.]
 ‘tenpio della pieta, del teatro di
marcelo, de le terme de antonino del
cortile senca loge, colone de la nave
de mezo de dite terme, questi vasi son
di porfido e stano ne le terme
de antonino’
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
History and ownership: Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc223/xiv/3v
[Description by h.b.]
This sheet shows thirteen sketches
made of at least three different monu-
ments. In the top right is a partial plan
of the Doric temple at San Nicola in
Carcere, Rome, which Palladio calls
‘della Pietas’; it shows the pronaos level
as a hexastyle with four columns
behind those of the façade. This
identification is not generally accepted
by modern critics, and Lawrence
Richardson Jr. is the only one to have
adopted it. In the centre-right, with
the note ‘de le terme de Antonino del
cortile senza loge’ (‘of the Antonine
baths of the courtyard without
loggias’), is the elevation of a partial
façade, with superimposed aedicules,
and the giant order of the northern
217
wall of the natatio in the Baths of
Caracalla. Contemporary scholars
have found this reconstruction
satisfactory, especially because there is
perfect continuity between the upper
entablatures. In the lower part of the
drawing a monolithic column, laid
horizontally, with no capital, accom-
panied by the note ‘colona de la nave
de mezzo de dite terme’ (‘column from
the middle nave of the said baths’) is
undoubtedly derived from the frigi-
darium; its measurements are
indicated: 32.5 piedi long and 4 piedi
in diameter. In the lower left is a
section of a large porphyry basin, with
the plan of the octagonal base and
details of the moulding. Here too the
location is noted: ‘questi vasi son di
porfido e stano ne le terme di
Antonino’ (‘these basins are of
porphyry and stand in the Antonine
baths’). In the lower right is sketched
the plan of a cross-vault room from a
baths edifice, with lateral palestras,
and another series of rooms to the left.
Here the identity is uncertain, al-
though it cannot represent the Baths
of Caracalla, since the relative pos-
itions of the various rooms do not
correspond to those in that building.
The four sketches in the upper left
are of the ‘aula regia’, that is, one of the
‘basilicas’ of the Theatre of Marcellus.
All that remains of these large apsed
rooms at the side of the theatre
building is a corner pillar and a central
pillar with an abutted half-column,
once in the east room. Made before
1554, Palladio’s plan could not have
relied on fragments from the Forma
Urbis Marmorea (Severan Marble
Plan) rediscovered in 1562. On the
long side and on the straight short
side, the plan shows large pillars with
abutted half-columns, too close
together. At the other end, the apse is
no greater in width than the central
nave, estimated to be 18 piedi vicentini
and 9 once, i.e. approximately 6.69 m.
This indication of the size does not
correspond to the measurement
provided by Baldassarre Peruzzi (U
527 Ar: 5.026 m), or Antonio da
Sangallo the Younger (U 1233 Ar: 8.06
m). Palladio’s plan diverges in various
points (especially in the width of the
apse), from plans by Alberto Calza
Bini (1953) and Paolo Fidenzoni
(1970). A sketch on the left of the plan
shows one of the pillars of the basilica
in a larger scale. The sketch below the
plan is undoubtedly a reconstruction
of the upper part of the basilica façade
with a central arch under the
triangular pediment. On the right is
the profile of the entablature with
mouldings corresponding to those
found in Giovanni Battista da
Sangallo (U 1668 A) and Antonio da
Sangallo (U 1270 Ar). At top centre,
to the right of the ‘basilica’, is an
internal pillar with the impost for the
cross vault and an enlargement of the
entablature, indicated with the letter
‘A’. Lastly, to the right of the
entablature, is the plan of two pillars
with half-columns belonging to the
cavea exterior and the note ‘dal teatro
de Marcelo’ (‘from the Theatre of
Marcellus’): the distance between the
pillars is 7 piedi vicentini and 3 braccia
fiorentine, i.e. 4.55 m. This last
drawing is taken up again in riba
x/20r (lower right), where the same
pillars are shown at the ends of two
long walls, which rules out the
presence of a peripheral ambulatory at
the edge of the cavea; it thus does not
reflect the real building.
Literature: Zorzi 1959, pp. 91-92; Ci-
ancio Rossetto 1999, pp. 31-35; Tosi
1999, pp. 167-170; Tomasello, Zelazo-
wski 2000, pp. 7-36; Tosi 2003, p. 26.
pierre gros
23. France and Spain
After Palladio’s death, his work received a great deal of attention. But
what of the situation before 1580? Was his name known in the last
two decades of his life at leading European courts? And what did
Palladio know of architectural developments in France and Spain or
England and Istanbul?
To answer these questions, we must bear in mind the social world
in which Palladio had a subordinate but important place, as the
architect to whom powerful individuals and institutions entrusted
their money and prestige, and with whom they maintained close
contact. It was a hierarchically organised world. But only one or two
rungs of the social ladder could connect someone of Palladio’s
functional prominence with the apexes of power. Palladio did not
know Philip ii, or the Sultan Selim ii personally, but he knew
individuals who were in contact with them. It is conceivable, though,
that he met King Henry iii of France after designing the arch and
loggia constructed for his reception in Venice in 1574.
Such connections with high places began in Vicenza. Ludovico
Thiene, together with his whole family, received the honour of
inserting one golden lily of France in the middle of their coat of arms;
Adriano Thiene died at the French court in 1551. The Schio family
was linked to Charles v, through the Bishop Girolamo da Schio,
whose monument in the cathedral in Vicenza has been attributed to
Palladio; the emperor conferred the title of Palatine Count on
Girolamo and all his family. The Veronese Nogarola family had
loyally served the emperors Maximilian and Charles v. After his
marriage to Isabella Nogarola (see p. 196), Gianalvise Valmarana
became the representative of Spain in Vicenza. At his death, this role,
and the handsome 600 scudi annual honorarium which went with it,
passed to his son Leonardo, whose statue (wearing the collar of the
Golden Fleece) has the place of honour in the Teatro Olimpico.
Equally important were the relations between former Venetian
ambassadors and foreign rulers. Venice had no court organised
around a dynastic family with a web of relationships with other
courts and princes. For confidential soundings and exchanges, Venice
worked through ambassadors and former ambassadors; foreign
powers negotiating with Venice also used them as channels. As a
consequence of his French embassy (1561-1564), Marcantonio
Barbaro became France’s trusted contact within the Venetian ruling
23.1. Cat. 111, detail 218
 23.2. Funerary
chapel of Diane
de Poitiers, Anet,
façade, 1566-1577
23.3. Church of San
Lorenzo, Escorial,
façade, 1563-1584
[23.2.]
group; he played a central role when Henry iii visited Venice in 1574.
Daniele Barbaro was ambassador to England and Scotland (1549 to
1551; he commented favourably on London bridge); Leonardo Moce-
nigo, who commissioned two villas from Palladio, was ambassador in
Vienna (1557-1559).
For Palladio’s relations with France, Marcantonio Barbaro was the
key figure. He probably supplied Palladio with drawings of the
famous double-helix stairs of the Chateau of Chambord (fig. 23.4),
which appear (Palladianised) in the Quattro Libri – the only modern
non-Italian project to appear in the book (cat. 111). Palladio probably
published the stairs not only because of their architectural interest,
but in homage to the French court and to Marcantonio, himself a
designer of spiral stairs (Quattro Libri, i, pp. 61-62).
The plan of the Tempietto at Maser (cat. 123) resembles that of the
chapel of the Chateau of Anet, a masterpiece by Philibert de l’Orme
(fig. 23.5). The plan of the chapel was not published by de l’Orme in
his treatise (1567), but Marcantonio had probably seen the building
and, as an architecturally literate patron, would have recalled the plan
when considering building his own villa chapel. The Maser
23.4. Chateau
of Chambord,
spiral stairs
[23.3.]
Tempietto, however, is not simply a version of Anet: both buildings
independently derive from the domed circular tepidarium adjoining
the great hall of the Baths of Diocletian (cat. 26). It is possible
however that Palladio was influenced by Anet: the end walls of the
chapels of the Tempietto at Maser, like those at Anet, are curved. The
equivalent walls in the tepidarium of the Baths of Diocletian are
straight (see cat. 26 and the detail on p. 55).
A close friendship linked another of Palladio’s patrons, the
Patriarch of Aquileia, Giovanni Grimani, with Charles de Guise,
Cardinal of Lorraine (1525-1574), the ‘papa gallo’ (a reference to the
nickname is made in a portrait of the cardinal with a parrot –
papagallo – in the background, which perhaps mistakenly has been
attributed to El Greco: Álvarez Lopera 1999, cat. 14). The cardinal
was the leading French prelate at the Council of Trent; he was related
by marriage to – and in constant contact with – the Duke of Ferrara
and his brother Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, a friend of Daniele Barbaro,
with whom Charles de Lorraine was also in contact at the Council of
Trent. The presence of this cultivated Italophile in Trent and Venice
may explain the extraordinarily Palladian appearance of the façade of
220
[23.4.]
 23.5. Philibert de
l’Orme, Plan of the
Chapel at Anet,
engraving
reproduced
in J.A. Du Cerceau,
Les plus excellents
bastiments de
France (Paris 1579)

23.6. Ottavio Bertotti

Scamozzi, Plan
of the Tempietto
Barbaro, Maser,
engraving
reproduced in Le
fabbriche e i disegni
di Andrea Palladio
(Vicenza 1783, IV,
pl. IX)

[23.5.] [23.6.]

the funerary chapel of Diane de Poitiers at Anet (fig. 23.2 and cat.
110). The Duc d’Aumale, son-in-law and co-heir of Diane de Poitiers,
was undoubtedly guided in the choice of a design by his cultivated
brother, the cardinal, who may have asked Palladio for a design,
when, for instance, he visited Venice in 1563.
The only documented connection between Palladio and Spanish
architecture was his contribution of a design for the church of the
Escorial. In his usual systematic fashion Philip ii consulted widely
after the death of the church’s first architect, Juan Bautista De Toledo
(1567): in 1567, 29 drawings for the church were submitted to the
Florentine Accademia del Disegno (of which Palladio was a
member). Between April and June 1572, a panel of the Accademia
examined further drawings, and on 7 July Vignola showed proposals
for the church to Pope Gregory xiii. Palladio’s involvement is
mentioned by Egnazio Danti in his life of Vignola (1583). He writes
that Philip’s agent, the Barone Berardino [Gian Tommaso] Mar-
tirano, ‘obtained drawings from Galeazzo Alessi in Genoa, Pellegrino
Tibaldi in Milan and Palladio in Venice, and in Florence... from the
Accademia’ (cat. 112). When the drawings arrived in Spain (February
1573), the king was dismissive: ‘I don’t think there is much to be taken
from them.’ The church design was now co-ordinated by the
outstanding new architect Herrera, who adopted features from
Toledo’s design, from Alessi’s Santa Maria di Carignano, and perhaps
something from Palladio: especially in the executed façade (fig. 23.2)
where the giant order spans the arcades and the windows above them
(like the Loggia del Capitaniato), while the statues on pedestals above
the columns resemble those in several of Palladio’s works, including
the ‘GG’ project for San Petronio, in Bologna (cat. 150).
Palladio is also documented as having produced a design for
Hungary in 1560, of which no trace survives (Battilotti 1999, p. 486).
Literature: France: Burns 2000f. Spain: Danti 1583; Kubler 1982, pp.
45-56; Bustamante, Marías 1985, pp. 117-147; Wilkinson-Zerner
1993, pp. 101-107; Bustamante García 1994, pp. 124-127, 186-187,
284-285; Battilotti 1999, pp. 501-502.
Howard Burns

221
110. Jacques Androuet Du Cerceau
(1515/1520-1586)
Plan, section and façade elevation
of the funerary chapel of Diane
de Poitiers at Anet
1579
In: ‘LE SECOND VOLUME des plus
excellents Bastiments de France.
Auquel sont designez les plans de
quinze Bastimens & de leur contenu:
ensemble les elevations & singularitez
d’un chascun. par iacques
androuet, du cerceau
architecte. a paris, Pour ledit
Iacques Androuet, Du Cerceau.
m.d.lxxix’
[The 1607 edition is exhibited]
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, E.d.8(2)
Du Cerceau’s publication of royal and
private chateaux in the Île-de-France
[110.]
and Loire regions in part follows the
example of the Quattro Libri. Al-
though Du Cerceau had not designed
the buildings, he describes them, and
publishes plans, views and elevations,
using several representational conven-
tions. His section of the chateau of
Anet and its famous chapel by
Philibert de l’Orme, also includes the
funerary chapel of Henry ii’s mistress,
creator of the chateau.
The chapel, just outside the main
enclosure, consists of a rectangular
barrel-vaulted space, with an Italian
height-to-width proportion (4:3),
terminated by an apse and flanked by
circular sacristies. The façade is
striking for its non-French character
and the erudite use of the order of the
Hadrianeum in Rome (Quattro Libri,
iv, p. 52), with Corinthian pilasters
carrying an entablature with pulvin-
ated frieze and jutting cornice. The
crowning monumental composition
and very high attic (with panels
similar to those of the Palazzo Thiene
attic) transforms the whole façade into
a funerary monument; it also conceals
the French high-pitched roof. The
little panels with cornices are quoted
from the arch at Ancona (and appear
on a Palladio drawing, riba xiv/10;
cat. 77). The way of linking capitals
and bases with a single slight mould-
ing is characteristic of Palladio.
The building was constructed be-
tween 1566 and 1577. No convincing
French candidate for its designer has
emerged; the overall concept and the
façade details are closer to Palladio
than to Primaticcio. The key figure
behind the chapel was Charles de
Guise, Cardinal of Lorraine, in touch
with Daniele Barbaro and friend of
Palladio’s patron Giovanni Grimani
(for whom he obtained a cardinal’s
hat). The French cardinal may have
met Palladio in Italy, perhaps in Venice
in 1563. The most likely hypothesis is
that Palladio gave or sent a design to
Charles de Guise, which was fairly
faithfully followed, at least in the
façade. The doorway and round
window, quoted from the Louvre,
were, however, probably inserted
during execution, while the chunky
blocks supporting the cornice, surely
puzzling for the masons, were replaced
by conventional (and infelicitous) S-
shaped modillions. This change, like
that in the curved buttresses above the
attic, is not reflected in Du Cerceau’s
elevation, suggesting that he had
access to the original drawings. It may
well be that riba xiv/10 (cat. 77),
which seems too small for the façade
222
 of San Francesco della Vigna, is
actually a preliminary design for the
chapel façade.
Literature: Du Cerceau 1576-1579; Du
Cerceau (ed. Thomson) 1988. On Du
Cerceau: Boudon, Couzy 1974, pp. 8-
12, 103-114; Boudon, Blécon 1985, pp.
105-120; Pauwels 2002, pp. 87-89.
On the chapel: Burns 2000f.
howard burns
[111.]
223
111. Andrea Palladio
Plan and elevation of the spiral
stairs at Chambord
1570
Woodcut on paper, in I Quattro
Libri dell’Architettura (Venice 1570),
i, p. 65
Folio
303 × 218 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi
di Architettura Andrea Palladio,
cap c xvi 11
Palladio writes: ‘The Magnanimous
King Francis had another beautiful
type of spiral stairs constructed at
Chambord in France, in a Palace built
by him in a wood, and it is in this
fashion. There are four stairs, which
have four entry points, that is one
each, and they ascend one above the
other, so that being constructed in the
middle of the building, they can serve
four apartments, without those that
live in one having to use the stairs of
another. And as it is open in the
middle, everyone sees others ascend-
ing and descending, without im-
peding each other.’ The design does
not follow the built stairs (before
1533), accurately described by the
Venetian ambassador Giovanni Soran-
zo in 1550: ‘in the middle a spiral
staircase of stone with two flights of
stairs... everyone is of the opinion that
a more beautiful or superb staircase is
not to be seen.’ Palladio shows four
intertwining spiral stairs, constructed
around an open centre, as at the Carità
(figs 16.12 and 16.15). Barbaro would
have noted the three independent
stairs in the interior of Sinan’s
minarets at the Süleymaniye; this may
have fired Palladio’s imagination.
Palladio’s stairs are not visible from the
four halls, as they are at Chambord:
they give onto four separate square
four-column reception halls. Palladio
does not cite his source. It may have
been a lost project (connected with
Leonardo’s four stair schemes?), a
drawing of the actual building or a
verbal description, imaginatively
interpreted. It is probable, however,
that Palladio’s ultimate source was his
friend Marcantonio Barbaro, ambas-
sador to France, 1561-1564 (cat. 119).
Literature: Palladio 1570, i, p. 64;
Mielke 1980; Chatenet 2001, pp. 37-
59, 69-82, 93-116, 242; Mitrovic 2004,
pp. 75-76 (with reconstruction).
howard burns
112. Rodrigo (Dirksen) de Holanda
(before 1540-1600)
The Monastery of San Lorenzo
del Escorial under construction
1576
Pen on grid, backed paper
505 × 773 mm
Notes on the drawing: recto, ‘Por esta
parte ques poniente tiene 645 pies /
Por esta parte [sur] tiene 575 pies’;
verso, ‘The kyng of Spaynes howse’,
in the hand of William Cecil, First
Baron Burghley
History and ownership:
the Collection of William Cecil,
First Baron Burghley
Hatfield, Hertfordshire, the
Collection of William Cecil, First
Baron Burghley, Hatfield House,
The Marquess of Salisbury’s Library
CPM I/13
[Exhibited in London]
[112.]
This view of the monastery of San
Lorenzo del Escorial – also known as
the Hatfield House drawing –
originally belonged to William Cecil,
First Baron Burghley (1520-1598),
Chief Minister of Elizabeth i and Lord
High Treasurer. The drawing is one of
the most detailed surviving represen-
tations of a sixteenth-century building
site. With its sixteen cranes, buildings,
scaffolding, oxen and cart, carters with
their poles, stonecutters and masons,
but also factories, workshops, huts,
workers’ lodgings and chapel, the
drawing offers a lively, faithful image
of life and work on a construction site.
The drawing of Philip ii’s monas-
tery (1563-1586) seen from the east, is
dated – on the grounds of the details
of the subject – to some time between
July and November 1576, when the
southern convent was almost com-
pleted, apart from the north side of the
Cloister of the Evangelists and the
Court of the Kings. Moreover, the
king’s private palace had also almost
been finished, except for the arcades of
its courtyard. At the date of the
drawing, however, work was only in
progress on the perimeter elements of
the third north section – the college,
seminary and public palace. Little
progress had been made on the central
section: only the first towers of the
west front had been erected (they were
to stand beside the library), while the
pillars of the church had been raised
up to about twenty pies.
First published in 1932 (Tenison
1932), the drawing was immediately
re-published by Spanish art historians
(Ruiz de Arcaute 1936; Portabales
Pichel 1945; and Camón Aznar 1959,
p. 396, and 19703, p. 396, fig. 424,
who presented it as a print kept in the
Escorial, dated 1576-1577). Kubler
(1982, p. 79) attributes the drawing to
the Genovese painter Fabrizio Castello
(1562-1617) and Cervera Vera (1985,
pp. 220-222) to the royal architect
Juan de Herrera (1532-1597), whereas
Bustamante García (1994, pp. 419 and
480, no. 109) suggests it is by the
Flemish painter Rodrigo de Holanda.
This kind of drawing, typical of a
painter of choreographic views of
cities, cannot be attributed to Herrera;
and although Castello was already
working at Escorial in 1576, we learn
that only in 1583, ‘pintó sobre papel
toda la máquina’ (‘he depicted on
paper the whole building’) of the
monastery, and then transferred the
drawing to canvas; this work was in
the Torre Dorada before 1599,
according to the testimony of the
224
 Nuremberg physician Hieremias
Gundlach (Unterkircher 1960, pp.
165-196, and Herranz 1997-1998, p.
128: ‘varias pinturas entre las que se
observa con placer una admirable
iconografía del Escorial’ [various
paintings among which one can
observe with pleasure the admirable
iconography of the Escorial’]), and
later in the great hall for public feasts
in Alcázar de Madrid, where it already
hung in 1636 (Orso 1986, app. G, p.
198, no. 34 and Rebollo, Martínez
Leiva 2007, p. 90, no. 567): ‘Escurial.
Otro lienço de pintura al temple, con
moldura dorada y negra, en que está el
Monasterio de S. Lorenço el Real visto
por la parte de la puerta prinçipal toda
su fábrica en prospetiva, y es de mano
de Fabriçio Castelo’ (‘Escorial. An-
other tempera painting on canvas,
with a gilded and black frame,
depicting the Royal Monastery of San
Lorenzo, seen from the main entrance
with the whole construction in
perspective, by the hand of Fabrizio
Castello); this seems to prove that the
Italian’s work resembled the Séptima
Estampa by Juan de Herrera-Pierre
Perret (1587), a well-known perspective
view, seen from the west.
Rodrigo Dirksen de Holanda
(Oudenburg, Bruges) was a student of
the Flemish painter Anton van den
Wyngaerde (Amberes c. 1512/1525-
Madrid 1571), with whom he probably
arrived in Spain in 1561, or slightly
later, in 1564; he then married Anton’s
daughter Catalina in 1573. A ‘criado de
su magestad e su pintor en las obras de
su casa y palacio de la villa del Escurial’
(‘servant of his Majesty and painter of
the works in his house and palace of
the Escorial’), Rodrigo worked for the
king from 1568, especially on the
decoration of the Hall of Battles. The
obvious similarities between his
drawing and the views of Flemish,
Dutch, English, Italian and, most
importantly, Spanish cities by van den
Wyngaerde (Kagan 1986, passim) and
others by Dirksen himself (following
the prototypes of his master and
father-in-law), in the Gallery of the
Paseo (1584-1591) in the Palace of
Philip ii (García-Frías Checa 2003,
pp. 12-14), seem to confirm the
attribution to the painter from
Oudenburg.
In February 1573, three years earlier
than the date of de Holanda’s work,
some drawings by Italian architects,
including Andrea Palladio, had arrived
at the monastery (Danti 1583). This
collection of drawings, put together by
Baron Gian Tommaso Martirano in
1571-1572, consisted of works by Gian
Galeazzo Alessi in Genova, Pellegrino
Tibaldi, Vincenzo Seregni (1509-1594)
and Giuseppe Meda in Milan, Palladio
in Venice, Vincenzo Danti in Flor-
ence, Jacopo Barozzi da Vignola in
Rome, and also the engineer Marti-
225 rano himself. Nonetheless, it seems
that nothing was used from these
works in the final design of the
building (Marías 1998, 2000 and
2002, p. 307), although Juan de
Herrera himself and other Spanish
architects took advantage of their
proposals.
Literature: Danti 1583; Tenison 1932;
Ruiz de Arcaute 1936, pp. 80-81;
Portabales Pichel 1945; Camón Aznar
1959 and 19703; Unterkircher 1960,
pp. 165-196; Kubler 1963, pp. 44-52;
Skelton, Summerson 1971; Kubler
1975, pp. 599, 603; Kubler 1982;
Cervera Vera 1985, pp. 220-222
(attribution to Herrera); Kagan 1986;
Orso 1986; Bustamante García 1994;
Marías 1998, pp. 29-53; Marías 2000,
pp. 351-373; Marías 2002; García-
Frías Checa 2003, pp. 2-15; Rebollo,
Martínez Leiva 2007.
fernando marías
113. Doménikos Theotokópoulos,
called El Greco (1541-1614)
Portrait of Andrea Palladio
c. 1570-1575
Oil on canvas
116 × 98 cm
Inscriptions: signed, ‘domenikos
theotokopoulos’ (in Greek
capitals)
Provenance: P.P. Rubens collection
(lot 14 of the sale, 1641, as Self-
portrait of Tintoretto); Michele Comte
de Vence Collection (sale, 11 February
1761, as Tintoretto); Danish Royal
Collections, Christianborg Castle
(1763, as Tintoretto)
Copenhagen, Statens Museum
for Kunst, KMSsp146
Traditionally believed to have been a
work by Tintoretto, either a Self-
portrait or a Portrait of a scholar, this
painting was given its correct attri-
bution following the recognition of
the signature of Doménikos Theo-
tocópoulos in Greek capital letters in
the lower right margin (Madsen 1898,
pp. 292-295). Consequently, Manuel
B. Cossio included it in extremis in his
monumental monograph dedicated to
the Cretan painter (Cossio 1908, ii, p.
625: cf. Álvarez Lopera 1999, pp. 27
and 37, no. 80), thus definitively
sanctioning the paternity and the
dating to the last five years (1570-1575)
of the painter’s Italian stay. What still
remains to be established, however, is
the identity of the sitter and a more
[113.]
precise date. On the first point, the
proposal to identify the sitter with the
erudite Neapolitan Giambattista della
Porta, advanced by Sigurt Wandel
(1917, pp. 80-22) was readily accepted
and confirmed, albeit with some
reservations, by E.K. Waterhouse
(1930, pp. 61-68, no. 24; cf. Hadjini-
kolaou 1999, pp. 92-98): see the
references in the excellent exhaustive
description in the entry on the portrait
by N. Hadjinikolaou in the catalogue
of a 1995 Athens exhibition (Hadjini-
kolaou 1995, p. 368; 1995a, p. 538). But
in fact this identification is in-
compatible with the known icono-
graphy of Della Porta (the portrait
published in the frontispiece to the
1586 edition of De Humana Physio-
gnomonia), and the dating (Marías
1997, p. 112). Some scholars preferred
to follow the generic identification
(e.g. Portrait of a scholar, Mayer 1925,
no. 340a; Portrait of a Jewish scholar,
Kehrer 1920, p. 54; Portrait of an
architect, Álvarez Lopera 1993, pp. 62
and 276, no. 26), but J.F. Willumsen
(1927, pp. 374-380) eventually sug-
gested the sitter was Andrea Palladio:
this conjecture was taken up and
argued for by the present author
(Puppi 1976, p. 26) after being
authoritatively endorsed by J. Camón
Aznar (1950, i, pp. 74-76), reiterated
by R. Piva (1980, pp. 105-106) and
judged to be basically convincing by
N. Hadjinikolaou (1995, p. 370; 1995a,
p. 539) who, however, still had some
reservations. But a comparison with
the only certain painted portrait of
Palladio by Giovanni Battista Maganza
the Elder, dated 1576, now exhibited in
the Antiodeo of the Teatro Olimpico,
Vicenza (cf. most recently Puppi 2005,
pp. 18-19) should leave no doubt as to
the identity of the sitter in the Copen-
hagen painting (for further possible
supporting evidence, see the small
drawing by Federico Zuccari recently
come to light in the collections of the
Snite Museum of Art, the University
of Nôtre Dame, New Orleans; Puppi
2007, p. 132).
In a note on sheet 837 in Tome iii
of the Giuntina edition (1568) of
Vasari’s Le Vite in his possession (cat.
114), El Greco has no hesitation in
claiming that Palladio was the ‘mayor
arquitecto de nuestro tempo’ (‘the
major architect of our time’; Marías,
in de Salas, Marías 1992, p. 118). El
Greco was thus familiar not only with
the Venice building sites – an accurate
piece of evidence gathered by Fer-
nando Marías (in de Salas, Marías
1992, p. 118), again in El Greco’s notes
on Vasari – but arguably also the
Vicenza building sites. Moreover, just
after publication in 1570, the Quattro
Libri figures as one of the nineteen
‘books of architecture’ generically
recorded among El Greco’s goods in
the post-mortem inventory of 1614
(Marías 1997, p. 313). This infor-
mation refers to his second Venetian
stay, after his dismissal by Cardinal
Alessandro Farnese in July 1572 and his
vain attempt to work again on the
Roman market by enrolling in the
Corporazione dei Pittori di San Luca
on 18 September the same year (cf.
Puppi 2005a, pp. 1-2). In fact in these
circumstances he must have met the
architect and made the portrait at the
request of a patron, certainly not
Palladio himself, but a member –
unfortunately for the time being still
unidentified – of the intellectual
circles of the Venetian patriciate,
frequented by both men (indeed 1572
was the year in which Andrea seems to
have settled in Venice: Battilotti 1982,
pp. 197-212). Evidence for this
suggested dating lies in the very
obvious stylistic similarities between
the Copenhagen portrait and the
Capodimonte Portrait of Giulio
Clovio, as well as the busts in the
Christ Driving the Money Changers
from the Temple in the Minneapolis
Institute of Art, both datable to after
1572. Lastly, we would stress that El
Greco does not portray Palladio with
the usual attributes of compass and
square, but with those of a scholar, in
keeping with his conception of the
architect’s intellectual and liberal role
(cf. Marías, Bustamante 1981, passim).
Literature: Madsen 1898; Cossio
1908; Wandel 1917, pp. 80-82; Kehrer
1920, p. 54; Mayer 1925, no. 340a;
Willumsen 1927, pp. 374-380;
Waterhouse 1930, pp. 61-68, n. 24;
Camón Aznar 1950, i, pp. 74-76;
Puppi 1976, p. 26; Piva 1980, pp.
105-106; Marías, Bustamante 1981;
Battilotti 1982, pp. 197-212; Marías,
in de Salas, Marías 1992, p. 118;
Álvarez Lopera 1993, pp. 62 and 276,
no. 26; Hadjinikolaou 1995, p. 368;
Hadjinikolaou 1995a, p. 538; Marías
1997, p. 112; Álvarez Lopera 1999, pp.
27 and 37, no. 80; Hadjinikolaou
1999, pp. 92-98; Puppi 2005, pp. 18-
19; Puppi 2005a, pp. 1-2; Puppi
2007, p. 132.
lionello puppi
114. Doménikos Theotokópoulos,
called El Greco (1541-1614)
Handwritten annotations
In: ‘I Dieci Libri/ Dell’Architettura
Di M./ Vitruvio Tradutti Et/
Commentati Da Monsignor/
[Daniele] Barbaro Eletto Patriarca/
D’Aquileggia./ Con due tavole,
l’una di tutto quello si contiene per i/
Capi nell’Opera, l’altra par
dechiaratione di tutte/ le cose
d’importanza./ In Vinegia Per
Francesco Marcolini Con Privileggi.
m d lvi.
c. 1592
Folio
409 × 289 mm
History and ownership: Doménikos
Theotokópoulos, called El Greco;
‘Don Andrés Muñoz Alcántara
Alicarnaso’; ‘Don José del Rey’; ‘Sn
Joseph’; ‘Muñoz’; ‘Brigadier d. Joseph
de Avellaneda’; ‘De Peña’
Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional
de España, R/33475
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
Illustrated by Andrea Palladio, the
translation and commentary by
Daniele Barbaro, Patriarch elect of
Aquileia, is one of the most important
texts by, and on, Vitruvius to be
published in the sixteenth century and
the most representative book of
Veneto culture before the appearance
of the Quattro Libri.
This example – listed in 1621 as
being in the library of El Greco but
not mentioned in the inventory made
on the artist’s death in 1614 – has the
added value of containing a large
number of annotations on the manu-
script, concerning architecture and
painting, made by the Cretan artist,
who had visited Venice (1567-1570)
and Rome (1570-1577; there is no
evidence of his coming back to Venice
after 1570 according to Puppi’s
assumption) before finally settling in
Toledo in 1577. These annotations in
the margins, together with those on
his copy of Le Vite by Giorgio Vasari
(Florence 1568; Madrid, Colección
Familia de Salas), are the only
evidence of El Greco’s theoretical
thinking to have survived, since the
more systematic doctrinal corpus,
dedicated to Philip iii, to which he
devoted many years, has been lost. In
1621, his son Jorge Manuel Theoto-
kópuli, on applying for the position of
first architect to the royal palace of
Toledo, adduced the merit of having
helped his father ‘en un insigne libro
que dejó hecho de arquitectura,
dedicado a Vuestra Magestad, sobre
Vitruvio, donde se trata de toda la
arquitectura, en que por muchos años
travajó continuamente’ (‘on an
excellent book of architecture, which
he completed and dedicated to your
Majesty, dealing with all the archi-
tecture he had worked on con-
tinuously for many years’). This text is
very probably the ‘zinco libros de
arquitetura manuescriptos, el uno con
trazas’ (‘five manuscript books of
architecture, one of which with
drawings’), which was included by
Jorge Manuel in an inventory of the
artist’s possessions in 1621, but of
which no trace survives.
The annotations to Barbaro’s
Vitruvius date from after 1591, when
El Greco was in Toledo (Marías,
Bustamante 1979, pp. 31-39, and 1981,
pp. 56-62; Marías 1997, pp. 187-195,
and 1999, pp. 179-199), whereas those
to Vasari’s Le Vite date from after 1586
(de Salas, Marías 1992), although
Davis (2003, pp. 45-71 and 297, no.
136) has, without sufficient justifi-
cation, suggested the earlier dates of
before 1589 and the early 1580s
respectively.
El Greco certainly stopped in
Vicenza on his journey from Venice to
Rome in 1570. He agreed with Vasari
about the quality of the city and its
fine surrounding countryside, on the
evidence, among other things, of the
architecture of Andrea Palladio which
Vasari had praised: ‘In short, Palladio
has built many very large and
beautiful buildings inside and outside
Vicenza, which, even if there were no
others, would be sufficient to make a
highly honourable city and very
beautiful [surrounding] countryside’;
Vasari 1568 [1906], iii, p. 837). In
addition to probably having executed
the portrait of Palladio (cat. 113), his
admiration for the architect is
apparent in his notes on his copy of
Vitruvius (vii, vii pp. 170-171). After
analysing some of Michelangelo’s
distinctive features as an architect, he
compares him to Andrea Palladio: ‘y
en lo ques particular dellos Antiguos
[¿] qui se puede aguallar con Andrea
Palladio [¿] que solo con ver sus
fábricas particulares le deve todo el
mundo más que a cuantos/le deve
todo el mundo más que [a] quantos en
Architetura scriverono [sic].’ (‘and in
what is typical of the Ancients [?], who
could equal Andrea Palladio [?] to
whom, only considering his individual
buildings, everyone is indebted more
than to all the others who have written
on Architecture [sic]’).
El Greco also mentions Palladio in
his annotations on Vasari’s Le Vite
(1568 [1906], iii, p. 873). He criticises
Vasari for the modest praise which he
accords the Vicentine architect, noting
somewhat sarcastically ‘mire principio
y lugar... [en] que pone al mayor
arquitecto de nuestro tiempo’ (‘see the
importance and place he gives to the
major architect of our time’). Simi-
larly, he disagrees with Vasari’s opinion
that, although still young, Palladio
could have designed better buildings,
especially considering that he had
already been elected a member of the
Florentine Accademia del Disegno
(Vasari 1568 [1906], iii, p. 839): ‘mira
el favor que [se le hace a Palladio como
a] cuantos han entrado en aquella su
Academia, no sé yo un nombre que
suene en el mundo y que sea de tanto
provecho como Paladio de que...
poniendo a todos los barones notables
de Venecia, pasó Paladio con Ticiano
en compañía de los príncipes’ (look at
the privilege [accorded to Palladio
like] those who entered that Accade-
mia, I know of no name pronounced
in the world which is of so much
benefit as Palladio’s and for this...
considering all the notable lords of
Venice, [Vasari] placed Palladio
[alone] with Titian in the company of
the princes [of the Florentine Acca-
demia]’).
Evidence of El Greco’s early
admiration for Palladio can be found,
for example, in his retables in Santo
Domingo el Antiguo at the Hospital
Tavera, in Toledo, which present a
personal blend of elements taken from
Palladio, Vignola and Michelangelo,
and also in his now lost treatise on
architecture. Despite this admiration, 226
 the sculptor and architect Salvador
Muñoz (c. 1585-1645), in welcoming
the positive judgement of painter-
architects, adduced ‘una razón que
hallé en unos papeles manuscritos de
Dominico el Griego, de Toledo... que
dice: Que Vitruvio nos enseña a los
hombres a ser filósofos, médicos,
músicos, astrólogos y demás ciencias
que Vitruvio obliga, [más] que a ser
Arquitectos, sabiendo que la arqui-
tectura consiste en dibujar y más di-
bujar – cada uno sentirá de esto con-
forme alcanzara y le pareciese, solo
digo (como el mundo sabe) [que] fue
gran pintor e inquirió las cosas de
arquitectura y hombre de exquisito
ingenio [...] El Serlio, Vignola y
Palladio y otros muchos que podemos
nombrar no sabemos que hayan sido
orador con las condiciones que dice
Vitruvio, pero por lo menos de todos
[114.]
227
conocen haber sido geómetras,
aritméticos y perspectivos pues sus
obras lo manifiestan y de Palladio dice
el sobredicho Dominico que fue falto en
lo que Vitruvio dice, pero no se debe
entender de la Aritmética y la Geo-
metría porque en eso y en el dibujo
todos han sido muy científicos porque
se han visto dibujos diestrísimos de
todos los más y de gallarda San
Lorenzo el Real y su sucesor Juan de
Herrera, me han certificado personas
de crédito que vieron sus dibujos que
fueron muy grandes dibujantes’ (‘the
reasoning I found in some manuscript
papers of Dominico el Griego of
Toledo... who says: Vitruvius teaches
men to be philosophers, physicians,
musicians, astrologists and [experts of ]
other sciences he deems necessary
[more] than to be architects, knowing
that architecture consists in drawing
and drawing again – and each will be
aware of this as much as is necessary or
appears to be so, I only say (as everyone
knows) that he [El Greco] was a great
painter and he investigated the matters
of architecture and [he was] a man of
refined invention… we do not know if
Serlio, Vignola and Palladio and many
others that we can mention met the
conditions which Vitruvius set, but at
least they are known to have been
surveyors, mathematicians, and experts
in perspective, since their works show
it and [although] the above-mentioned
Domenico says of Palladio that he was
lacking in what Vitruvius says, this is
not meant for Arithmetic and Geom-
etry because in this and in drawing
they were all very knowledgeable
because we have seen drawings more
skilful than [those] of the excellent San
Lorenzo el Real and his successor Juan
de Herrera; I have been told by reliable
men who have seen their drawings that
they were very great draftsmen’)
(Gutiérrez 1991, pp. 49-50; Marías
1994). Thus although Palladio may not
have been a philosopher, physician,
musician or astrologer, in El Greco’s
opinion he was still the ‘major architect
of our time’.
Literature: Marías, Bustamante 1979,
pp. 31-39; Marías, Bustamante 1981;
Gutiérrez 1991, pp. 41-62; de Salas,
Marías 1992; Marías 1994, ii, pp.
1445-1461; Puppi 1995b, pp. 251-254;
Marías 1997; Marías 1999, pp. 179-
199; Puppi 1999a, pp. 1119-1128;
Davies 2003, pp. 45-71; Puppi 2007a,
pp. 31-39.
fernando marías
 24. The Church of the Redentore, Venice
Begun in May 1577 and consecrated in 1592, the church of the
Redentore was the only building commission given to Palladio by the
Republic of Venice. It is also one of the last works designed by the
architect and among the most important of his career. The complex
and controversial design story, involving hostile groups of patricians
and alternative proposals, was possibly due to the ‘alarming’ novelties
of the façade of San Francesco della Vigna (1564-1565) (section 15) and
the church of San Giorgio Maggiore (1565) (section 18). The evident
Romanism of those works had been called for and promoted in
Venice by a small group of powerful families, like the Barbaro and
Grimani, but had been met with diffidence from other members of
the patriciate, faithful to building styles rooted in the local
24.1. Church of the
Redentore, ground construction tradition, almost archaic if compared to the Palladian
floor plan (drawing
by Simone Baldissini, approach. This ideological and cultural contrast between innovators
2008)
and conservatives ran right through sixteenth-century Venetian
24.2. Church
of the Redentore, architecture and was made manifest in all the decision-making stages
longitudinal section
(drawing by Gilda for the Redentore.
D’Agaro and Maria
Tarlà, 1961) The Senate had approved the construction of the church on 4
24.3. Cat. 118, detail September 1576 as an ex-votive building and destination for yearly
[24.1.]
pilgrimages to ward off the plague which had broken out the previous
year. On 22 November, after a long debate and as an alternative to the
sites of San Vidal and Santa Croce, an area of 16 × 40 passi was
chosen on the island of the Giudecca; the management of the new
building was entrusted to the Capuchins.
Palladio made an initial design for this plot of land; the project is
documented by drawings of plans, sections and elevations in riba
xiv/ 13, 14 and 15 (Burns 1975, p. 146). Arguably anticipating possible
objections on the grounds of the excessive magnificence of the
design, complete with pronaos and dome, Palladio also designed a
more straightforward and economic alternative solution, which was,
however, directly derived, through a simple graphic transposition,
from the earlier drawings (riba xiv/16; Pizzigoni 2003, p. 172). On 9
February 1577, the Senate rejected the more elaborate initial proposal,
sponsored by Marcantonio Barbaro, and approved the construction
of a church with a longitudinal plan (fig. 24.1). Palladio’s new project,
eventually built, was definitively approved on 17 February 1577.
When viewed, as it should be, from a frontal position (the view
enjoyed by the faithful on the pontoon bridge during the annual
[24.2.]
228
 [24.5.] [24.6.] [24.7.]

pilgrimage; fig. 24.6) the church as built appears as an edifice with a work, in the Redentore he expresses the ancient Vitruvian idea, 24.4. Church of the
Redentore, rear view
central plan: the Pantheon elements – portico, attic level and dome, revived in the Humanist age by Leon Battista Alberti (De re 24.5. Church of the
as described in the first proposal (riba xiv/ 13, 14 and 15) – are aedificatoria, vii, 5), of architecture as a body with correlated parts: an Redentore, side view

flattened in an orthogonal view (Timofiewitsch 1969, p. 38). This idea of architecture as animans. 24.6. Church of the
Redentore, front view
view of the church, underscored by a high podium, enables us to 24.7. Church of the
reconstruct Palladio’s design process, developed through the Literature: Zorzi 1966, pp. 121-141; Timofiewitsch 1968, pp. 54-87; Redentore, interior

orthogonal projection of spaces and masses on the plane of the Timofiewitsch 1969; Burns 1975, pp. 143-145, cat. 256; Battilotti
façade: the giant order corresponds to the nave; the small order, with 1980a, pp. 265-268; Battilotti 1982, pp. 204-207; Boucher 1994, pp.
half pediments, to the side chapels; and the external buttresses 194-200; Puppi 1999, pp. 419-423; Howard 2003, pp. 306-325;
absorbing the thrust from the internal barrel vault are a continuation Cooper 2005, pp. 229-257.
of the walls placed between the chapels (fig. 24.5). The tripartite
scheme of the façade with intersected orders, previously adopted, Andrea Guerra
with variations, in earlier projects (cats 77 and 90), is a means of
uniting such heterogeneous elements. A similar concatenation is
projected inside the church, where the spaces are legible in the
sequence of nave, sanctuary and choir, and their separation is
underscored both by the changes in floor height and variations in
ceiling type (fig. 24.7.) The entablature above the paired half-
columns, running continuously from the counter-façade to the
transept, serves to bind and give unity to this extraordinary spatial
disarticulation. The rhythmic sequence of the paired half-columns
seems to echo a similar arrangement used by Antonio da Sangallo for
St. Peter’s in the Vatican (U 67 A; Burns 1975, p. 145), while the form
and sequence of the chapels and interposed pilasters show precise
references to Raphael’s project for St. Peter’s, published by Sebastiano
Serlio (1540, iii; Timofiewitsch 1969, p. 42). Raphael’s project may
have also given rise to the idea of the apse screened by columns,
possibly envisaged but not realised by Palladio in San Giorgio
Maggiore (Guerra 2006, pp. 378-380). Contemporary examples, but
also ancient ones, such as Roman baths (riba ii/6, v/6, xvi/9; Burns
1975, p. 145) (cats 26, 138-141), informed the solution for the spatial
joints and the correspondences between architectural order, wall
structure and positioning of windows. Multiple sources thus created
a complex but unitary architecture, the outcome of Palladio’s long
231 career and continuous experimentation. More than in any other
[115.]

232
 115. Giovanni Antonio Canal,
called Canaletto (1697-1768)
The Church of the Redentore,
Venice
c. 1740
Oil on canvas
61 x 94 cm
Provenance: Lord Cromwell;
Christie’s 1984
Manchester City Galleries, 1984.31

Seen from the Canale della Giudecca,

the veduta shows a slightly angled view
of the church: on the left, behind the
façade, in addition to the dome and
two stair towers, we see the main block
of the nave and the monumental
apsidal transept. By meticulously
rendering the light striking the façade,
Canaletto successfully underscores
most of Palladio’s intentions in the
distribution, on slightly setback levels,
of the various systems of architectural
orders that constitute the façade. The
other church appearing behind the
line of houses to the right is San
Giacomo, demolished in the nine-
teenth century.
For documentation on this painting
and its companion work, see cat. 88.

Literature: Constable, Links 1989, i, p.

xlix; ii, p. 735, no. 318** (alternatives
nos. 317, 318 and 318*); Links 1998, p.
32, no. 318** (alternative no. 318***).

susanna pasquali

233
 116. Antonio Visentini (1688-1782)
Interior of the Church
of the Redentore
1746 (?)
Pen and brown ink, grey watercolour,
bistre
495 × 605 mm
The scale on the lower edge of the
sheet (divided 1 to 5 = 25.5 mm) was
possibly used to reduce the identical
scene shown in a much larger oil
painting (Milan, private collection),
also by Visentini, to this small format
History and ownership: Sir Robert
Clermont Witt, bequeathed 1952
London, Courtauld Institute
of Art Gallery, D.1952.RW.1503
This drawing of the interior of the
Redentore corresponds closely to an
oil painting on a much larger scale
made by the same artist around 1746
[117.]
[116.]
(Milan, private collection), and
involving the collaboration of Giam-
battista Tiepolo and Francesco Zucca-
relli for the figures (Succi 1986, pp. 79-
85; 1986a, pp. 87-94). It was the
intellectual and art collector Count
Francesco Algarotti (1712-1764) who
brokered this exceptional collabor-
ation. By choosing an iconic example
of Palladian architecture and including
figures studying a survey of the church
(probably Visentini himself and the
British Consul Joseph Smith), Alga-
rotti wished to highlight the con-
temporary interest shown by a later
generation of artists and patrons in the
work of the great sixteenth-century
architect. On this sheet, Visentini has
drawn the architecture itself with great
care, even including a scale on the
lower edge. The rather stiff, schematic
figures were added at a later date.
Literature: Witt 1931, pp. 294-295;
Fairbairn, in Burns 1975, p. 147, cat.
261; Succi 1986, pp. 79-85; Succi
1986a, pp. 87-94, especially p. 94.
andrea guerra
117. Renato Cevese (designer);
Andrej Soltan (draftsman);
Ballico-Officina Modellisti sas
(model makers)
Model of the Church
of the Redentore
1972
Lime and beech wood with porcelain
biscuit details
Height 154 cm; length 243.5 cm;
width 89 cm
Scale: 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
234
 118. Andrea Palladio
Section of the Church
of the Redentore, Venice
December 1576-January 1577
Pen and ink, incised lines
415 × 537 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘fianco
del portico’, ‘fianco’, ‘coro’, ‘altare’
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
veneziano; 10 piedi veneziani = 32
mm; scale indicated on the lower
edge of the sheet
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sb134/xiv/14
This section – with the plan and
elevation illustrated in sheets riba
xiv/13 and 15 – belongs to Palladio’s
[118.]
235
first project for the church of Reden- Burns 1973, p. 146; Burns 1975, pp.
tore with a central plan. The size of the 146-147, cat. 258; Foscari 1975, pp. 44-
building flanked by narrow passage- 56; Battilotti 1985a, pp. 40-44;
ways is perfectly suited – according to Boucher 1994, pp. 194-195; Battilotti
the scale on riba xiv/13 – to the site of 1999, pp. 507-508; Puppi 1999, pp.
16 × 40 passi on the island of the 431-433; Lewis 2000, pp. 252-254;
Giudecca chosen by the Senate on 22 Pizzigoni 2003, pp. 165-177.
November 1576. Palladio would thus
seem to have made these drawings andrea guerra
sometime between that date and 9
February 1577, when the project was
rejected. The sheet is a presentation
drawing with meticulous measure-
ments, enhanced with figures (by a
different hand). The written explan-
ations, added by a third hand, were
intended to explain the project to
people unfamiliar with architecture.
Literature: Pane 1961, pp. 304-305;
Zorzi 1966, pp. 167-168; Isermeyer
1972, pp. 105-133, especially p. 132;
25. Mediterranean dialogues: Palladio and Sinan
In Palladio’s time the North-eastern Mediterranean was dominated
by Venice and the Ottoman Empire. Venetian power and wealth
were not comparable to those of the vast Ottoman Empire, though
Venetian-held Corfu, Crete, and Cyprus (lost in 1571) were rich and
important possessions. The Venetians, moreover, as the victory at
Lepanto (1571) demonstrated, were capable – at least temporarily –
of overcoming Ottoman might through know-how and determin-
ation.
Although the two states occasionally entered into direct conflict,
they shared trade interests, especially in luxury goods and grain
exports from Ottoman territories, until (villa-centred) land
improvement reduced Venice’s vulnerable dependence. Dialogue was
continuously pursued through ambassadors. Moreover, Nurbanu
Sultan, Selim ii’s legal wife and Sultan Murad iii’s mother, was (or
claimed to be) of Venetian origin, and was anxious to receive the
attentions and gratitude of her native city. Venice and Istanbul had
much in common. They were great cities, built on the sea, dominated
by the domes of magnificent religious buildings. Both were heirs of
the Roman and Byzantine empires, ruled by tight groups of
[25.1.]
experienced officials, who saw in their counterparts not only
potential enemies but also potential allies.
After the conquest of Constantinople (1453), the Imperial mosques
were modelled on the great church of Haghia Sophia, also an inspiration
for Bramante and his contemporaries. The Dome of the Rock in
Jerusalem, which Christians believed to have been the Temple of
Solomon, was also revered and imitated in the Ottoman world.
Ottoman architects in Palladio’s time did not know Vitruvius, and had
none of the Renaissance obsession with the orders and classical
precedents. However, bath complexes, an ancient building type for
Palladio, were being constantly built by Ottoman architects (cat.
120a/b). They worked with a restricted set of capitals and other details,
chosen according to considerations of decorum, just as Palladio did. The
Ottoman architects shared with the Italians a respect for symmetry, clear
hierarchies in plans and elevations, the use of centralised domed
structures, and a preference for rectangular doors and windows.
The question of exchanges at a distance between Palladio and his
great contemporary, Sinan (Imperial architect from 1539 to 1588; fig.
25.1), would be wholly speculative, were it not that Palladio’s patron
25.1. Sinan (left,
holding a measuring
rod) oversees the
construction of the
Mausoleum of Sultan
Süleyman, 1579.
Dublin, Chester
Beatty Library,
MS T.413
25.2. Istanbul, c.
1670, detail. London,
The Nasser D. Khalili
Collection of Islamic
Art
25.3. Cat. 119
236
[25.2.]
25.4. Mausoleum of
Rüstem Pasha (1560-
1561) in the Shezade
Mehmed complex,
Istanbul
25.5. Mosque of
Sokollu, Azapkapi,
west flank
[25.4.] [25.5.]
and friend Marcantonio Barbaro (cat. 119) was Venetian ambassador
in Istanbul from 1568 to 1574. He was on close terms with the grand
vizier Sokollu Mehmet Pasha, who was ultimately responsible for all
the major architectural projects and himself an important building
patron. Barbaro describes his visits to Sinan’s construction sites in his
dispatches.
Sinan and Palladio thus probably knew of each other through
Barbaro, who praised Sinan’s buildings in his report to the Senate
(1574). At least one Ottoman architectural drawing found its way to
Western Europe (cat. 120a/b). And since Barbaro obtained a drawing
of the Chambord stairs for Palladio, it is likely that he also sent him
drawings of Sinan’s works. Western engravings of Istanbul and of
Sinan’s masterpiece, the Süleymaniye mosque, were in circulation.
We can conjecture that Barbaro gave Sokollu, and perhaps Sinan,
copies of the Quattro Libri, which features his own villa. In his
autobiographies, Sinan expresses his sense of rivalry with Western
architects and probably sought information about their works, if only
to outdo them: the crossing piers of the Süleymaniye, seem to be
influenced by those of Sangallo’s basilica of St. Peter’s, in the Vatican,
which the great Ottoman architect could have known from
engravings.
Palladio and Sinan were the leading architects in their respective
worlds and, as authors, give considerable space to describing their
own buildings. They belong to related architectural traditions: if they
saw plans of each other’s buildings they would have found them
surprisingly familiar and been encouraged to continue designing
domed religious buildings well lit by large tripartite windows, as well
as extensive axially-orientated complexes (mosques and their adjuncts
in Sinan’s case; villa complexes and restorations of ancient houses and
piazzas in Palladio’s). A particularly striking parallel is offered by the
huge mosque, madras, bath and caravansary complex of Sokollu at
Lüleburgaz (1565-1569/1570) straddling the main Istanbul-Edirne
road. It was described by travellers, including the Vicentine
Marcantonio Pigafetta. Lüleburgaz anticipates the Quattro Libri
plates (1570) of the Villa Thiene at Quinto and the Piazza dei Greci,
though the comparable caravansary/hospice complex of Nurbanu at
Üsküdar (1571 ff.) is post-Quattro Libri. Another parallel may be
found between the Tempietto at Maser (cat. 123) and the centralised
238
 [25.6.] [25.7.]

domed mausoleum type used by Sinan: the mausoleum (fig. 25.4) of the Ducal Palace. The beautiful new church on the Giudecca offered 25.6. Villa Foscari,
rear façade
the grand vizier Rüstem Pasha (1560-1561) even has a portico with an opportunity to do this: it was visible from a distance, contributing 25.7. Tempietto
columns carrying a straight entablature. Palladio based the Maser to the city’s skyline, and near the new ‘suburban’ palace of Doge Barbaro, Maser,
façade
design on the ‘miniature Pantheon’ scheme of the mausoleum built Alvise Mocenigo on the Giudecca, then assigned as a residence for
by Maxentius on the Via Appia (Quattro Libri, iv, pp. 88-89). Ottoman ambassadors.
Nevertheless, as a patron, Marcantonio Barbaro would certainly have
remembered the mausolea of the Ottoman élite he had seen in Literature: Ideas presented here were initially developed in courses
Istanbul. taught jointly with Gülru Necipoğlu at Harvard. For Sinan and his
Did Sinan take anything specific from Palladio? It is possible that buildings see the fundamental study, Necipoğlu 2005 (on East-West
he did: his later designs show a new interest in façade architecture, contacts: pp. 98-103). For Sinan’s autobiographies, Crane, Akin,
where attics and ground-floor levels are clearly differentiated by Necipoğlu 2006. See also, Marcantonio Barbaro in Alberi 1840, Ser.
cornices and string courses and effects are achieved merely by iii, vol. i, pp. 300-346; Burns 1991, pp. 123-125; Howard 2003.
grouping rectangular window openings. These approaches appear in
the Quattro Libri villa elevations. The elevation of the mosque of Howard Burns
Murad iii at Manisa, with its attic level (1583-1586), may have been
influenced by Palladio’s illustration of the Villa Foscari (fig. 25.6).
The side façades of Sokollu’s mosque at Azapkapi (1572/1574-1578)
(fig. 25.5) can be compared to Palladio’s Quattro Libri elevations of
the Villa Godi or the Villa Cornaro: Sinan’s new fascination with
Italianate façade architecture is so great that he actually conceals the
‘thermal’ windows of the interior behind the rectangular upper
windows of the exterior.
Did Ottoman architecture influence any particular Palladio
building? The answer must be ‘yes’. For reasons of symmetry, and
with the twin campanili of the Basilica del Santo, in Padua, in mind,
Palladio frames the prominent dome of the church of the Redentore
(fig. 24.4) with circular campanili, whose resemblance to minarets is
emphasised by their conical tops. In a public commission of great
importance this was no coincidence. It must have been the result of
a deliberate decision, which Marcantonio Barbaro inspired or
concurred in, to communicate explicitly to the Ottoman world that
the Redentore was the equivalent of a sultan’s mosque. The
prominent dome and twin minarets aimed at reasserting the prestige
of Venice in Ottoman eyes, at a time when the state’s image had been
239 damaged first by the plague of 1575-1576 and then by the 1577 fire in
119. Unidentified Venetian painter
Portrait of Marcantonio Barbaro
with Istanbul in the background
1568-1574 (after March 1573?)
Oil on canvas
122 × 100 cm
Inscriptions: Barbaro displays
a bound formal letter or document,
with a large seal attached
by a tasselled cord; on the cover,
‘e[ccellentiss]imo. Domino
Mahomet musulmanorum / Visiirio
amico optimo’, followed
by a monogram, ‘if mar’,
with superimposed letters
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum
Gemäldegalerie, GG 29, exhibited
since 1976 at Schloss Ambras,
Innsbrück
The sitter is an ambassador to Istan-
bul, on friendly terms with the Grand
[120a.]
Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, as the
cover of the document he displays
announces: ‘Visiirio amico optimo’
(‘to [my] excellent friend the Vizier’).
The identification with Barbaro (who
praises Sokollu in his 1574 report) is
certain though Paola Rossi’s attri-
bution to Sustris lacks a solid basis.
The document could be diplomatic
credentials, or more probably a copy
of the peace treaty negotiated by
Barbaro after the battle of Lepanto,
which was ratified by the Sultan, on 7
March 1573. The portrait underlines
Barbaro’s connection with Istanbul
and Sokollu and recalls the view over
the city from the Venetian embassy at
Pera. The painter, however, who
possibly executed the portrait in
Venice before Barbaro’s return, uses
Vavassori’s woodcut of Istanbul and
consequently shows a view straight up
the Golden Horn, with the Maiden’s
Tower (Kíz Kulesi) in the foreground.
Literature: Krafft 1854, pp. 145-146;
Wickhoff 1893, p. 140 (as Tintoretto);
Rossi, in Puppi 1980c, pp. 244-246
(as Sustris); Heinz, Schütz 1982, pp.
268-269; Howard 2003; Necipoğlu
2005, pp. 98-99. See also: Barbaro, in
Alberi 1840, Ser. iii, vol. i, pp. 301-
346; Gaeta 1964; Capponi 2006, pp.
257-259; Pedani, in Concina 2006, p.
88; Tonini, in Venezia e l’Islam 2007,
p. 328. I am grateful to Deborah
Howard for her comments on the
painting.
howard burns
[120b.]
120a. Unknown Ottoman architect
Plan of a small bath complex
1570s
Ruler, compasses, pen and black ink,
brush and red watercolour, on paper
510 × 390 mm
120b. Unknown Austrian (?)
architect
Copy of a similar bath complex
drawing
1570s
Ruler, compasses, pen and black ink,
on paper
510 × 390 mm
Vienna, Österreichische
Nationalbibliothek, cod. 8615,
fols 151r, 152r
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
The importance of personal hygiene
in the Ottoman world received great
240
 attention in Western accounts, and
baths were often described, as in Luigi
Bassano’s book of 1545. An album
(now in Vienna) compiled during a
Hapsburg embassy in the 1570s
contains two annotated bath plans by
an Ottoman architect, and a copy of
one of the drawings with the anno-
tations translated into German. These
baths are not large and do not aim at
particular architectural effects, unlike
those attributed to Sinan for Hürrem
Sultan, built opposite Hagia Sophia,
with their high domes and complex
centralised spaces, or two impressive
fifteenth-century bath schemes, pre-
served in Istanbul. Like other Otto-
man architectural drawings, the
Vienna drawings demonstrate that the
conventions employed – as for show-
ing domes – were identical to those
used by Italian architects, who would
sometimes, as here, introduce ele-
vation details, like barred windows, on
a plan. Palladio would have had no
difficulty in reading an Ottoman
drawing, and Sinan none in under-
standing the illustrations in Palladio’s
book.

Literature: Bassano 1545 (1568), pp.

23-24, 48-50; Necipoğlu 1986, passim
and pp. 225-227; Necipoğlu 1995, pp.
6-7; Necipoğlu 2005, p. 98.

howard burns

121.
Ottoman silk manufacture
1570s, embroidered in Venice
in the late sixteenth century
Chasuble of Ottoman silk,
embroidered with the arms of the
Barbaro family
Kemba silk, using
the serenk technique, in which a
yellow-gold silk thread is used instead
of ‘gold’ or silver thread, wound
– in the form of a narrow strip
of metal foil – round a silk thread
core; brocade with added satin border
and silk embroidery (paraphrase
of Denny 2007, cited below)
102.5 × 77 cm
Provenance: Francesco Barbaro,
Patriarch of Aquileia (from 1592-
1616), son of Marcantonio Barbaro,
presented the chasuble to the church
of Santa Maria Assunta, where it has
remained
Cividale del Friuli, parrocchia
di Santa Maria Assunta, Arcidiocesi
di Udine, Ufficio Arte Sacra e Beni
Culturali, inv. 23201

Marcantonio Barbaro, in the portrait

of him as ambassador (cat. 119)
appears to be wearing Ottoman dress
(cf. Loqman’s miniature of Mehmed
ii, 1579, in Carboni, in Venezia e
l’Islam 2007, p. 187): a fur-lined
sleeveless coat, over a brocade tunic,
241 worn with a sash. There is nothing
[121.]
particularly extravagant about this,
especially given the resemblance of
Venetian official dress to Ottoman
clothes, but it indicates a gesture of
friendship towards the Grand Vizier
Sokollu Mehmed Pasha (cat. 119).
Ottoman fabrics were prized in
Venice, and frequently used in vest-
ments. Either Barbaro himself, or his
son Francesco, purchased (or was
given) a splendid piece of silk, which
Francesco had transformed into this
chasuble. On the back is the em-
broidered addition of the Barbaro coat
of arms, which is also found on the
Villa Maser. Francesco was sent by the
Council of Ten to Istanbul in 1573 to
bring back the draft peace treaty with
the Sultan after the Battle of Lepanto
(Gaeta 1964, p. 111). Istanbul thus
supplied fabric for the vestments for
the future Patriarch, while Marcan-
tonio obtained Murano glass lamps
which were to be used in new
mosques, including those built under
the direction of Sokollu.
Literature: Atasoy et al. 2001, p. 43,
cat. 18; Denny 2007, pp. 195-198,
336-337, cat. 54. On mosque lamps
from Venice: Necipoğlu 2005, p. 381;
Raby 2007, pp. 112-117, p. 289 (fig.).
howard burns
122. Howard Burns (designer);
Ivan Simonato (model maker)
Model of the Mausoleum
of the Grand Vizier Rüstem Pasha,
Shezade Mehmed complex,
Istanbul, 1560-1561, designed
by Sinan (Imperial architect
from 1539 to 1588)
2008
Wood
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
There is a long tradition in Islamic
architecture of domed, often octag-
onal mausolea, which continued in
Ottoman times. Sinan sometimes
added a portico in front of the
octagon. In Süleyman’s tomb, the
portico surrounds the building. Sinan
was possibly influenced by Diocletian’s
mausoleum at Spalato (Split), also
known to Palladio. Important Otto-
man mausolea resemble domed
Renaissance funerary chapels or small
churches, like the Tempietto at Maser
(cat. 123). Selim ii’s mausoleum at
Haghia Sophia (1574-1576/1577) has a
projecting transitional section be-
tween the rotunda and the portico, as
in the Pantheon, which Sinan could
have known through the Quattro
Libri or Italian engravings. The
mausoleum of Rüstem Pasha, husband
of Süleyman’s daughter Mihrümah, is
classicising to the point of having an
entablature instead of arches above the
portico columns; the articulation
resembles the smooth vertical bands
employed by Giulio Romano, Vignola
and Herrera in place of pilasters.
Barbaro would have recalled these
mausolea when he decided to build
the Tempietto at Maser.
Literature: Hillenbrand 1994, pp. 253-
330; Necipoğlu 2005, pp. 219-220,
233-234, 327.
howard burns
123. Renato Cevese (designer);
Andrej Soltan (draftsman);
Ballico-Officina Modellisti sas
(model makers)
Model of the Tempietto Barbaro
1971
Lime and beech wood with porcelain
biscuit details
Height 77 cm; length 41.5 cm;
width 77 cm
Scale: 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
The Tempietto at Maser, begun in
1580 for Marcantonio Barbaro, was
the only ecclesiastical commission in
which Palladio was afforded the
opportunity to explore the centralised
plan, his preferred form for churches
(Quattro Libri, iv). The outcome is a
structure that imaginatively fuses the
circle and the Greek cross. Outside, it
is the Greek cross that dominates,
although its shape is slightly masked
by the addition of a pedimented
portico and twin lanterns to the front
arm and by paired sacristies at the rear.
Inside, it is the circle that governs,
with the cylindrical space being
capped by a dome and pierced on the
main axes by the four barrel-vaulted
recesses of the Greek cross, which
house the entrance and the three
altars.
The chapel seems to have been
intended from the outset to serve three
principal functions (Lotz 1977). One
was that of oratory – a chapel that
could be used by the Barbaro family
when in residence at their adjacent
villa. Another was that of mausoleum,
at least to judge from the tomb slab at
the centre of the chapel’s floor, though
not for Marcantonio himself as he
always wanted to be buried in the
family vault in San Francesco della
Vigna in Venice, as his will stipulates
(Yriarte 1874, p. 420). A third was that
of parish church. It is clear from a
papal bull of 1585 that Marcantonio
Barbaro was attempting to wrest the
status of parish church away from the
existing church of San Paolo in the
village and transfer it to his own villa
chapel (Basso 1968). In doing this he
would have extended the Barbaro
influence in the neighbourhood be-
yond the agricultural and economic
into a religious sphere. He was
ultimately unsuccessful in his attempt
(Lewine 1973) but, as will become
clear, the chapel was probably
designed with this aim in mind.
The chapel’s role as a villa oratory is
expressed by being located close to the
villa itself, within an easy walk from
the house. It is also expressed through
being marked out as a Barbaro
building, achieved in part through the
use of coats of arms and inscriptions,
which refer to the Barbaro family, but
even more so by making the chapel
appear visually as though it belonged to
the villa. For example, it is covered
with imitation coursed ashlar, a
feature not found elsewhere in
Palladio’s ecclesiastical designs, but
one which does adorn the exterior of
the adjacent Villa Barbaro and its
barchesse. Similarly the abundance of
stucco statuary in the pediment of the
chapel, in the swags between the
capitals of the portico and in the
niches inside the chapel take up one of
the more distinctive themes of the
villa’s façade. Its function as a ‘mauso-
leum’ is expressed principally by the
adoption of a centralised plan, a form
that was traditional for funerary
architecture, and it is not by chance
that many of the design ideas for the
interior were inspired by Sanmicheli’s
Cappella Pellegrini (1528) in Verona
(first noted by Magrini 1845, p. 218), a
mausoleum designed for the
Raimondi-Pellegrini family. These
ideas concerned the distribution of
internal spaces, the centrally placed
tomb, the articulation of the walls
with interlocking major and minor
orders and the balustrade around the
foot of the dome. Its function as a
parish church is revealed in the
building’s size, which is far larger than
was normal at the time for a villa
chapel, and in its monumentality,
which with its bell towers, dome and 242
 lantern, was especially grand for a villa
chapel. More significantly, it faces the
village rather than the villa, stands
outside the villa compound, and
appears to be symbolically distanced
from the villa by being placed on the
other side of the main road. These
features – namely its grandeur, size,
siting and orientation – were pre-
sumably intended to encourage the
local population to think of the
church as being theirs, as was, for that
matter, the original dedication to St.
Paul (Basso 1968; Lotz 1977), which
was meant to remind them of their old
parish church.
The chapel is the most all’antica of
Palladio’s ecclesiastical designs. It was
the only one of his churches to resemble
ancient Roman temple architecture by
being built with a pedimented portico.
It was also the only one to be given the
[123.]
243
flat, stepped dome of ancient Roman
tombs and temples, quite unlike the
‘Byzantine’ raised domes of his Venetian
churches. Indeed, its combination of
rotunda and portico has often led
commentators to see Palladio’s primary
inspiration as being the Pantheon, but
in doing so they have ignored other,
equally plausible antique sources. One
is the small, porticoed rotunda known
as the Mausoleum of Romulus on the
Via Appia, which would have acted as
an appropriate model for Palladio,
especially as it was attached to a villa
complex. Another, and perhaps the
most persuasive, is the Tempio della
Tosse in Tivoli (see for example Pirro
Ligorio, ms Canon. ital. 138 [Bodleian
Codex] 176; Rasch 1998), which with its
fusion of stepped dome, rotunda and
Greek cross is a very close model for the
chapel.
Unfortunately, the chapel was not
supervised through to completion by
Palladio, who died in August 1580,
probably not long after the building
was designed. Without Palladio’s
direct involvement, quality control
seems to have suffered and by the time
the building was finished (certainly by
1584 when the internal stuccoes are
mentioned; Serlio 1584, preface) a
number of changes appear to have
been introduced into the design,
which to judge from Palladio’s other
buildings he would not have liked.
One is the absence of any horizontal
alignment between the portico’s en-
tablature and the membering running
around the chapel at that level, an
oddity which conflicts with his
practice in both churches and villas;
another is the lack of uniformity in
width between sacristy zone at the
back of the building and the portico at
the front, and a third is the absence of
vertical alignment between the
modillions in the upper and lower
cornice of the portico’s pediment
(Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, iv, pp.
20-24). It would appear therefore that
Palladio’s chapel at Maser is a building
that comes close to Palladio’s ideal in
concept but not in its detailing.
Literature: Ackerman 1966, pp. 137-
138; Zorzi 1967, pp. 161-165; Iser-
meyer 1972, pp. 131-132; Puppi 1973,
pp. 433-435; Burns 1975, pp. 244-245;
Marder 1981, pp. 241-246; Boucher
1998, pp. 176-179; Battilotti 1999, pp.
510-511.
paul davies
 26. The Teatro Olimpico
The Teatro Olimpico is Palladio’s last work and one of his greatest
achievements. It is outstanding not only architecturally, but also as a
working theatre in which columns, cornices and statues of the
Academicians give intensity and stature to performances and living
actors. Palladio’s own stage experience and that of the drama expert
Angelo Ingegneri (director of the inaugural performance at the
theatre; elected Academician, 22 April 1580) contributed to the
Olimpico’s effectiveness as a theatre.
The innovations of Palladio’s time – the emergence of great
powers, new religious positions and divisions, new military
organisation, diffusion of printed books, technological and scientific
advances, a new art and architecture – must also include the theatre.
Based on the revival of ancient drama, theatre was also a way of
reinforcing – or undermining – contemporary values and opinions.
It was a metaphor for all spectacles and a broad perspective,
embracing human life itself, a vehicle for an emerging shared culture
and a non-religious focus for socialising. Palladio’s Teatro Olimpico,
like London’s Globe Theatre, played a part in this story of cultural
innovation.
26.1. Teatro Olimpico,
ground floor plan
(drawing by Simone
Baldissini, 2008)
26.2. Teatro
Olimpico,
longitudinal section
(drawing by Andrej
and Ewa Soltan,
1972)
26.3. Cat. 127a, detail
[26.1.]
Not surprisingly, Vicenza was also involved. Vicenza still boasted
the presence of the substantial ruins of a large Roman theatre (cat.
126a). Trissino’s Sofonisba (published 1524; cat. 9) was famous in its
time, showing how Aristotle’s rules and Greek tragedy could provide
the basis for a new theatre using poetic language close to everyday
speech and blank verse (as in Shakespeare) to ennoble the text
without the artificiality of rhyme. Trissino’s ‘programme’ for Vicenza,
centred round architecture and theatre. In Padua his friend Alvise
Cornaro had already launched a similar project through his
patronage of the brilliant playwright Ruzante and the architect
Falconetto, who built a loggia behind Cornaro’s house as a
permanent backdrop for performances.
In 1539 Serlio came from Venice to construct a wooden theatre in
the courtyard of a Vicentine palace. In 1555 a group of cultivated
nobles, writers and artists (including Palladio) founded the Acca-
demia Olimpica, distinguished by its socially mixed membership.
Among its aims was staging plays. In 1561 the Accademia organised
the performance of a comedy and in 1562 a tragedy, Trissino’s Sofo-
nisba. An ancient-type temporary theatre was designed by Palladio
[26.2.]
244
 [26.4.]
26.4. Teatro
Olimpico, frons
who, in 1561, even participated in rehearsing the actors. In 1565 he
scaenae designed a temporary theatre for Venice: ‘I have finished making this
26.5. Teatro
Olimpico, cavea
blessed theatre, in which I have done penance for all my sins, past
and future’, he writes to his friend Arnaldi.
Palladio died on 19 August 1580. A year earlier (10 August 1579), the
Accademia had resolved – given the success of Sofonisba and an
absence of productions thereafter – to stage a pastoral. On 15 February
1580, the Academicians voted to petition the city to grant them a space
in the Old Prisons. Ziggiotti, the Accademia’s early historian, adds that
they also resolved to build a theatre, ‘following the model already
made by the Academician Palladio’. The space was granted, and five
months after Palladio’s death work was well underway; on 18 April
1581, Palladio’s son, the Academician Silla Palladio, was appointed
superintendent. By 28 May 1584, the Accademia had decided to
perform Orsatto Giustinian’s translation of Sophocles’ Oedipus Rex.
Further land was made available for constructing the new permanent
scenery, designed by Vincenzo Scamozzi. The play was performed to
a crowded house early in March 1585; the music and lighting
contributed significantly to the success.
[26.5.]
By 1580, Palladio had been studying the text of Vitruvius on
theatres and ancient theatres for forty years (cats 125-127). He had
designed temporary theatres in 1561, 1562 and 1565. He would have
seen the permanent theatre built by Bertani in Mantua (1549-1551;
destroyed by fire in 1588), and would have known the open-air theatre
projects by Raphael and Sangallo for the Villa Madama and by
Vignola for the Palazzo Farnese at Piacenza, where in one project a
semi-elliptical cavea is proposed (Adorni 2002, pp. 314-315).
One starting point for Palladio’s design was the long trapezoidal
room of the old building, with a wall towards the street and a parallel
wall, which Palladio demolished, leaving only the sections
corresponding to the ends of the tiers of seats. Six metres behind this,
he built the substantial wall of the frons scaenae. The stage was closed
on the left by a pre-existing wall and Palladio added a new wall on
the right. Another starting point was his idea of the layout of ancient
theatres, determined by a scheme of equilateral triangles touching the
circumference of a circle following the curve of the exterior of the
theatre; the base of one triangle fixed the alignment of the scene wall.
This mistaken reading of Vitruvius (cat. 127b) established an ex-
246
 [26.6.] [26.7.]

cessive distance between the public and the stage. Palladio remained superimposed orders and was decorated with statues. In the 26.6. Andrea
Palladio, Second
faithful to his idea, though it conflicted with actual Roman theatres Olimpico these are not Roman emperors nor ancient gods, but terrace above
the Roman Theatre,
(cats 124-125). stucco statues of the Academicians themselves, dressed as ancient Verona. London, RIBA
XII/22v
He gave coherence to his theatre by (flexibly) respecting Vitruvius: Romans, acting for ever in their silent roles (fig. 26.4; and fig. 1, p. 2). 26.7. Giacomo
he squeezed the cavea into a semi-ellipse, to make it fit the site, while Marzari, The Ruins
of the Teatro Berga,
still fixing the line of the scene wall with a triangle, now inscribed in Literature: Zorzi 1969, pp. 263-327; Gallo 1973; Puppi 1973, pp. 435- woodcut reproduced
in La historia di
an ellipse. The small size of the Olimpico fortunately leaves the cavea 439; Oosting 1981; Magagnato 1992; Mazzoni 1998; Battilotti 1999, Vicenza (Vicenza
1604)
close to the scene wall and the actors. Above the seats, he placed a p. 511; Cafà, in Barbieri, Beltramini 2003, pp. 251-260; Gros 2006,
Corinthian colonnade, which becomes a closed wall in its central pp. 83-95.
portion, given the lack of space. A drawing shows a late stage in the
evolution of the frons scaenae (cat. 128) without indications of Howard Burns
receding streets. Palladio, however, had included such streets in his
reconstructions of the Vitruvian theatre; he had built them in 1562,
and presumably foresaw them here too.
Palladio follows the Pola theatre in building a straight scene wall,
without deep niches, and in creating a unified stage whose end walls
continue the main elevation (cat. 148a). Spatial coherence was
enhanced by roofing the stage with a coffered ceiling. Palladio had
understood from ancient structures that the frons scaenae had

247
 124. Giovanni Caroto
(1488/1489-after 1562)
Reconstruction of the Roman
Theatre, Verona
Before 1540
Ruler, compasses, black chalk, pen
and brown ink, brush and brown
wash, white heightening
352 × 723 mm
Notes on the drawing: top left,
‘Teatro posto soto el chastelo
nel monte’
No measurements or scale indicated
Verona, Biblioteca Civica, ms 978,
after fol. 36
This magnificent drawing shows the
whole complex, as if from a high
view-point across the river. It corres-
ponds to the woodcut in Torello
Saryana’s book on the antiquities of
Verona (1540), in which the painter
[124.]
Giovanni Caroto is presented as
author of the reconstructions. Caroto
republished this view, with some
modifications, in 1560. The archi-
tectural bravura and knowledge of
Veronese monuments shown in the
drawing probably derives from lost
studies by Falconetto, credited by
Vasari with being the first to produce
convincing reconstructions of Roman
theatres. The theatre, now excavated,
was largely hidden; the reconstruction
depends heavily on the Verona Arena,
from which the rusticated arcades, the
vomitoria, and even the semi-elliptical
plan derive. The reconstruction may
have prompted Palladio’s semi-
elliptical Teatro Olimpico plan, while
the crowning portico inspired Pal-
ladio’s Verona and Palestrina re-
constructions.
Literature: Sarayna 1540; Caroto 1560;
Vasari 1568 (1906), iv, p. 592; Schwei-
khart 1977, p. 28; Franzoni, in Marini
1980a, pp. 57-58; Tosi 2003.
howard burns
125. Andrea Palladio
Reconstruction of the Roman
theatre complex, Verona; frontal
elevation with section of the cavea
1560s (?); mature handwriting
Verso: blank
The drawing has been folded
on itself, leaving a faint impression
of the uppermost level in the top
right; watermark: a coronet
surmounted by a star; ruler and
stylus, compasses, pen and dark
brown ink
290 × 544 mm
Notes on the drawing: p[iedi], o[nce]
(many times)
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; 29 piedi vicentini = 20 mm;
probable scale, 1:480; 1 pollice
vicentino = 40 piedi vicentini
History and ownership: Lord
Burlington (acquired in Italy, 1719);
Dukes of Devonshire; riba
since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc215/ix/10r
Palladio’s impressive reconstruction
of the Roman theatre in Verona is
based on a study of the parts of the
theatre not engulfed by later build-
ings, and on a detailed survey (riba
x/13v, xii/22v, after Sanmicheli?) of
the two straight terraces above the
theatre. The idea of providing a
reconstructed frontal elevation of the
248
 theatre as seen across the Adige River
derives from the publication of
Giovanni Caroto’s drawings (cat. 124)
in Sarayna’s book of 1540, and
Caroto’s magnificent volume of 1560.
This provided a starting point for
Palladio’s reconstruction, dominated,
like Caroto’s, by a domed temple,
which Palladio transforms into a
miniature Pantheon, flanked by
arcaded loggias recalling in their
placing those of the Villa Emo. There
were probably no ruins to justify this
feature inserted by Palladio on the
basis of his interpretation of the
Temple of Fortune at Palestrina (cats
185-186). This lucid presentation,
intended for publication, is enlivened
by the waves on the river and the
break in the façade to show the cavea.
Instead of Caroto’s river elevation,
inspired by the Verona Arena and
[125.]
249
perhaps the Tabularium in Rome,
Palladio’s façade is more Vitruvian
and more Hellenistic, coloured by his
knowledge of the Septizonium and
the Vatican logge.
Literature: Spielmann 1966, p. 115, no.
113; Burns 1973, p. 143; Schweikhart
1977, pp. 29-30; Franzoni, in Marini
1980a, p. 60; Lewis 2000, pp. 184-
185, cat. 82; Tosi 2003.
howard burns
126a. Andrea Palladio
Recto
Plan of the Teatro Berga, Vicenza,
with reconstructed sections
and a detail of an entablature
1540s; epsilon handwriting
Watermark: crossed arrows,
surmounted by a six-point star; ruler
and stylus, compasses, black chalk
(and graphite or black chalk
indications of cross vaults under the
exterior arcades, possibly added later),
pen and light brown ink (some notes,
and part of the section, added in
darker ink), brush and pale brown
wash; the two reddish wax stains, top
left and right, indicate the
attachment of a correction, now lost,
or a flap showing a reconstruction
of the upper surface of the cavea)
287.5 × 411 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘piεdi 70’;
piεdi (many times); p[iedi] (many
times); o[nce] (many times); from left
to right, in the stair areas: ‘scala tεrza’;
‘scala sεgo[n]da’; ‘scala prima’
(repeated); an epsilon-hand note
below the theatre plan has been
erased
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino;
70 piedi vicentini = 71.5 mm; likely
scale 1:240
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
126b. Andrea Palladio
Verso
Sketch plan for Villa Mocenigo on
the Brenta and its immediate
surroundings
1554-1560, possibly 1559-1560;
mature handwriting
Talman mark 49; ruler and stylus
(for the score line establishing the
central axis), pen and pale brown ink
Notes on the drawing: ‘p[ertiche] 28’;
‘[c]ortile a Batere’; ‘Brolo’
Unit of measurement and scale:
pertica and piede; a scale of 10 piedi is
 pricked at the bottom of the sheet;
10 piedi vicentini = 40 mm
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc216/x/1r-v
Recto
The Teatro Berga, Vicenza’s principal
Roman monument was still well
preserved in Palladio’s time (fig. 26.7);
significant traces remain today. The
drawing documents Palladio’s interest
in existing Roman theatres, paral-
leling his Vitruvian studies (cat. 127).
The plan accurately records features
like the irregular wedges which
support the seating area. Palladio
sketches an entablature, presumably
found in situ. He offers a perspectival
reconstruction, showing three vaulted
arcades towards the inside, and a
raised pulpitum, placed centre-stage;
the high podium of the cavea accords
[126a.]
with his mistaken interpretation of
Vitruvius. In the enlarged section, he
shows brackets holding the poles
supporting the vast awning (vela-
rium), following the Colosseum, and
opts for a colonnade towards the
interior, as in his later illustration in
Barbaro’s Vitruvius (cat. 64) and in
the Teatro Olimpico itself; another
section, bottom right, has no colon-
nade. This drawing demonstrates
Palladio’s archaeological accuracy, and
his parallel reading of Vitruvius and
the ruins (which did not, however,
correct his basic errors in interpreting
Vitruvius). Palladio’s surveys stimu-
lated further reflections and con-
jectures: the fixed scene of the Teatro
Berga, with its three large niches,
served as model for his reconstruction
of the Vitruvian theatre.
Verso
Palladio uses the back of his Teatro
Berga plan for a large free-hand study
for the huge villa of the (originally)
very wealthy Venetian Lunardo Mo-
cenigo. A map of c. 1550 documents
the site and the large earlier house.
Modernisation began about 1554,
followed by projects for total re-
building. By the early 1560s, work
began on architectural details, in-
cluding the bases of the giant four
foot-wide columns shown in the
Quattro Libri (ii, p. 78). Mocenigo’s
financial difficulties, however, halted
construction. Nothing remains today;
even the Brenta River, important for
the design, has moved. Palladio
significantly publishes the project in
1570 as an ‘invention’, not a building.
This drawing introduces curving
barns, as at Villa Badoer (‘like arms
they open outwards; they seem to
welcome those who approach the
house’, Quattro Libri, ii, p. 78) . They
expand to dominate the site, which
also offers space for a large garden. It is
a mighty structure, more like a
contemporary French chateau than a
Palladian villa, with a courtyard
measuring 59 × 75 piedi, loggias on
three sides, and on the fourth a great
hall, with apsidal ends, 87 piedi long.
Sources include the Poggio Reale villa
schemes (Serlio 1540) and – an
obvious model for a palace for
hospitality – the Palazzo Thiene, with
its square court and apsidal hall.
Despite its grandeur, Palladio
conceives the building as a func-
tioning farm-villa, indicating the
‘orchard’ and ‘threshing floor’.
Literature: Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro)
250
 1556, p. 154; Spielmann 1966, p. 140,
no. 22; Favaretto 1979; Cellauro 1998,
p. 110, fig. 43; Tosi 1999; Eiche 2000,
pp. 23-24; Lewis 2000, p. 162, cat. 72;
Gros 2006, p. 88 and fig. 65. On the
Teatro Berga: Rigoni 1987, pp. 171-
176.

howard burns

127a/b. Andrea Palladio

Studies of the Roman theatre
as described by Vitruvius
and other sketches
1551-1556 or late 1560s; mature
handwriting
Stamp of Westminster Abbey and
Talman mark 150 on the verso; top
left and bottom left corner areas lost
(as seen from the recto); tears and
damage round the edge; generally
fragile; graphite, black chalk, pen and
brown ink, with use of stylus, ruler
and compasses on the verso
215 × 290 cm (at maximum)
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman;
subsequent history unknown; until
Randall Davis gave it (and other
Talman material) to Westminster
Abbey in 1939; discovered
and identified by the late Hugh
Macandrew during research
on Talman’s collection
London, Westminster Abbey
Library, CN 4.11.46 r-v

Both sides of this densely worked

sheet carry studies for the re-
construction of the Roman theatre as
described by Vitruvius. Neither the
elevation of the scene nor the section
(showing two orders of porticoes at
the top of the cavea, not a single giant
order), corresponds to the recon-
structions which Palladio published in
Barbaro’s Vitruvius of 1556. It is not
certain that these are studies for the
1556 illustrations; they could be later,
for Palladio’s planned but unrealised
book on theatres. The solutions
proposed do not relate to the Teatro
Olimpico.

Recto: Elevation of the scene

of the Roman theatre as described
by Vitruvius, detail of the plan
of the scene, elevation and section
of the exterior arcades
Notes on the drawing: ‘car[issimo?]’;
not by Palladio; probably by the same
hand as the note ‘car[issi]mo fratello’
on the verso; in the top right is a
freehand pen sketch of the scene wall
of the Vitruvian theatre

Palladio shows the scene wall of the [126b.]

Vitruvian theatre as being straight, as
at the Teatro Olimpico, without large
niches and with the obligatory ‘royal
door’ in the centre, flanked by the
doors for the guests’ quarters. The
251 scene stands above a stage as wide as
 the scene itself, as Vitruvius prescribes.
The central arch opens on a street
shown perspectively (see Vitruvio [ed.
Barbaro] 1556, p. 156); as at the Olim-
pico there are two orders, surmounted
by an attic with statues. The form of
the aedicules containing statues and
their relation to the large columns are
inspired by the Natatio (swimming
pool) façade of the Baths of Dio-
cletian, well known to Palladio (cat.
26). This is the source for the brackets
supporting the columns and the
pediments with only two sides of the
triangle closed. A large nude figure
(Hercules?) dominates the façade,
anticipating the Roman-dress statue of
a Garzadori on the façade of Palazzo
Garzadori in Vicenza (a resemblance
which supports Zaupa’s attribution of
the palace façade to Palladio).
To the left are faint graphite
[127a.]
sketches, including (from left to right):
an entire arm; an elevation and section
of the arcades surrounding the cavea; a
detail of an antique(?) pavement with
cubes represented illusionistically; an
ornate stucco or carved decoration,
perhaps for a fireplace. Below are two
plan details of the columns and the
entablature above them at the point
where a straight wall meets a curving
niche of a theatre scene (see Vitruvio
[ed. Barbaro] 1556, p. 168) but with the
adjoining columns brought closely
together, in baroque fashion.
Verso: Studies of the interior
of the Roman theatre as described by
Vitruvius; section of an atrium; heads
Notes on the drawing: ‘se li scalini
sera[no] alti / pie 1 1/4 serano largi /
pie 2 1/2 [cancelled] 1 3/4 1/2; p[iedi]
180 el pulpito [in graphite and in
ink] / diametro [in graphite under
‘pulpito’, then repeated in next line,
in ink] de la orchestra’; ‘quarisielo
[i.e. pedestal] pie 15’ (in graphite,
over the pedestal of the scene);
in graphite, not by Palladio(?);
‘car[issi]mo fratello’
Though the five heads quickly
sketched at the top of the sheet recall
heads drawn by Inigo Jones, they lack
Jones’s panache, and are probably by
Palladio himself. Below there is a
sketch of an atrium, with a central
opening above the impluvium; the
sketch is not connected with Palazzo
Porto. It differs from Palladio’s other
atrium reconstructions: there are two
rows of columns flanking the central
opening. This is probably one of the
numerous experiments which Barbaro
tells us were made in searching for
satisfactory interpretations of Vitru-
vius’ text (ed. Barbaro 1556, p. 173). It
overcomes a peculiarity of Palladio’s
published versions of atria with
columns (Quattro Libri, ii, p. 28),
where unsupported beams surround
the central opening: here he adds
columns to support the beams. Faint
graphite sketches include: foliage
decoration, the soffit of an archi-
trave(?), and a drafted masonry arch
over a flat arch, similar to the third
order of the exterior of the theatre
shown in Barbaro’s Vitruvius.
The main drawing is a study of the
section and elevation of the scene and
cavea of the Roman theatre, showing
the loggias and arcades towards the
exterior. Scene elevation and cavea are
confronted, though not as a true
section, unless Palladio was conceiving
a stage whose ends (as at Pola or at the
252
253
[127b.]
Olimpico) continue the scene’s frontal
elevation. Palladio respects Vitruvius’
proportions, assigning dimensions to
the parts calculated on the basis of a
huge orchestra diameter of 180 piedi
vicentini, about twice that of the
Theatre of Marcellus and larger than
his early Vitruvian theatre recon-
struction, riba x/4r (120 piedi), or his
plan of the Teatro Berga (140 piedi).
On the basis of a misinterpretation of
Vitruvius, Palladio assigns 30 piedi to
the height of the wall below the cavea;
he calculates the superimposed orders of
the scene on the basis of the orchestra
diameter. However, he doubles the
Vitruvian height of the pulpito (stage) to
10 piedi, probably encouraged by
Vitruvius’s flexible approach and taking
the building’s size into account. He
follows Vitruvius in making the height
of the scene and of the exterior arcades
(nearly) equal. Several pentimenti are
present in the study of the stairs and
internal corridors, based on those of the
Arena in Verona and the Colosseum,
which also suggested the four orders of
the exterior. The exterior Doric order
without bases follows the Theatre of
Marcellus.
Literature: Discussed by Burns in an
unpublished paper delivered at the
National Gallery of Art, Washington
1988; Eiche 2000. For Vitruvius (and
Palladio) on theatres: Vitruvio (ed.
Barbaro) 1556, pp. 138-140, 150-160;
Vitruvio (ed. Gros) 1997, pp. 556-561,
568-581; Gros 2006, pp. 83-95. On
Palazzo Garzadori: Zaupa 1990, pp.
201-208; Zaupa 1990b, pp. 83-84;
Battilotti 1999, p. 454.
howard burns
[128.]
128. Marcantonio Palladio
Project for the Teatro Olimpico,
Vicenza: section with elevation
of the frons scaenae, showing
two alternatives
1580
Verso: apparently blank, except
for Talman mark 49
The sheet is made up of three pieces
pasted together; the centre one is the
largest (416 × 581.5 mm); the border
is defined by Burlington’s red line;
the verso, backed with Japanese paper,
is no longer visible
Watermark: anchor in circle;
countermark; ruler and stylus,
graphite, black chalk, pen
and orange-brown ink, brush
and pale brown wash
416 × 888 mm (measured
on the recto)
Notes on the drawing (in
Marcantonio Palladio’s hand): ‘in tuto
alto piedi 43 1/2’; ‘piedi 24 1/2’; p[iedi]
(many times); o[nce]
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; scale at bottom of the
sheet, 6 piedi vicentini = 46 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sa77/xiii/5r
Alternatives for the Teatro Olimpico
are presented: a third order, or an attic
with relief panels, similar to the built
theatre (fig. 26.4). Marcantonio shows
the wooden structure supporting the
seats, the exterior walls and the
intended appearance, with every niche
and perch occupied by statues and
larger surfaces decorated with reliefs.
He executed both the figures and the the building, figs 5-9); Magagnato
architectural details. The statues, with 1992, pp. 54-55; Mazzoni 1992, p. 203;
their round bellies, swirling robes and Lewis 2000, pp. 262-263.
theatrical gestures are effective, per-
haps copied from studies by a more howard burns
talented artist. Female figures mingle
with Academicians in Roman fancy
dress; in the end the Academicians,
who contributed by paying for their
statues, filled all the places, creating a
secular equivalent to churches full of
monuments. In this presentation
drawing, Marcantonio would have
worked from Palladio’s smaller scale
designs, but lacks his graphic elegance
and precise proportions; the con-
struction lines, unlike Palladio’s in-
visible score lines, invade the drawing.

Literature: Burns 1975, p. 46; Lewis

1981, pp. 210-211; Oosting 1981 (with
comparison between the drawing and
Part II
 Howard Burns
Making a new architecture
The second part of the exhibition arrives at the heart of
Palladio’s activity. We have seen how through successive
contacts, studies and commissions he became a great
architect. Now we will explore what was – and is – the
character of his architecture and of the ideas and graphic
procedures which lie behind his works. We will look at
Palladio almost as if he were a contemporary architect,
whose methods may initially seem eccentric and un-
familiar but, on closer examination, emerge as reasonable
and not so different from those current today. His ideas
too, though expressed in the language of his time, have
lost none of their relevance and audacity.1 This intro-
duction concentrates on fundamental matters: Palladio’s
innovative intellectual project; the way his everyday work
as a designer went hand in hand with work on his book,
and his creation of a communicable architectural system,
which reconfigured and transcended the Roman heritage,
creating out of it a new, modern architecture.
The eight sections which follow this introduction offer
a detailed examination of Palladio’s debt to Vitruvius and
Alberti, of his study of ancient buildings, his relations
with patrons and his use of drawing, attention to structure
and construction, his publications and the dismaying fact
that many of his buildings remained unfinished.
palladio as innovator
Palladio provides the best introduction to his own
architecture: ‘I feel sure’, he writes, ‘that I will be reckoned
1. Marcello Fogolino,
very fortunate by those who see the buildings published
Adoration of the
Magi, 1511 ?, detail. below, and know how difficult it is to introduce any new
Vicenza, Pinacoteca
Civica approach – above all in building, where everyone thinks they
know best – to have found gentlemen of such noble and
generous mind and excellent judgement, that they have
listened to my arguments and have abandoned that outdated
way of building without any grace or beauty whatsoever.’2
Palladio presents himself as an innovator. He urges his
patrons to give up ‘that outdated way of building,’
referring to the late Gothic and early Renaissance styles.
His implicit message is that the wealthy should demolish
and rebuild their (not so) old town and country houses,
and that the ruling oligarchy, responsible for public
building and sometimes for church construction, should
not complete Gothic buildings, like San Petronio in
Bologna (cat. 150), in their original style. He opposed the
restoration of the fire-damaged Doge’s Palace, a revered
symbol of the Venetian state, favouring its demolition and
total rebuilding (cat. 181).
Why does Palladio assume such a drastic modernist
position? He follows Alberti and other Renaissance thinkers
and architects in wanting to reconstruct the world, using
the knowledge of the ancients to reform the present.
Renaissance innovators were responsible for dramatic
interventions, like Bramante’s demolition of St. Peter’s in
Rome (cats 29-30), symbol of more than a thousand years
of Christian and papal history. Sometimes they proceeded
more subtly, gradually changing words, ideas, ways of living
and thinking. Palladio learned to innovate from his mentor
Trissino (cat. 8), who anticipated Napoleon and the Euro-
pean Union by calling for a unified system of weights,
measures and coinage for the whole of Italy.3 Trissino also
proposed reforming the Italian alphabet (cat. 164). He
defended his ideas vigorously: ‘I ask those who say that they
do not like innovation if they wear the same clothes, or do 258
other things just as their fathers did... And moreover I ask
if they know that in their cities, many arts, customs and
laws have at times been renewed.’4 Palladio offers his Four
Books of Architecture to his readers ‘so that little by little one
can learn to leave aside strange abuses, barbarous designs,
unnecessary expenses and – what is most important – avoid
the continual structural failures which have been seen in
many buildings.’5 For Palladio, the structural provocations
of the Gothic (and the early Renaissance style) were not
only ugly and unsafe but terrifying. He writes: ‘As for the
projections of cornices and other ornamental elements, it is
a great abuse to make them so that they project
considerably. For when they exceed what is reasonable...
they frighten those who stand below them, for they always
seem on the point of collapse’6 (fig. 2). His dislike of Gothic
architecture, or any building which did not express sound
and durable structure both was intellectual and as
overwhelming as sea sickness. Fragile structures were
contrary to Nature; they scared him, perhaps because he
had witnessed unpleasant accidents. Palladio experienced
architecture in a strong, physical way: he liked and sought
to create buildings which expressed a naturally trustworthy
structure, as tree trunks did.7 His revision of the existing
elevations of the Palazzo Thiene for publication in the
Quattro Libri reflects an antipathy to the structural conflict
and instability in Giulio Romano’s design (cats 16 and 18).
Palladio wrote that one should not depart from that ‘which
the Nature of things teaches us and from that simplicity we
perceive in the things created by Nature’.8 Though trained
as a stone mason, not as a builder or carpenter, his model of
good structure was Roman brickwork, Roman arches,
Roman structural carpentry and engineering (exemplified
in the bronze roof trusses of the Pantheon portico),9 and the
skill of Veneto carpenters in building wooden bridges, vast
roofs (like that of the Basilica in Vicenza) and roof trusses
(cat. 155). The bridge at Bassano (fig. 14) and his own roof
designs show his flair for structural design in wood; he must
also have pondered what Vitruvius says about the origins of
the Doric order in wooden buildings.10 He recreates Roman
beam compositions, as in the sala of the Villa Cornaro and
designs details in stone which imitate wood structures.11 He
may have seen representations of Roman wooden
structures, similar to the balconies in the frescoes from
Boscoreale (fig. 3), where projecting beam ends are decor-
ated with triglyphs, just like the blocks supporting the
balconies in the Loggia del Capitaniato (fig. 4 and cat. 105).
domestic interiors and the ‘gentleman’
Following Alberti and medical writers, Palladio was also
concerned with considerations of function and health. He
devotes a long chapter to choice of site.12 Correct
orientation (winter rooms facing south or west, summer
rooms north) secured good lighting and avoided extremes
of heat or cold.13 For Palladio, as for Alberti, there should be
no open latrines in rooms where people lived and slept, as
still occurred in his time.14 He recommends that latrines be
well ventilated and isolated from the other rooms.15 Instead
of a few large multi-functional rooms, as at the Villa Godi
(where Palladio probably inherited an existing plan),
Palladio placed at the centre of his domestic planning the
three-room scheme, formalised by Trissino at Cricoli (cat.
10) and derived from Giuliano da Sangallo and the Roman
architecture of the first decades of the sixteenth century: 260
 [2.] [3.]
‘One will note, that in the rest of the building there should
be large, middling and small rooms, all adjoining, so that
they can reciprocally serve one another. The little rooms
will have mezzanines above them’, continues Palladio,
anticipating Le Corbusier, ‘for studies or libraries, riding
gear and other impedimenta, which we need daily; it is not
satisfactory that they are kept in the chambers, where one
sleeps, eats, and offers hospitality to visitors.’16 Palladio thus
tries to impose a more rational distribution of function
among rooms. The confusion which reigned in these grand
‘bed-sits’, can be judged from inventories of villas and
palaces, like that of the Palazzo Barbarano (section 22), and
from Lorenzo Lotto’s revealing portrait drawing of a young
ecclesiastic in his large but chaotic room (fig. 5).17 Palladio
carefully planned his chambers, assigning a proper place for
the bed, not too near to the fireplace or a window.18 In his
villas he usually places services under the living floor, for
convenience and to keep the latter dry: ‘I approve that in
the lower part of the building, which I make somewhat
below ground level, there should be placed the cellars, the
storerooms for firewood, the pantries, the kitchens, the
servants’ dining rooms, the places for laundries... the ovens,
and the like.’19
Palladio’s concern with creating clearly structured
interior spaces is thus not just a matter of aesthetic prefer-
ence. More than simply catering for current domestic
habits, he wishes to improve and change ways of living
within the house. His architectural proposals are related to
the contemporary concern for making daily life and
behaviour more decorous and acceptable. Giovanni della
Casa, for instance, in Il Galateo (‘Etiquette’; 1558), makes
261 recommendations concerning table manners and the
[4.]
avoidance of disgusting behaviour, like blowing one’s nose 2. Palazzo Thiene al
Corso, Vicenza,
and then admiring the handkerchief as if it held ‘pearls balcony
3. Detail from the
and rubies’. Palladio’s cultural contribution, however, goes cubiculum frescoes
from the villa of P.
beyond encouraging a new code of manners. His palaces Fannius Synistor,
Boscoreale. New
and villas are the architectural portrait and the setting for York, Metropolitan
Museum of Art
a new type of owner and individual, the gentleman, a 4. Loggia del
Capitaniato, Vicenza,
figure Palladio makes more substantial and more imitable. balcony
Palladio’s gentleman is no longer Castiglione’s ‘Courtier’,
but an independent figure on a par with other ‘most
honourable’ gentlemen, who collectively controlled the
affairs of the state and administered the cities. Palladio
suggests that, like Pliny the Younger or Cicero, such
gentlemen could relax in their villas, dedicating them-
selves to study and contemplation, enjoying visits from
friends and relations. With their ‘houses, gardens,
fountains’ they could more ‘easily achieve that blessed life
that one can attain here below’.20
Palladio’s preference for symmetry and the alignment of
doors and windows have structural and functional
motivations, because in symmetrical structures ‘the walls
feel the weight of the roof equally’.21 A single living floor
in villas and enfilades have functional and health motiv-
ations: to light interiors properly, facilitate movement
from room to room, and save the old (and the gouty) from
unnecessary steps.22
palladio’s architecture: an intellectual
and moral program
Through reading Alberti and his close contact with
Trissino and Daniele Barbaro, Palladio adhered to
Humanism, the great intellectual effort to recover the
 [5.] [6.]
5. Lorenzo Lotto,
Ecclesiastic in his
knowledge and values of the Greeks and Romans.
studio, 1510-1530.
London, British
Although the value system of Humanism, which we still
Museum
share, did not necessarily depend on Christian belief or
6. Giovanni Antonio
Fasolo, frescoes revelation for its sources or philosophical foundations, it
in Villa Caldogno,
Caldogno, detail was not seen as being in conflict with Christianity.
Humanism furnished the individual with critical tools and
a morally and intellectually independent outlook, which
played a part in both the Catholic and Protestant reform
movements of Palladio’s time. Specific values and virtues
were pursued by men who sought to make good use of
their wealth and power, or of their intellectual or artistic
talents: munificence and magnificence, seen as social
virtues, for the patrons, and eternal fame and glory in this
world for artists, writers and architects.23 Daniele Barbaro
encapsulates this in the introduction to his edition of
Vitruvius: ‘IN THE NAME OF GOD THE GLORI-
OUS, I Daniel Barbaro, Venetian noble, have set out to
expound and interpret the ten books of Architecture of M.
Vitruvius... Let us therefore enjoy that [the grace of God]
and... try to attain that beautiful truth, found in the
worthy Arts, so that with the splendour of virtue [virtù]
and glory we will drive out the shades of error and death.’24
This almost dual religion, shared by Palladio, relied both
on God’s grace and on intellectual and artistic effort to
improve the human condition and achieve eternal earthly
fame.
Alberti and other fifteenth-century Humanists had
developed an approach rooted in late-twelfth and in thir-
teenth-century Italy. It was then that knowledge started
being applied energetically to bettering aspects of human
life, from the organisation (and architecture) of independ-
ently governed cities to the founding of new religious
orders and the use of medicine to extend and improve the
quality of life.25 Alberti himself recalls the rebuilding of
Italian cities in recent times.26 By reconstructing the ne-
glected ancient science and art of architecture in his book
and attending to matters like surveying and measurement
(section 28), he offered contemporary society a powerful
instrument for change.
Palladio’s debt to Alberti was direct. But his activity and
interests were also connected with the Venetian en-
deavour, stimulated by Alberti’s writings, to use archi-
tecture and technology in the service of the state and
society. Bernardo Bembo, father of the famous writer
Pietro Bembo, can be considered as central to the Venetian
political élite’s adoption of a ‘high-tech’ approach, at a
time when architectural, technical and military progress
was still inevitably linked to the study of Greek and
Roman texts (cf. section 33). A friend of Lorenzo de’
Medici, Bernardo was an architectural patron and leading
political figure in the city.28 He owned a manuscript of
Alberti’s book on architecture, which he studied carefully,
as a surviving notebook reveals.28 Bembo and his associates
in government were responsible for inviting the architect,
engineer and classical scholar Fra Giocondo to Venice
(before 1434-1515), where he was paid a high salary, as a
technical, architectural and military advisor. He arrived
from Paris in 1506, bringing packing cases full of books
and ‘inzegni’ (scientific instruments or models of his
inventions). He advised on fortifications and was probably
responsible for the basic design for the new Fondaco dei
Tedeschi (residence and warehouse of the important
Germanic trading community), which resembles his
published reconstruction of the Roman house (fig. 20).29 262
 [7.]
Vasari describes Fra Giocondo’s project for the rebuilding
of the Rialto market area, which anticipates Palladio’s un-
executed project (cat. 94).30 The antique basilica included
in the final phase of Sebastiano del Piombo’s powerful
unfinished, Judgement of Solomon (fig. 7) may have been
inspired by Fra Giocondo, who was in Venice and would
have already completed the basilica reconstructions
published in his edition of Vitruvius (1511).31 The treat-
ment of the all’antica marble side aisles of Sebastiano’s
basilica also recalls the chapel of the Succorpo in Naples
cathedral (1497-1508), commissioned by Cardinal Oliviero
Carafa. Again the dates are important: Fra Giocondo
would have certainly known of this important and
innovative work.32 Fra Giocondo was above all a brilliant
editor of classical texts, including the complete text of
Pliny the Younger’s Letters (1508), the first illustrated
edition of Vitruvius (1511), Caesar’s Commentaries (1513), a
pocket-size reissue of his Vitruvius bound with Frontinus’s
book on aqueducts (1513), and a collected edition of all the
ancient Roman writers on agriculture (1514). Fra Gio-
condo’s interests closely anticipate those of Palladio, who
illustrated the works of Caesar (cat. 176) and Vitruvius
(cats 61-62, 64) and read Pliny the Younger and the
Roman agricultural treatises.33 The starting point for many
of Palladio’s reconstructions of Vitruvius was the
woodcuts in Fra Giocondo’s 1511 edition (fig. 20).
Fra Giocondo’s contribution was fundamental for the
approach adopted by subsequent generations of intel-
lectuals active within the governing élite, including the
future doge Alvise Gritti, the Barbaro brothers (section 12)
and Palladio’s friend Giacomo Contarini.34 These
263 patricians had official and personal contacts with archi-
tects, artists, scholars and leading publishers. As senators 7. Sebastiano Del
Piombo, Judgement
or members of executive committees responsible for of Solomon, 1506 ?-c.
1509. Wimborne
Minster, Kingston
foreign and military affairs, fortresses, public works, Lacy
maintenance of the lagoon and river systems, public
health and land improvement, they had to develop
policies affecting the very survival of Venice in a difficult
and dangerous world. The city was increasingly at risk
from the possibility of the lagoon silting up, from
dependence on grain imported from its dangerously
powerful Mediterranean neighbour, the Ottoman Empire,
and from invasion (as in 1509) by one or both of the great
Western powers, France and Spain.
Knowledge and technology were exploited to compen-
sate for military and financial inferiority. Modern
fortifications designed by able military architects, in-
cluding Sanmicheli (cat. 43), reinforced the cities; land
improvement increased agricultural production and self-
sufficiency, as Marcantonio Barbaro was able to tell the
Grand Vizier Sokollu (cat. 119); public and private
building improved the appearance and health of the cities,
contributed to the economy, and increased the state’s
prestige, being an indicator of wealth and hence military
potential.35 It is scarcely surprising that Palladio, a friend
of powerful intellectuals, should have taken an interest in
a very wide range of subjects: military matters (section 33);
the organisation of the villa and land drainage (cat. 56),
and bridges (fig. 14; section 19), public buildings and ideal
urban schemes, described in Book iii of the Quattro Libri.
Similarly, through ambassador friends or patrons he was
well informed about architectural developments outside
Italy (sections 22 and 25).
In the Quattro Libri Palladio describes the ‘project’ of

his book: ‘it seemed to me something worthy of a man,
who should not just be born for his own ends, but also to
be useful to others, to publish the designs of those
[antique] buildings, which I have put together in the
course of many years and at much personal danger... and
briefly set out... those rules which I have followed in
building.’36
The intellectual project of the Quattro Libri is an
integral part of his overall architectural project: for Pal-
ladio theory and practice were inseparable. In this he
follows Vitruvius, who wrote that both practical experi-
ence and a general philosophical, literary and cultural
orientation were essential for the architect: ‘Architecture is
a Science enhanced with many teachings and various
branches of knowledge. It is born of building and dis-
course.’37 Palladio probably started work on the book soon
after 1540, in parallel to his emergence as a full-time
architect.38 The book, as it grew and changed, remaining
unpublished for decades, was Palladio’s compass and
conscience; it was what distinguished him from most of
his architect contemporaries. They designed their
buildings and ran their building sites, and at most, like
Labacco (1552), Bertani (1558) or Vignola (1562) published
short, focused works, which communicated their ideas
mainly through illustrations and did not address general
issues. These architects may have wanted to make a name
for themselves, but with the exception of Michelangelo
(cats 92-93), intent on surviving and building so no one
would ever be able to change his design for St. Peter’s,39
they did not have Palladio’s mission, shaped by the work
on his book. For Palladio, fabrica and discorso (‘building’
and ‘discourse’ – Barbaro’s translation of Vitruvius’ fabrica
8. Pantheon, Rome,
interior
[8.]
et ratiocinatio), studying and drawing, writing and design-
ing, building and explaining were linked in a total
personal and intellectual project, in which architecture
was closely associated with the social nature of man, and
domestic building had first place as ‘più necessaria à gli
huomini’ (‘most necessary for mankind’).40 Palladio’s
researches and reflections fed directly into his practice,
while his built works increasingly came to offer the best
exemplification of his rules and principles. In describing
his book, he also recounts his life’s work and commitment:
‘For myself I can promise no more than long labour, and
great diligence and love, which I have invested in
understanding and practising what I promise.’41
When still a manuscript, the Quattro Libri – with
which Palladio surely aimed to establish himself as the
third of the great author-architects after Vitruvius and
Alberti – increased Palladio’s standing, at least among
influential intellectuals like Daniele Barbaro (cat. 60) and
Anton Francesco Doni. Barbaro, in his edition of
Vitruvius, after summarising the contents of Palladio’s
book, writes that when it would be published, ‘I judge
that Architecture little by little, enlarged and embellished,
will let herself be seen in her ancient form and beauty, and
men, enamoured of her elegance, will think very carefully
before they begin to build, and what now seems beautiful
to them, as they know no better, will become hateful... I
beseech and beseech again, especially those of my own
homeland, that they should remember that as they lack
neither riches nor the capacity to realise honourable
things, they should also see to it that these are not found
wanting in understanding and knowledge... And if they
feel that the manner of their present houses should serve 264
 [9.] [10.]
as a guide, they are greatly deceived, for it is in fact
excessively flawed and bad.’42 Barbaro sees Palladio as
offering the basis for a radical reform of architecture: ‘In
the designs of the important illustrations I have used the
work of M(esser) Andrea Palladio, a Vicentine Architect,
who of all the [architects] whom I have known – by sight
or fame or through the opinion of experts – has with
incredible profit acquired the true Architecture not only
mastering its fine and subtle principles, but also putting it
into practice, not only in the most refined and beautiful
drawings of plans, elevations and sections, but in the
execution and realisation of many superb buildings in his
home city and elsewhere; rivalling those of the ancients,
they light the way for the moderns, and will be a marvel
for posterity. And as regards Vitruvius, the layout of
Theatres, Temples and basilicas and those things with the
most beautiful and recondite principles of planning, all of
them have been discussed with him and clarified by him
with rapidity of mind and hand, as the person in the
whole of Italy who has judiciously chosen the most
beautiful modes of the ancients and measured all the
available antiquities. In his drawings he has given more
attention to the dimensions than to pictorial effects, for
Vitruvius teaches proportions, and not shading.’43
Given Barbaro’s admiration for his ‘very great friend’
(amicissimo), as he calls Palladio in his will, it is not
surprising that he promoted him among his own contacts
and relations.44 Palladio’s works in Venice or for Venetians
are per se a demonstration of Architecture ‘seen in her
ancient form and beauty.’ Palladio, however, refrains from
addressing himself explicitly to the Venetian élite, or in-
265 dulging in conventional eulogies of the city and its
[11.]
government. Of Venetian buildings, he merely mentions 9. Cesare Cesariano,
Façade of the
Sansovino and his Library, ‘which is perhaps the richest and Basilica of Fano,
engraving
reproduced in
most ornate building that has been built from the time of Vitruvius, De
architectura (1521)
the ancients until now.’45 He publishes the monastery of the
10. Loggia del
Carità and a design for an unnamed Venetian palace (pp. Capitaniato, Vicenza,
façade
166 and 170),46 illustrates nine villas of ‘nobili Venetiani’,47 11. Church of the
Escorial, Madrid
and mentions the church of San Giorgio Maggiore48 and
Venetian pavements.49 He even publishes his own grandiose
design for the Rialto bridge (cat. 99) without explicitly
stating that the city is Venice: ‘[the bridge is] in the middle
of a city, which is one of the largest and noblest of Italy; and
it is the Metropolis of many other cities; and a great deal of
trade is done there, from almost every part of the world.’50
Furthermore, Palladio did not dedicate any of his books to
Venetians. This distancing of himself from the Venetian
Republic certainly stressed the universal nature of his
architecture. But the immediate reasons for it are hard to
determine: the desire to encourage offers of work from
other states? Avoidance of seeming to tell the Venetian
government what it should do at Rialto or elsewhere? A
prudent distancing from any particular group (even of his
friends) within the ruling élite? A reflection of anti-Venetian
sentiment on the part of at least some of his Vicentine
sponsors? We simply do not know.
antique models and new architecture
What distinguished Palladio’s architecture in Barbaro’s
eyes was its relation to ancient Roman architecture. Today
Palladio’s engagement with ancient architecture obscures
his modernity. To see beyond the apparent contradiction –
that the leading exponent of a new architecture studied
12. Jacopo Bassano,
Madonna and Child,
Saints Matthew,
Francesco, Lucia,
and the Podestà
Matteo Soranzo,
his daughter Lucia
and his brother
Francesco, 1536,
detail. Bassano del
Grappa, Museo Civico

13. Raphael, study

for the ceiling
decoration of the
Stanza di Eliodoro
in the Vatican, detail.
Florence, Gabinetto
Disegni e Stampe
degli Uffizi, 1973F

14. Andrea Palladio,

Bridge over the
Brenta, Bassano
del Grappa

[12.] [13.]

and imitated antique architecture throughout his career –
we must understand Palladio’s view of history and his
place in it. Palladio declares: ‘because I have always been
of the opinion that the Ancient Romans, so good at
building, as in many other things, have far outdone all
those who have lived after them.’51 But the ancient world
was gone, and its buildings ruined. The only way to revive
good Architecture, therefore, was to study the ruins and
Vitruvius. Few of his contemporaries would have
disagreed with him. And of course he was right: where
could one find a finer building, in its design, structure and
decoration than the Pantheon (fig. 8)? What modern
structures could compete in size, cost and splendour with
the great baths of ancient Rome (cats 26, 138-141)? Despite
the achievements of Brunelleschi, Alberti, Bramante and
Palladio’s contemporaries, Roman architecture still outdid
that of the moderns and continually offered new lessons
for architects.52 For Palladio, modern architecture
inevitably had to be based on the principles and forms of
ancient architecture.
imitation
Imitation had a central place in Renaissance life and
culture. Imitation of rulers or social superiors was a feature
of the hierarchical society of the time. Such imitation
could be spontaneous and generalised, involving the rapid
spread of new fashions in clothes or palace façades. Often
it was personalised. Kings and princes would grant the
right to use a part of their own coat of arms, as Francis i
of France did when he allowed the Thiene family to insert
a single fleur de lis in the middle of their shield.53 Imitating
a patron’s palace façade was a mark of respect, as can be
seen in the diffusion throughout Florence of the so-called
‘kneeling window’ type, first invented by Michelangelo for
the façade of the Palazzo Medici.54 In the oligarchic and
less rigidly hierarchical world of Venice and Vicenza, such
servile imitation was absent. Instead, lesser members of
the élite, anxious to align themselves with the taste of their
more powerful neighbours, employed Palladio and wanted
houses in his style. But they asserted their own status as
independent ‘gentlemen’, by seeking designs which
differed from those realised by other nobles. Palladio
records this would-be egalitarian ideology within the
Venetian and Vicentine establishment, when he writes:
‘The reader will be advised, that in arranging these
projects [of houses and villas], I have not respected either
the ranks or dignities of the gentlemen who will be
named, but I have placed them where it suited me best:
given that they are all most honourable.’55
Palladio inherited from his stonemason years a
particular attitude towards models (in the sense, obvi-
ously, of a scheme to follow, not a wooden model). The
mason must have a model to guide him, whether he
designs it himself, copies an existing work, or obtains a
drawing from an architect. His primary skills are in
executing and carving, and not in designing. If there is no
model there is no executed work, and hence no payment.
At that time a patron would very often simply indicate an
existing work as model, as Marin Contarini did when he
suggested as a model for the balconies of the Ca’ d’Oro in
Venice those of the Palazzo Priuli at San Zaccaria in the
same city.56 Requests to copy and, if possible, to improve
on an existing work usually meant the mason had to make 266
[15.] [16.]
15. Palazzo Volpe,
Contra’ Gazzolle,
changes, if only for the purposes of fitting the building
Vicenza
into the new context. Some drawing and designing skills
16. Pantheon, Rome,
rear wall were needed to make these adjustments.
17. Palazzo Arnaldi, Once Palladio had become an architect, he continued
Vicenza, vestibule
to feel the need to base his designs on authoritative
models, usually chosen by himself, from ancient or
modern works, or even from illustrations in architectural
treatises, like Cesariano’s reconstruction of the ancient
basilica (fig. 9), in the case of the elevation of the Loggia
del Capitaniato (fig. 10), or plates in Serlio’s Third Book
for the Palazzo Chiericati.57
In the Renaissance imitation was seen as a fundamental
aspect of literary and artistic creation, connected,
obviously, with the learning process,58 but also with the
character of art itself, in keeping with Aristotle’s notion of
art as the imitation of nature. Imitation, however, was also
an art in itself: what to imitate, where to imitate, how far
to modify the work or detail imitated, whether to combine
several sources in a single montage, and when to ‘vary,’
deliberately modifying the model. Or even when simply to
invent, as Michelangelo often did. The history of
Palladio’s architecture is in part the story of his successive
choices of models, and of his progressively more sophisti-
cated ways of combining and transforming them.
The importance of imitation in the Renaissance ought
not to surprise us, given that imitation plays such a part in
our own society and culture: one need only think of pop
music, fashion, or industrial design in which the same
shapes are applied to objects as different as automobiles,
radios and razors. Even in architecture, journals publish-
ing new works have the same function as a source of ideas
as the pages of Serlio or Palladio once had. The only
[17.]
difference is that present-day models are less highly
codified and the whole business of imitating, copying, and
absorbing is no longer subject (except from a copyright
point of view) to the critical discussion which it received
in the Renaissance.
from imitation to making architecture
Renaissance artistic imitation at its simplest consists of
cutting and pasting. If we look at a painter from Palladio’s
period and region, Jacopo Bassano, we can see how in an
early work (1536) he uses an engraving after Raphael of a
seated figure, and ably and naturally transforms a young
woman into a little girl (figs 12-13).59 Palladio’s own earliest
design efforts are a montage of motifs from the Palazzo Te,
Raphael’s Palazzo Branconio and palace façades in Venice
and Padua (cat. 17). By the mid-1540s Palladio became a
more skilful imitator, distancing himself from these
ingenuous early efforts.
For Palladio, making architecture soon became much
more than a matter of pasting orders or portals onto a
palace façade. A stone mason, concerned with designing
and executing portals, tombs and altars, might see
Antiquity as offering (via sketchbooks) a wonderful ‘mail-
order catalogue’ of capitals, entablatures and so on, to use
in small, structurally undemanding works. But for an
architect like Palladio, things could not be so simplistic. A
holistic view of buildings (encouraged by Alberti) and a
commitment to a total recreation of ancient architecture
raised other considerations: typologies, overall planning,
structure and function. For the mature Palladio, the
essential imitation was that of Nature. Architecture, 268
 [18.] [19.]
Palladio writes, must conform to Nature ‘as Architecture is
(like all the other arts) an imitator of Nature’.60 Built
structures, not least if they were to last, needed to imitate
tree trunks, their supporting elements narrowing, not
increasing as they grew in height (cf. cat. 142). This
‘imitation’ of principles is clearly very different from copy-
ing an antique capital. In becoming an architect, Palladio
had to modify his whole view of imitation. When pressed,
he provided designs for face-lifts for buildings, as with the
Palazzo Volpe (fig. 15).61 But he was not content to repro-
duce traditional layouts in new buildings and merely
change the details. His primary endeavour was not at the
level of details, but with how a palace, villa or other
building should be organised. And the definition of types,
rather than individual buildings, had priority. The
alternative proposals he generated for commissions like
those for the Villa Pisani at Bagnolo (section 6) or the
Palazzo Porto (section 7) are not simply reflections of his
commitment to exploring many alternatives before
homing in on the final solution, but of his search for ‘The
Villa’ and ‘The Palace’.
Palladio’s work is not therefore dominated by the
concern to imitate individual antique works, despite his
many drawings and reconstructions of ancient buildings.
His designs do not originate in a process of imitation (in
the form of copying), but in a comparative examination of
ancient and modern works which were relevant to the task
in hand, aimed at defining schemes and personal
typologies with wide-ranging, flexible applications. And
though he does not advertise the fact, he also took into
consideration modern and even Gothic solutions, and
269 would have certainly noted in Vicenza, for instance, the
four-columned interior of the Quattrocento Oratory of 18. Temple of Saturn
in the Forum, Rome,
San Cristoforo (fig. 7, p. 7), the library of Santa Corona, capital
19. Andrea Palladio,
and the high, vaulted vestibule of the Palazzo Arnaldi (fig. Capital of the Temple
of Saturn in the
9), or in Venice, the cross-vaulted vestibule under the Forum of Augustus,
detail, woodcut
Porta della Carta in the Doge’s palace: all these works both reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
anticipated his own designs and helped him to recognise dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, IV,
p. 127)
ancient compositional schemes seen in Rome (like the
lobbies of the Theatre of Marcellus, fig. 22.3) as almost
familiar and easily applicable in his own works. His
approach is not far removed from that of modern
architects, who undertake a critical examination of types
and solutions relevant to a current project. Palladio is no
‘post-modernist’ or Gehry imitator: he is not concerned
with the ‘look’ of his buildings, the carriage work of their
outer skin. For him, overall layout, structure and external
appearance are inseparable elements of an organic unity.
Barbaro perceptively understands that Palladio had
‘acquired the true Architecture,’ as the only architect ‘in
the whole of Italy who has judiciously chosen the most
beautiful modes of the ancients’,62 that is, on the basis of
research and selection.
Rather than choosing at random from the great bazaar
of antiquity, Palladio strives to find or define com-
positional schemes which meet the needs of function,
structure, and appearance better than contemporary
models. His aim is always to create a total architectural
system, and not simply to design from work to work.
Every virtual building block in his compositional kit is
linked to the others, in a system which ranges from large
(basic typologies) to small (details of the orders or even
individual mouldings). His ‘acquisitions’ – Barbaro’s word
– are not just ornaments to be pasted once onto a particu-
 [20.] [21.] [22.]

20. Fra Giocondo,

Plan of the Roman
lar façade: they are permanent elements in a language.
house, woodcut
reproduced in
Once acquired, they enter the vocabulary and are often
Vitruvius, De
architectura (1511) used again.
21. Andrea Palladio, Palladio’s way of designing, not just individual build-
Section of the
Basilica of Fano,
woodcut reproduced
ings, but through them an architectural system, sets him
in Vitruvius, De
architectura (1556)
apart from his less systematic predecessors and con-
22. Andrea Palladio, temporaries. Elements in his system are often derived from
Courtyard of Palazzo
Porto, Vicenza, the antique, but are immediately converted into types, thus
woodcut reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
allowing easy modification. The mature Palladio does not
(Venice 1570, II, p. 10) imitate or quote in a conventional way. The antique works
are dissolved in his language and only overtly surface when
he requires justifications and authorities in the face of
criticism.63
Palladio’s ‘research’ procedure used to design specific
buildings but principally and progressively his own
architectural system, can be schematically described as
follows:
1. the study of Vitruvius or inspection of the antiquities,
which, after 1554, simply meant leafing through his own
drawings (cat. 148);
2. isolation of a particularly employable or beautiful motif
(it did not matter if this motif was known in only a single
example, cf. fig. 18);
3. recognition of this as a type;
4. detaching the motif from its original, specific formu-
lation to adapt it as circumstances required.
Palladio’s tendency to redesign ancient works, especially
in his reconstructions, speeded up assimilation of motifs.
Further reference to the specific antique source became no
longer necessary.
Among examples of specific ancient works transformed
into types or building blocks are: Vitruvius’ Basilica in
Fano (fig. 21), providing an impressive way to handle
courtyards, where there was an upper level, as at the Villa
Sarego, or in his Quattro Libri design for the Palazzo Porto
(ii, p. 10) (fig. 22); Vitruvian atrium schemes, which
helped in the design of columned halls in palaces and
villas; the vaulted lobbies of the Theatre of Marcellus,
providing a scheme for palace vestibules (cat. 109); and the
Portico of Octavia (cat. 59), with its ends occupied by an
arch, adapted to serve in villa porticoes (section 11 and cat.
183).
the conceptual and ‘grammatical’ basis of design
One of the most fruitful of all Palladio’s models and
generators of projects, was not antique at all. It was the
three-room apartment which Palladio first encountered
just outside the walls of Vicenza, at Trissino’s villa at
Cricoli (cat. 10). All Palladio’s house and villa plans are
indebted to this model (cat. 19). He reduces the relative
size of the loggia, varies the shape of the sala, moves the
stairs, especially in his two-storey villas, introduces
columns, and bends the three-room suite round the corner
of the building (cats 31, 54-55). The scheme, originally
exemplified at Cricoli, but transformed into a concept, is
simple, flexible, and more formally and functionally useful
than any antique typology ever was for him. It was,
moreover, compatible with antique schemes like the
temple front, the four-column hall or vestibule, or the side
stairs of the portico in the Temple of Clitumnus (cats 72-
73).
Palladio designed at two levels: at a primary, general
level, types were selected and defined, and at a secondary 270
 [23.]
level, he addressed the problems of a particular building
and site. Palladio’s language never ossifies: work on
unfamiliar or demanding problems – like those posed by
the Rotonda (cat. 183) or the Redentore (section 24) –
could lead to new research, and the enrichment of his
system with new types and new ideas. In designing
Palladio always had in mind (and in his drawings) ancient
schemes, like that of Palestrina (cats 185-186), the house of
the Greeks (Quattro Libri, ii, p. 44) or the Roman theatre,
which were waiting to be reincarnated in actual projects,
as happened in his designs for the Villa Trissino at Meledo
(cat. 187), the Villa Porto at Molina di Malo (fig. 34.8),64
and the Teatro Olimpico (section 26). He was also always
ready to exploit a sudden discovery or illumination (cat.
148).
But basically Palladio designed with a vocabulary of
pre-invented forms, whose proportions (and often
dimensions) as well as relation to one another were fixed.
He designed with a controlled vocabulary and a fixed
grammar. No other architect of his time did so in such a
coherent way, or went so far as to set out a system in a
book. To find a close parallel we must look to Palladio’s
disciples and imitators: Vincenzo Scamozzi (cats 189-190),
Inigo Jones (cats 191-194), and their Dutch and English
followers. It is not difficult to see where Palladio’s novel
but very fruitful ‘grammatical’ approach came from. His
intellectual mentor, Giangiorgio Trissino, devoted his life
to writing poetical works, including a tragedy, the
Sofonisba (cat. 9), a comedy, I simillimi (a version of
Plautus’ Menæchmi), and a long historical verse epic, La
Italia liberata da Gotthi (‘Italy freed from the Goths’). In
271 parallel he worked on a corpus of writings on orthography,
[24.]
grammar and literary criticism, concluding with his 23. Ottavio Bertotti
Scamozzi, Plan of
lengthy Poetica (‘Poetics’).65 His twofold activity – as poet Villa Trissino, Cricoli,
engraving
reproduced in Le
and linguistic and literary theorist – obviously anticipates fabbriche e i disegni
di Andrea Palladio
Palladio’s career as architect and theorist, and all the more (Vicenza, II, 1778, pl.
38)
so as Trissino uses his own works (as Palladio also did) to 24. Andrea Palladio,
illustrate his critical analyses. As well as defining the basic various types of
vaults, woodcut
reproduced
literary genres (the equivalent of building types), Trissino in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
begins his analysis of language and literature with the (Venice 1570, I, p. 54)
individual letters of the alphabet (cat. 164) and grammar.
He also shows how literary effect, within the various
genres, depends on the choice of vocabulary.66 Palladio did
not have to wade through all of Trissino’s bulky writings to
grasp his message: he must have spent a good deal of time
with the elderly writer and, like other members of his
inner circle, heard him expound endlessly on these topics.
Palladio (and/or Trissino, himself an amateur architect)
clearly saw the analogy between literature and archi-
tecture: both needed a grammar and carefully selected
vocabulary, and each had typologies or genres with specific
requisites.
In the twenty thumb-nail sketches for the Palazzo
Volpe (cat. 147), we clearly see Palladio deploying his
vocabulary and organisational rules within the confines of
a fixed palace site. He simply fits his different types of
room, stair, entrance hall and courtyard into the slightly
irregular site in a variety of ways, taking account of the
need to position the door in the centre and to find a place
for the sala, and light it decently. Equally revealing of his
way of thinking and designing are his descriptions of villas
in the Quattro Libri, when he refers to the room and roof
or vault type and the formulas for the orders in Book i.
The references are all to his own system, not to ancient
 buildings. Thus he writes of the Villa Cornaro at Piom-
bino Dese (fig. 25): ‘The Sala is placed in the innermost
part of the house, so that it should be far from the heat
and the cold; the side wings, where the niches can be seen,
are a third of its [the Sala’s] width. The columns
correspond to the penultimate ones of the loggias, and are
distant one from another as much as they are high. The
larger rooms are a square and three quarters long; the
height of the vaults are as according to the first formula for
vault heights. The smaller [rooms] are square, and one
third higher than they are wide; their vaults are lunetted.
Above the little chambers are mezzanines. The upper
loggias are of the Corinthian order; the columns are a fifth
part slimmer than those below: the rooms [above] have
beam ceilings, and there are some mezzanines above them.
On one side there is the kitchen and the places for the
women servants and, on the other, the places for the men
servants.’67
This, in a few lines, is Palladio’s new architecture:
conceived in terms of structures and layouts, environ-
mental factors and functions, appearance and Roman
language. It is rational, systematic, regulated by pro-
portions and dimensions which harmoniously integrate
room dimensions with those of the columns. It is easily
communicable in words or in drawings and therefore can
be imitated and exported. What could not be imitated,
however, was his extra touch, that slight bending of rules
or improvisation in details, which give his buildings their
individuality and beauty. Perhaps even Palladio himself
could not have explained that last touch adequately.
25. Villa Cornaro,
Piombino Dese
(Padua), sala
1
Fundamental for this topic are Palladio’s I Quattro Libri dell’ Architettura, Venice 1570
(abbreviated here as the Quattro Libri, available in facsimile reprint Hoepli, Milan
2000). Quotations are from the original edition (English translations are mine),
without any changes to punctuation or spelling, given the clarity of the Italian text even
when it does not conform to modern usage. Palladio-Magagnato, Marini 1980 offers a
full comment on Palladio’s text. Two excellent English translations are available: the
facsimile of Isaac Ware’s version (1738), cited as Palladio-Ware and Palladio (ed.
Schofield, Tavernor) 1997. Palladio’s other publications and his manuscript letters and
writings are collected in Puppi 1988. Alberti’s book on architecture is cited from Alberti
(ed. Orlandi) 1966 (with Latin text and Italian translation); the work is also available in
English translation: Alberti (ed. Rykwert, Tavernor, Leach) 1988. For Vitruvius, the
edition with the fullest commentary (and Latin text and Italian translation) is Vitruvio
(ed. Gros) 1997. For the Latin text and full comment, see also the publication as
separate volumes of the individual books: Vitruve 1990 ff. Also available: Vitruvius (ed.
Granger) 1983 (with Latin text and English translation); Vitruvius (ed. Hickey Morgan)
1914, 1960 (English); Vitruvius (ed. Rowland) 1999 (English). I have often cited Daniele
Barbaro’s translation and commentary of Vitruvius (Vitruvio [ed. Barbaro] 1556), as
being that on which Palladio worked and clearly used. See also: Forssman 1965;
Ackerman 1966, pp. 160-185; Burns 1975, pp. 205-268; Howard, Longair 1982; Burns
2000; Mitrovic 2004.
2
Quattro Libri, ii, p. 4.
3
Morsolin 1894, p. 246. Trissino presented the idea to Pope Paul iii in Bologna in 1541.
4
Trissino, Epistola (1524), in Castelvecchi 1986, pp. 11-12.
5
6
Quattro Libri, i, p. 5.
Quattro Libri, i, p. 52. In addition to lesser buildings, Palladio would have recalled
various collapsed buildings: part of Bramante’s Belvedere Court (Ackerman 1974);
part of the vault of Sansovino’s library in Venice in December 1545 (Morresi 2000,
pp. 196-197); and the half dome of the southern arm of Michelangelo’s St. Peter’s in
1557 (letters of Michelangelo to Vasari, in Poggi 1965-1983, v, 1983, pp. 112-114, 116-
118).
7
Quattro Libri, i, p. 51. Palladio returns to the theme of trees in his written report of
1577 on the Doge’s Palace (Puppi 1988, p. 158), an indication of how he always had in
mind the ideas expressed in the Quattro Libri.
8
Quattro Libri, i, p. 51: on Palladio and Nature, see Boucher 2000.
9
Quattro Libri, iv, p. 77.
10
Quattro Libri, i, p. 51: ‘We see that those ancient Architects, whose buildings used to
be made of wood began to make [them] of stone... also in the cornices they introduced
Triglyphs, Modillions and Dentils, which represent the heads of those beams which
were placed on the ceilings to support the roofs.’ See Vitruvius 4, 2, 1-4, and the
comments of Antonio Corso in Vitruvio (ed. Gros) 1997, i, pp. 441-457; see also
Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro) 1556, pp. 105-107.
11
Though Palladio never saw Roman beam structures, his experience of carpentry and
observation of the use of stone beams in ancient buildings enabled him to reconstruct,
for instance, beam structures in his plates of ancient atria (Quattro Libri, ii, pp. 24-28).
The beams correspond to the frieze above the columns. Thus the impressive blocks
projecting to support the cornice/walkway in the courtyards of the Palazzo Valmarana
and the Palazzo Barbaran da Porto represent projecting but sawn-off beams as if in an
atrium (compare his sketched atrium section, cat. 127b) converted by some energetic
sawing into an open court.
12
Quattro Libri, ii, pp. 45-46.
13
Quattro Libri, ii, p. 4.
14
Alberti (ed. Orlandi) 1966, (v, 17), pp. 430-433; Quattro Libri, ii, 3. The chapter on 272
the Palazzo Antonini in Udine (Quattro Libri, ii, pp. 4-5), contains the only passage in should not seem that the Country is totally without money, start was made on this
which Palladio mentions the latrines (and the plan of the building has the only work’ (Malipiero 1844, p. 699).
illustration of them) in his book. He had clearly decided to deal with this disagreeable 36
Quattro Libri, i, p. 5.
topic at once and not to return to it again. He writes: ‘The latrines are next to the stairs, 37
Vitruvius 1,1,1: ‘Architecti est scientia pluribus disciplinis et variis eruditionibus
and though they are in the body of the building, they do not create a bad smell, because ornata.’ Barbaro in his translation and in his 1567 Latin edition follows Fra Giocondo
they are in a place remote from sunshine, and they have some vents from the bottom and Philandre in reading Architectura, and not Architecti (of the architect), as given in
of the pit in the thickness of the wall which emerge at the top of the house.’ On latrines modern editions.
in Renaissance architecture, see Pagliara 2001. Latrines appear at the sides of the oval 38
This is suggested by his early Vitruvian studies (cat. 131) and the formal nature of the
stairs in a project for Palazzo Barbarano (riba xvi/14 Ar, cat. 106). presentation of some early projects, like the villa at Vigardolo (cat. 19). The success of
15
Quattro Libri, ii, p. 5. Serlio’s Quarto Libro (1537) and Terzo Libro (1540) would also have induced Palladio to
16
Quattro Libri, ii, p. 4. start work on a new sort of architectural treatise.
17
British Museum, London, Department of Prints and Drawings, 1951-2-8-34. The 39
Burns 1995.
drawing was published and discussed in Turner 1994; see also Scrase, in Martineau, 40
Quattro Libri, i, p. 6.
Hope 1983, p. 260, cat. d23. 41
Quattro Libri, i, p. 6.
18
Burns 2001. 42
Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro) 1556, p. 179.
19
Quattro Libri, ii, p. 3. 43
Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro) 1556, p. 40.
20
Quattro Libri, ii, p. 45. 44
On Barbaro’s will, Boucher 1979; on Barbaro’s close association with Giovanni
21
Quattro Libri, i, p. 52. Grimani, patron of the façade of San Francesco della Vigna, see Cooper 2005, pp. 77-
22
Both Alberti (ed. Orlandi, 1966, vii, pp. 558-559) and Alvise Cornaro (Fiocco 1965, pp. 103.
157-158, 164) are concerned that each floor should be arranged without changes of level, 45
Quattro Libri, i, p. 5.
but that, as Cornaro writes ‘all should be equal, and at the same level’ (p. 158). 46
Quattro Libri, ii, pp. 29-32, 72.
23
On the idea of Magnificence in the Renaissance (discussed in – or merely mentioned 47
Quattro Libri, ii, pp. 47-55. To these should be added the villa on the Brenta for
in the titles of – innumerable recent studies) see, as an introduction, Gombrich 1962, Lunardo Mocenigo, Quattro Libri, ii, p. 66.
Fraser Jenkins 1970, and Kent 2004; Imesch 2003. Giovanni Gioviano Pontano’s 48
Quattro Libri, i, p. 53.
writings on the ‘social virtues’ are collected in Pontano 1965 and 1999. 49
Quattro Libri, i, p. 53.
24
Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro) 1556. 50
Quattro Libri, iii, p. 25.
25
Paravicini Bagliani 1994. 51
Quattro Libri, i, p. 5.
26
Alberti (ed. Orlandi) 1966, 2, bk. viii, chap. v, pp. 698-699. 52
Raphael writes on Bramante, in the Munich ms of his letter to Leo x (Di Teodoro
27
On Bernardo Bembo: Nella 1985; on his patronage: Callegari 1997; Pincus 2006; 2003, p. 136): ‘It happens that in our days architecture is much awakened and brought
Pincus, Shapiro Comte 2006. very close to the manner of the ancients, as one sees in many beautiful works of
28
On the manuscript of the De re aedificatoria at Eton College Library (ms 128): Bramante; nevertheless the architectural details are not of such precious materials as the
Grayson 1957; Grayson 1960; De Poli, in Cardini 2005. On the British Library ancients, who with infinite expense seem to have realised what they conceived and that
notebook: Clough 1971; Clough 1984. their will alone overcame every difficulty.’
29
Vitruvio (ed. Fra Giocondo) 1511, fol. 63r. On the Fondaco: Simonsfeld 1887; Dazzi 53
The text granting the right to Ludovico Thiene and all his house to incorporate part
1940; Brunetti, Gerbino 1941; Lupprian 1978; Roesch 1986; Concina 1997; Schweikhart of the French royal arms in the middle of the Thiene coat of arms, a considerable
2001. honour, is copied, and illustrated, in a carefully handwritten book of privileges of the
30
Vasari 1550, 1568, eds Bettarini-Barocchi 1966-1997, iv, pp. 562-564. Thiene family of 1580 (Biblioteca civica Bertoliana, Vicenza, ms Gonzati 25.8.97 = 460,
31
Hirst 1981, pp. 13-23; Hirst 1983, pp. 210-211, cat. 97; Hirst, Laing 1986; Lucco fol. 89); see Burns 2007, pp. 40, 96, no. 17.
2008, pp. 102-105, cat. 6. Hirst suggests the painting was begun in 1508-1509; Lucco 54
Burns 2006, pp. 26-29.
sees it as started around 1506, while dating the final phase (with the basilica) to 1508- 55
Quattro Libri, ii, p. 4.
1509. 56
Goy 1992, p. 234, no. 6: Marin Contarini wanted Nicolò Romanello to execute three
32
On the chapel of the Succorpo, see De Divitiis 2007, pp. 171-181. balconies of the great hall on the first floor of the palace: ‘all three [balconies] should
33
On Palladio’s use of the Roman agricultural writers, see Burns 2005, pp. 66-77. be in the mode of that on the corner of the house which was of ser Costantino de Priuli
34
On Gritti: Tafuri 1984; Howard 1996; Olivieri 1998. On Contarini: Rose 1976; Tafuri which is on the corner towards San Zaccaria’. Unfortunately today neither the balconies
1985, pp. 198-208, 293-294, and (in English) Tafuri 1989, pp. 130-135, 251-252, no. 137; on the Ca’ d’Oro nor those on the Palazzo Priuli are the original ones.
Cooper 2005, index, under ‘Contarini, Jacopo’. 57
Cesariano 1521, fol. lxxiv; Serlio 1540, pp. clii, cliii.
35
Domenico Malipiero in his Annali makes explicit the association at Venetian 58
Trissino, in Weinberg 1970, 2, pp. 5-6: ‘Poetry, as I said at the beginning of the work,
government level of the propaganda function of public building as a manifestation of is all imitation... to imitate is natural to man, from childhood onwards.’
financial and hence military strength: ‘Work began in this month of June [1496] on the 59
The little girl, Lucia Soranzo, sits at the foot of the Madonna’s throne in Bassano’s
laying of the foundations of the Clock[tower] in the Piazza of San Marco above the Madonna and Child, Saints Matthew, Francesco, Lucia, and the Podestà Matteo Soranzo,
Marzaria; and it will cost about 6000 ducats: and although work on the [Doge’s] palace his daughter Lucia and his brother Francesco, 1536, in the Museo Civico, Bassano del
is to a certain degree suspended because of the war of Naples, nevertheless so that it Grappa (Ericani, in Brown, Marini 1992, pp. 10-11, cat. 2). Though the spirit of the 274
 portrait of Lucia derives from Lotto, as Ericani suggests, the pose of the seated figure is
inspired by the Marcantonio Raimondi circle St. Helen (Bartsch xiv, 460), engraved
after Raphael’s drawing in the Uffizi (1973 F): see Oberhuber 1965-1966; Fischel-
Oberhuber 1972, cat. 409, and p. 56; Knab, Mitsch, Oberhuber, Ferino-Pagden 1983,
cat. 483, p. 603.
60
Quattro Libri, i, p. 51.
61
The Palazzo Volpe, in Contra’ Gazzolle in Vicenza, belonged to Antonio Volpe, in
contact with Palladio as commissioner for the construction of the loggias of the Basilica
in 1551-1552. The date 1552 appears above the portal and in the courtyard. The palace
façade still hints at its history and shows how fashion conscious its successive owners
were: a late Gothic façade was modernised by the addition of a Quattrocento portal; the
window frames may well belong to the late Quattrocento and follow designs by Lorenzo
da Bologna or a master influenced by him. The later elements all suggest Palladio’s
intervention (and not, to my mind, that of Ammannati) and include: smooth
rustication, imitated from the outside of the cella wall of the temple of Mars Ultor; the
simple string courses quoted from the perimeter wall of the Forum of Augustus
(Quattro Libri, iv, pp. 17-22); the cornice above the portal; the decision to use fluted
brackets to support the window sills and to dispense with balconies hovering
dangerously over the street; and the window cornices and pediments. See Battilotti
1999, pp. 461; Barbieri, Cevese 2004, p. 81, 606-607.
62
Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro) 1556, p. 40, also quoted above.
63
See, for instance, the way in which Palladio cites ancient buildings to defend his
design for a third level at the City Hall of Brescia (Puppi 1988, pp. 151-152).
64
On the unfinished villa complex (1572) for Iseppo Porto, owner of the Palazzo Porto
in Vicenza, see Battilotti 1999, p. 502; Burns 2005, p. 99.
65
In Weinberg 1970, 1, pp. 23-158; 2, pp. 7-90. The first four parts of the work were
published in 1529; the last two parts only in 1562, twelve years after Trissino’s death.
66
See, for example, the chapter ‘De la generale elezione de le parole’ (‘On the general
choice of words’; Weinberg 1970, 1, pp. 27-30). The relation between Trissino’s
grammatical and literary theory and Palladio’s architecture is touched on in Burns
2000, pp. 4-5. Following Homer, Trissino, in the Italia liberata, often uses well known
phrases derived or adapted from his main sources of inspiration: Homer, Virgil, Dante
and Petrarch. Thus he writes, alluding to Homer and quoting Petrarch: ‘Poi come
apparve fuor la bella aurora/ Coronata di rose in vesta d’oro,/ L’ Imperador de le città
del mondo si levò sù da l’oziose piume’ (‘Then, while outside fair dawn appeared/
Crowned with roses in a golden gown/ The Emperor of the world’s cities arose from
easeful feathers.’) (Trissino 1547-1548, ii, fol. 35).
67
Quattro Libri, ii, p. 53.

275
 27. Guiding ideas: Vitruvius and the theory and practice of design
Palladio, in his book and in his work as an architect, followed ideas
and procedures presented by Vitruvius and Alberti (cat. 133), his oft-
cited principal ‘masters and guides’ (Quattro Libri, i, p. 5). Theory
and practice were not separate for Palladio: his theory was based on
his practice; his practice on his theory. In explaining or defending his
designs, he invoked both general ideas and ancient and modern
examples, as can be seen in his letters and advice as a consultant. In
the Quattro Libri, he even offers his own projects as models,
presented as substitutes for ancient villas which no longer exist.
Palladio took a great deal from Vitruvius and Alberti, and was
consequently the most Vitruvian and Albertian architect of his time.
Their two books were different and complementary. The Roman
author wrote in a specific context and with a personal backward-
looking emphasis which Palladio probably did not perceive.
Vitruvius is complex in his vocabulary and in much of his subject
matter, because he often concentrates on key aspects (as when writing
on the house or the theatre), while assuming a general knowledge of
all the rest. Palladio knew the text of Vitruvius intimately, having
studied its illustrations even before his contact with Barbaro (cat. 64),
27.1. Basilica, Fano,
reconstruction,
woodcut reproduced
in Daniele Barbaro’s
edition of Vitruvius,
De architectura
(Venice 1556,
pp. 136-137)
27.2. Villa Sarego,
Santa Sofia di
Pedemonte, façade
27.3. Cat. 132, detail
[27.1.]
which led to him making almost all the illustrations for Barbaro’s 1556
translation.
Alberti, in contrast, for all his antique tone of voice, writes for
modern architects and shares with them his methods and results in
his endeavour to recover the ideas and rules underlying ancient
architecture. He encourages architects to observe, measure and draw.
He never hesitates in criticising Vitruvius. He reconstructs in words
(but probably working from his drawings) all the main Roman
building types, including the great Roman bath complexes, which
Vitruvius does not describe, because they did not exist in his day.
Alberti is clear, discursive and tries to cut through problems of
interpretation or definition. His book would have been read by
Palladio as a sort of extended commentary on Vitruvius, stressing the
ancient Roman’s more general ideas. Moreover, Alberti’s book acted
as a kind of antidote to the contemporary tendency to concentrate on
disputes over the orders and overlook the range and potency of
Vitruvius’ reflections.
Palladio follows Vitruvius’ identification of the three basic
requisites of good architecture, utilitas, firmitas, venustas, which he
[27.2.] 276
 [27.4.]
27.4. Palazzo
Chiericati, façade
translates as ‘l’utile, ò commodità, la perpetuità & la bellezza’ (‘the
and flank useful or convenient, the durable [a slight betrayal of firmitas] and the
27.5. Villa Rotonda,
seen from the
beautiful’; Quattro Libri, i, p. 6). Like Alberti, he sees the three
north-east qualities as being inextricably linked. He thus recommends
symmetry, which he appreciated from an aesthetic point of view,
because it ensured the equal settling of the two sides of the building.
Like Alberti, Palladio notices the bases without plinths of the round
temple of the Forum Boarium (cat. 169a). The solution is beautiful
and harmonious in itself, but also practical, as there are no plinths to
trip on. In Palladio’s Basilica, too, the smaller lower columns have a
simple cylinder instead of bases: the solution is functionally sensible,
reduces cost and also means that the smaller bases do not compete
with the more complex form of the main column bases. In fact, the
whole Basilica, which Palladio praises for the perfect way in which the
stone blocks are joined and clamped together, is a demonstration of
a felicitous interaction between good structural design, functionality
and beauty. For Palladio, as for Alberti, this interaction depends on
‘the correspondence of the parts to the parts, of the parts among
themselves, and of the parts to the whole’ (Quattro Libri, i, p. 6).
[27.6.]
[27.5.]
The idea of site is very important for Palladio (as for Alberti), even
more so than for Vitruvius, because of the priority Palladio accords
to domestic architecture: site and orientation are more fully discussed
in Pliny the Younger’s descriptions of his villas than by Vitruvius. Site
has two aspects: the choice of the site, which Palladio discusses at
length (Quattro Libri, ii, p. 45), and the site as a prompter of the
design, a theme which emerges explicitly from Palladio’s description
of the Villa Rotonda (fig. 27.5 and cat. 183), closely modelled on
Pliny’s account of his Tuscan villa.
Vitruvius’ division of buildings into public and private was
fundamental both for Alberti and Palladio. His account of the main
building types was also of great importance: basic requirements and
designs could be considered without the distraction of contingent
circumstances. Vitruvius also showed how basic types, like the house
and the theatre could be divided into sub-types, such as the Greek or
Roman house and theatre. Vitruvius, moreover, describes the various
atrium and room types, which Palladio reconstructs in the Quattro
Libri (ii, pp. 33-42). These types encouraged his own creation of a
basic vocabulary of room shapes and sizes, with their accompanying
27.6. Loggias
of the Basilica,
seen from Contra’
del Monte
27.7. Villa Cornaro,
Piombino Dese,
courtyard façade
278
[27.7.]
 [27.8.]
vault types (Quattro Libri, i, pp. 53-54). In discussing houses
Vitruvius calls attention to the requirements of different classes of
owner. The ancient writer’s categories were still meaningful in
Palladio’s time, and Palladio paraphrases the passage (Quattro Libri,
ii, p. 3). His grand vaulted vestibules, as in Roman times, would have
served as a gathering place for clients and dependents, in search of
favours or simply wishing to pay the rent or greet their patron.
In his designs, Palladio took Vitruvian building types greatly into
account: the Roman house for the Carità (cat. 84); the Greek house
for the dramatically incomplete Villa Porto at Molina di Malo (fig.
34.8); the theatre at the Teatro Olimpico (section 26); and the Basilica
at Fano (Vitruvius’ only known work) (fig. 27.1) for the Villa Sarego
(fig. 27.2) and the unexecuted court design for Palazzo Porto (cat. 34).
Equally important for Palladio were Vitruvius’ chapters on
capitals, columns and entablatures. When making the illustrations
for the 1556 edition of Vitruvius, Palladio systematically re-
constructed all Vitruvius’ recommendations for the orders. But in
practice and in his own book he departs quietly yet firmly from them.
His versions of the orders are a personal synthesis arrived at on the
basis of actual antique examples, not Vitruvius’ text. Thus (unlike
Sansovino and Vignola) he never uses Vitruvius’ Ionic base, but only
the Attic base, or at most, such as in Palazzo Porto, rare examples of
Ionic bases actually found in or around Rome (fig. 7.11): pride and
interest in this base was such that Paolo Veronese included it in his
Portrait of Iseppo Porto (cat. 36). Sometimes, favourite Palladio motifs
had only one or two antique precedents, never mentioned by
Vitruvius: among these were the ‘diagonal’ Ionic capital of the
Temple of Saturn (figs 18-19, p. 269) (Quattro Libri, iv), and the
cornice with modillions in the form of blocks (cat. 132). In all this,
Palladio followed the variety and richness of Roman architectural
invention. In his proportions for the orders, he also followed the
flexibility which Vitruvius recommended, arguing that proportions
need to be changed in relation to the size of the work.
Palladio’s most important debt to Vitruvius in the use of the orders
279 is related not to their details, but to his realisation that columns were
[27.9.]
fundamental to ancient architecture (at least as Vitruvius described 27.8. Villa Zeno,
Cessalto, façade
it). Moreover, he saw that Vitruvius’ description of the basic types of 27.9. Villa Emo,
intercolumniation (which Palladio linked individually with each of Fanzolo, façade
the orders) made the order not just a form of decoration expressing
the status of the owner and the character of the building, but a
generator of spaces. As a result of his Vitruvian studies, Palladio
became the Renaissance architect closest in his taste and solutions to
the great Hellenistic architects whom his ‘guide and master’ Vitruvius
so admired.
Sources: Vitruvius (ed. Fra Giocondo) 1511; Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro)
1556; Vitruvius (ed. Barbaro) 1567; Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro) 1567;
Vitruvius (ed. Hickey Morgan) 1914, 1960; Vitruvio (eds Tafuri,
Morresi) 1987; Vitruve 1990 ff. (editions of individual books of
Vitruvius published in the Collection des Universités de France, from
1990 onwards); Vitruvio (ed. Gros) 1997; Vitruvius (ed. Rowland)
1999; Vitruvius-Sangallo (ed. Rowland) 2003; Philandrier (ed.
Lemerle) 2000; Alberti (ed. Lauro) 1546; Alberti (ed. Bartoli) 1550;
Alberti (ed. Orlandi) 1966; Alberti 1985; Alberti (ed. Rykwert,
Leach, Tavernor) 1988.
Literature: Forssman 1962; Ackerman 1966, pp. 160-185; Burns 1975,
pp. 205-268; Carboneri 1979; Gioseffi 1980; Howard, Longair 1982;
Pagliara 1986; Tafuri 1987; Pagliara 1988; Mitrovic 1990; Pellecchia
1992; Becker 1996; D’Evelyn 1997; Cellauro 1998; Boucher 2000;
Cellauro 2000; Cellauro 2001; Mitrovic 2004; Gros 2006; Gros
2006a.
Howard Burns
 129. Giovanni Battista da Sangallo,
called il Gobbo (1496-1548)
Book of drawings of ancient
monuments, temples and arches
in Rome and at Cori
1520s
Parchment binding; 23 sheets
of paper; pen and brown ink, stylus,
ruler, compasses, black chalk
278 × 210 mm
Notes on drawings and numeration
of the sheets
History and ownership: Baron
Philipp von Stosch; Wilhelm
Muzell-Stosch; Anthony Askew m.d.
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
Codex Rootstein-Hopkins

This book of drawings by Giovanni

Battista da Sangallo, called il Gobbo,
nephew of Giuliano and Antonio da
Sangallo the Elder and younger
brother of Antonio da Sangallo the
Younger, belonged in the eighteenth
century to Baron Philipp von Stosch
(1691-1757), a friend of Johann
Joachim Winckelmann. Together with
the Holkham Hall album, once
proudly owned by Carlo Maratti and
acquired afterwards by the Earl of
[129.] Leicester, Thomas Coke (Nesselrath,
in Fiore 2005), the book was
previously considered to be the
celebrated reconstruction of ancient
Rome which Pope Leo x had
commissioned from Raphael, a work
which remained unfinished and of
which there has been no further real
trace. Three years ago the Codex
Stosch – there had been no mention of
it since the eighteenth century –
reappeared in Scotland.
Unfortunately, the book did not
turn out to be the great archaeological
work by Raphael: the quality of the
paper is too poor for a volume
dedicated to a pope and the contents
do not correspond to the description
of the plan that Raphael had prepared
for Leo x (Shearman 2003, pp. 500-
545). The method used in the
drawings, however, does match what
Raphael describes in his epistola to his
commissioning pope.
All the surveys are drawn strictly
orthogonally. Two small details on
sheets 3r and 5r appear in projection.
The buildings, or rather the recon-
structions of their presumed original
appearance, are fully rendered, i.e. in
plan, elevation (even from different
sides) and section. In some cases
architectural details, bases, capitals,
[130.] entablatures or other elements are
added. Each survey is meticulously
measured. All the drawings are in
scale, thus reproducing the temples
and ancient Roman arches in their
entirety. The relationships within the
drawings reproduce the real monu-
ments and can be studied with their
measurements or deduced directly
from the drawings. Inscriptions 280
 copied from the monuments or added
comments and analyses identifying
the buildings reflect the theoretical
approach adopted by the draughts-
man. Giovanni Battista da Sangallo is
in perfect command of the method-
ology of architectural drawing. The
criteria adopted in the surveys of this
Codex are the same as those used in
antiquity, continued in the Middle
Ages and right up to the present day.
When Filippo Brunelleschi developed
linear perspective, Leon Battista
Alberti acknowledged in his treatise on
architecture that, with this invention,
painters finally had at their disposition
a proper method of calculation
enabling them to construct the
representation of space accurately, and
so attain standards of description and
precision equal to that of architects
(Nesselrath 2005, pp. 45-47). Gio-
vanni Battista da Sangallo’s Codex is a
model of the kind of material which
Palladio followed in his architectural
drawings.
The attribution to Giovanni Batti-
sta da Sangallo is based on a com-
parison of the Codex’s drawings with
those he made as annotations in his
copy of Vitruvius of 1486, edited by
Sulpizio da Veroli, now in the Bi-
blioteca Corsiniana, Rome (inv. 50.F.1;
Rowland 2003, see also the following
entry). Like his Vitruvian studies, the
Codex has no precise elements for
establishing a date. Not all the sheets
need to have been drawn at the same
time, but they may have been made
over a longer period. The Codex also
includes copies and elaborations of
surveys of ancient buildings made by
Giovanni Battista together with his
brother Antonio and other members
of their circle. The most telling
elements for establishing a date for the
book come from Giovanni Battista’s
personal interpretations of Vitruvius
text. Seen in the context of con-
temporary translations of Vitruvius –
for example Marco Fabio Calvo’s
translation for Raphael (Fontana,
Morachiello 1975) or those by Cesare
Cesariano and Durantino or Bal-
dassare Peruzzi’s project (Nesselrath
1993, pp. 171-173) – the book would
seem to date from around the 1520s.
The calligraphy suggests even a dating
to the first half of this decade.
Giovanni Battista’s book contains
fair copies, i.e. drawings not made in
situ in front of the monument.
Consisting of material fairly homo-
geneous in terms of form and content,
the small volume assembles surveys
similar to the treatises published a few
years later, for example, by Serlio (cat.
165) or Palladio (Nesselrath 1986, pp.
134-140). The Codex does not convey
the idea of the varied magnificence of
ancient Rome, as Raphael’s work for
Leo x was supposed to have done, but
arranges the monuments by type. It is
281 closer, therefore, to the theoretical
projects of the Accademia della Virtù,
described by Claudio Tolomeo in a
letter addressed to Count Agostino de’
Landi in 1542.
Literature: Strodtmann, Stosch 1757,
p. 273, no. 22; Winckelmann 1760,
pp. 99-101, no. 374, and pp. 108-109,
no. 379; Winckelmann 1762, p. 50;
Golzio 1936, p. 80; Campbell 2005;
Campbell, Nesselrath 2006.
arnold nesselrath
130. Giovanni Battista da Sangallo,
called il Gobbo (1496-1548)
Notes and drawings in Vitruvius,
De architectura libri decem,
editio princeps (1486)
322 × 220 mm
Rome, Biblioteca dei Lincei
e Corsiniana, Incunaboli, 50·F·1
[Not exhibited]
Giovanni Battista Cordiani, better
known as Giovanni Battista da San-
gallo, was the younger brother of
Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, to
whom he provided valuable assistance
by making drawings of ancient build-
ings and designs, as well as managing
building sites (see cat. 129). Celebrated
mainly for his studies of De archi-
tectura and surveys of ancient
buildings, Giovanni Battista devoted
time to these activities when not
working for his brother or on
independent commissions for minor
designs and keeping the accounts of
the Fabbrica of St. Peter’s, which he
did with the same kind of
meticulousness as is found in some of
his Vitruvian writings or at times in
his very detailed drawings. Giovanni
Battista drafted several versions of a
translation of De architectura. But the
results were conditioned by his
insufficient knowledge of Latin and a
limited mastery of written Italian. The
shortcomings in the text, however,
were compensated for in the drawings
by his vast direct knowledge of antique
architecture, analysed through sur-
veying monuments. This aspect is
highlighted both in the sketched
comments on his copy of Vitruvius’
editio princeps, and in the collection of
clean drawings of surveys, especially of
temples, recently rediscovered, i.e. the
Codex Stosch (cat. 129). Indeed, the
drawings are of such high standard
that Winckelmann attributed them to
Raphael. But in fact they were made
by Giovanni Battista in the 1520s, the
delayed outcome of Raphael’s project
to survey the monuments of ancient
Rome, represented in orthogonal
projection. In those years Sangallo had
begun the first version of De
architectura, probably after 1522, since
the organisation of the chapters
follows Fra Giocondo’s last edition of
Vitruvius, printed the same year. The
work on the translation dragged on
until the late years of Sangallo’s life, in
parallel to his activities of annotating
and making drawn comments, carried
out at several different times in the
incunabulum. In this work the
variations of ink and handwriting
enable us to distinguish some of the
sequences – the drawings on sheets
glued onto the pages were usually
made later than those on the same
subject noted in the margins of the
book – but do not allow us to establish
firm dates. Other clues, such as the re-
use of a sheet with drawings of the
Bastione Ardeatino, being built in
1538, and the influence of the Aula
Regia, designed by Antonio in the
same years, suggest that he worked
more intensely from 1539, when
Antonio is known to have updated the
preface to an edition of De archi-
tectura (the translation on which his
brother was working?) and the early
1540s, when the Accademia della
Virtù began its project to interpret the
treatise of Vitruvius.
In some of Giovanni Battista’s
drawings of the domus described by
Vitruvius there is a striking correlation
between Vitruvian architecture (or at
least architecture inspired by the
antique) and the buildings designed
and built by his elder brother. In a
letter to Pope Paul iii, Giovanni
Battista claims that in the Palazzo
Farnese Antonio wished closely to
follow ‘la regola di Vitruvio’ (‘the rules
of Vitruvius’). To Giovanni Battista’s
mind, the palace was a reliable
interpretation of the ancient house
even in material terms, from which he
could legitimately draw on to illustrate
parts of the Roman house. The plan of
the rear block of the domus which
Giovanni Battista drew in the margin
of his incunabulum is in fact a citation
of the Palazzo Farnese, not only for the
atrium, as has been noted for some
time, but also for the design of the
peristyle round the court, which
according to the interpretations of
both Antonio and Giovanni Batista
was the modern equivalent of the
Vitruvian cavedio. Giovanni Battista
was similarly inspired by the Aula
Regia, on which work had begun in
1538. The greatest ceremonial hall in
the papal residence, one of the key
examples of all’antica monumental
civil architecture in Rome at that time,
provided Giovanni Battista with the
model for the large thermal window,
which he reproduced on all fronts of
his figures of the cavedii to underscore
their all’antica character.
Palladio was in Rome from 1541 to
1542 (see pp. 54-56), accompanied by
his protector, the Vitruvian Trissino,
who could easily have introduced him
to the Roman circles interested in De
architectura at a time when the detailed
studies on the treatise were underway at
the Accademia della Virtù. It is quite
likely that on that occasion, Palladio
not only met Antonio but also his
younger brother, valued as a Vitruvius
scholar by contemporaries such as
Guillaume Philandrier and Giorgio
Vasari. He may also have seen Giovanni
Battista’s most recent drawings
interpreting the treatise, made in the
incunabulum, but intended to illustrate
the printed edition of his translation.
Palladio would also have seen Antonio’s
recent construction of the Aula Regia,
the Cappella Paolina and possibly his
design for a villa (U 1857 A). These, to-
gether with Giovanni Battista’s draw-
ings, would have attracted Palladio’s
interest, especially for the motif of the
thermal window. From the 1540s on, he
reproduced it in designs and con-
structions of residential architecture –
Villa Valmarana at Vigardolo (cat. 19)
and Villa Pisani at Bagnolo (cat. 31) –
and later also in religious buildings.
Palladio may equally have taken
advantage of Giovanni Battista’s
drawings of various types of temples in
the third and fourth books of the
incunabulum, made in the margins of
the pages and then on sheets glued into
the book. They depart from the images
in previous editions of Vitruvius and
are the closest precedent to the illus-
trations on the same subject made by
Palladio for Daniele Barbaro’s edition
of De architectura (1556; cats 62 and
64). Giovanni Battista’s images of
temples, here and in the Codex Stosch,
share Palladio’s strictly orthogonal
projection in simple, clear drawings,
with no shading, and in which the
Doric temples, for example, correctly
show the columns with no bases.
Giovanni Battista bequeathed his
Vitruvian material to the Arcicon-
fraternita di San Giovanni Decollato,
of which he was a member, in the
hope that it would bring earnings
from possible publication; it was,
however, only eventually printed this
century. Today the confraternity still
has a small part of the material. In the
eighteenth century, two versions of his
translation (Corsiniano 1846 and
2093) and the annotated incuna-
bulum passed to the Biblioteca Corsi-
niana, Rome, whereas the drafts for a
continuation of the second translation
of Vitruvius up to Book vi are in the
Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence.
Literature: Hamberg 1958, pp. 15-21;
Pagliara 1972, pp. 28, 30, 36; Pagliara
1982, pp. 25, 30; Pagliara 1983, pp. 26,
27, 28; Pagliara, in Frommel, Ray,
Tafuri 1984, p. 428; Pagliara 1986, pp.
47-49; Morolli 1988, pp. 87-88;
Pagliara 1988, pp. 181-184, 194, 198;
Frommel 1993, pp. 45-46; Pagliara
1996, pp. 748, 749; Rowland 2003;
Campbell, Nesselrath 2006, pp. 18-
20, 33, 34, 40; Gros 2006, p. 70.
pier nicola pagliara
 282
[131.]
283
[132.]
 131. Andrea Palladio
Plan and Elevation of the
Vitruvian Monopteral Temple
c. 1538-c. 1547, probably c. 1540;
epsilon handwriting
Recto: reconstruction of the Vitruvian
Roman theatre
Watermark: crossed arrows
surmounted by a star; Talman mark
54; ruler and stylus, compasses, dark
brown chalk, pen and brown ink
434 × 290 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘quεsta forma
dε tεmpio si ciama monoptεrε comε
/ dicε vitruvio εt a formarε dito
tεnpio si partisε / tuto εl diamεtro
i[n] partε trε εt dε una dεlε / partε si
fa la asεza [corrected from ‘asεsa’] di
gradi da tεra / al pavimεnto dεl
tεnpio lε colonε ano / lo stilobatε
comε dicε vitruvio εt sono / tanto
longε quanto a di diamεtro εl tεnpio
dεntro via εt no[n] a cεla / comε ano
li altri ma la cupola / siε su lε colonε
comε si vεdε lε / colonε sono tεstε.
x. con la basa εt / εl capitεlo lo
εpistilio alto dε la mεdi/εta dε la
grosεca dεla colona εl / frixo εt la
corniziε a proporcion dε / li altri
mεnbri li stilobati alti / la quarta
partε dεla altεca dε / la colona joo lo
dεscrito comε mεlgio lo intεzo’
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc216/x/4v

This drawing documents Palladio’s

early study of Vitruvius, before his
collaboration with Daniele Barbaro
(cat. 64). It demonstrates that this and
a few other Palladio drawings based on
the De architectura were simply
adopted by Barbaro ready-made. The
sheet may have been intended for
publication: the text (unpunctuated
and with dialect forms) surrounds the
illustration, as also often happened in
Serlio’s books. It probably reveals
Palladio’s personal scholarly efforts: he
concludes ‘I have described it as best I
could understand it.’ The passage in
[133.]
Vitruvius (iv.8. 1) is linguistically
straightforward but leaves much un-
defined, stating, for example, that
monopteral temples ‘have a platform
and stairs of a third of their diameter’.
But which diameter? Palladio, follow-
ing Fra Giocondo’s illustration, as-
sumes it is the total diameter, includ-
ing the stairs. The result is a dis-
proportionate number of steps, which
Barbaro publishes with no changes, a
testimony to his faith in Palladio’s
competence. Barbaro and/or Palladio,
however, had second thoughts: in the
1567 Latin and Italian editions the
steps are reduced from seventeen to
nine.

Literature: Vitruvius (ed. Fra Gio-

condo) 1511, fol. 43r; Vitruvius (ed. 284
 Fra Giocondo) 1513, pl. 74; Vitruvio
(ed. Barbaro) 1556, pp. 125-126;
Vitruvius (ed. Barbaro) 1567, p. 152;
Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro) 1567, p. 197;
Spielmann 1966, p. 139, cat. 20;
Cellauro 1998, pp. 103-104.
howard burns
132. Andrea Palladio
Unfinished study of the Composite
capital, entablature and impost
for the Quattro Libri
and a sketched section
of the Tuscan atrium
After 1562, before 1570, probably
c. 1565-1569
Recto: Doric arcades for the Quattro
Libri, and Doric base; section
of a vaulted atrium
Watermark: angel in oval surmounted
by six point star; Talman mark 150;
ruler and stylus, compasses, faint
underdrawing in blackish chalk,
pen and brown ink; the atrium is
sketched in a lighter brown ink; red
ink border drawn (for Burlington?)
directly on the drawing
291.5 × 200 mm (measured
on the verso)
Notes on the drawing: calculations
History and ownership: Jones writes
below the plate in his copy of the
Quattro Libri, ‘A drawing of this Sr
He. Wotto. the first that he did for
this booke’; it is not certain that this
drawing is the one owned by Wotton;
Sir Henry Wotton(?); (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc216/x/6v
(left)
Palladio uses a sheet of the same
dimensions as the future book to
design the plate showing the entabla-
ture and capital of the Composite
order (Quattro Libri, i, p. 50); the
drawing is a mirror image of the wood-
cut illustration. The capital is shown
in elevation, with forceful hatching,
and in plan as if transparent. Capital
and entablature dominate the sheet
(Palladio subsequently moved the
impost profile to the plate showing the
pedestal). The underside of the
cornice appears to the left of the en-
tablature. As usual, Palladio dimen-
sions the details in ‘minutes’ (one
‘minute’ is 1/60 of the lower column
diameter), reworking their sizes and
calculating the larger elements from
the sum of their parts. He based his
capital on Vignola’s 1562 plate, on the
arch of Titus (cat. 25), and on the
marvellous Composite capitals he had
drawn at the Baths of Caracalla (riba,
vi/9, vi/10, vi/11r-v) where, as here,
the volutes spring vigorously from the
echinus, without any suggestion of
285 horizontal continuity between them.
Palladio’s order is truly Composite: the quired even from philologists. Palladio
cornice with block-like modillions is would initially have used Pietro
based on those of the huge temple on Lauro’s unillustrated and often careless
the Quirinal (Quattro Libri, iv, p. 47) translation (Venice 1546). In 1550 this
and the Temple of Hadrian (Quattro excellent illustrated translation by
Libri, iv, p. 52), buildings with Cosimo Bartoli appeared. Palladio
Corinthian capitals; the Hadrianeum probably absorbed ideas from the
has a pulvinated frieze, as here. The illustrations: the plan and elevation of
architrave is borrowed from Vignola; the ancient forum are reflected in
its crowning moulding derives from Palazzo Chiericati (section 9) and in
the Basilica of Maxentius (Quattro the piazzas flanking the Rialto project
Libri, iv, p. 14). In a free space, in (cat. 94a), which also features a
paler ink, Palladio sketches the Tuscan covered bridge, as in Bartoli’s wood-
atrium described by Vitruvius, where cut. Vasari provided the design for the
the roof projects around the opening, title page, which was reproduced
unsupported by columns (see Quattro (reversed) in all the Venetian editions
Libri, ii, p. 18). of Bartoli’s works, with only the title
changed.
Literature: Vignola 1562, pl. xxviiii; In 1565 Bartoli republished his book
Palladio 1570, i, pp. 44-50; Zorzi in Venice, ‘in smaller and more con-
1959, fig. 308; Forssman 1961; Spiel- venient form’ (i.e. quarto), as he writes
mann 1966, p. 142, cat. 38, fig. 16; in the dedication. He used the leading
Allsopp 1970, 1, p. 12; Marini, in architectural publisher Francesco dei
Palladio 1980, pp. 429-430. On Palla- Franceschi, who the previous year had
dio’s drawings of Composite capitals: published Bartoli’s book on surveying
Spielmann 1966, pp. 26-29, 70-71, (cat. 134), and was responsible for the
142, cat. 1, pp. 160-161, cat. 144-149; reduced format editions (in Latin and
Lewis 2000, pp. 174-175. On Compo- Italian) of Daniele Barbaro’s Vitruvius.
site capitals: Strong 1960; Heilmeyer In 1565, another (unauthorised?)
1970, pp. 139-140; Pfanner 1983, pp. edition of Bartoli’s translation was
35 ff.; Pauwels 1989, pp. 29-46; published by Lionardo Torrentino.
Wilson Jones 2000, pp. 110, 144-146;
Gros 2001, 2, pp. 498-503. Literature: Alberti (ed. Lauro) 1546;
Alberti (ed. Bartoli) 1550; Alberti (ed.
howard burns Torrentino) 1565; Bryce 1983; Alberti
1985 (facsimile of the 1565 edition);
Bertolini, in Rykwert, Engel 1994, pp.
133. Leon Battista Alberti 466-468, cats 64-67; Cecchi, in Ryk-
(1404-1472), translated wert, Engel 1994, pp. 513-515, cat. 118;
by Cosimo Bartoli (1503-1572) Davis 1998; Fara, Tovo 2001, pp. 16-
‘L’Architettura/ di Leonbatista/ 20; Patetta 2004. On Bartoli see also
Alberti/ Tradotta In Lingua cat. 134.
Fiorentina da Cosimo/ Bartoli
Gentil’huomo & Accade-/ mico howard burns
Fiorentino./ Con la aggiunta de/
Disegni./ In Firenze M. D. L./
Appresso Lorenzo Torrentino
Impressor Ducale.’
Folio
361 × 236 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi
di Architettura Andrea Palladio,
cap d xvi i
Palladio clearly states that Vitruvius
and Leon Battista Alberti are his
principal authorities (Quattro Libri, i,
pp. 5, 7, 10) and he refers his readers to
them for more detailed discussion.
Palladio’s three different formulas, for
instance, for proportioning the height
of a room to its ground dimensions,
are borrowed from Alberti (ix, 6). At a
more general level, Palladio’s way of
arguing and developing his position
on the basis of a wide range of
examples and observations probably
also derives from Alberti. The Human-
ist, as a modern, discursive writer,
could be easily read and absorbed by
Palladio in Italian translation, without
the constant struggle to decipher
meaning which Vitruvius’ text re-
 28. Models to follow: studying and ‘restoring’ the ruins
Palladio developed his architectural language on the basis of the study
of Vitruvius and surviving ancient Roman buildings. Accurate
published surveys of antiquities were not yet available. Like the
anatomist Vesalius (1514-1564), who had personally to dissect to
understand the true ‘fabric’ of the human body, Palladio had to
survey the ruins firsthand and measure their architectural details if he
was to grasp the anatomy of ancient architecture. Moreover, to
understand the original appearance of ruined buildings, he needed to
establish a reliable method for ‘restoring’ missing parts, on the basis
of analogy and extrapolation from surviving part to missing whole.
Measurement
Renaissance culture did not only depend on the systematic study of
Greek and Latin literature and the skill of its artists and craftsmen. It
was also based on measurement and calculation. The sophisticated
accounting developed by its businessmen (as Michael Baxandall has
suggested) was paralleled in many fields by methods of measurement
and geometrical and arithmetical analysis. These bore fruit in
navigation, machinery and military matters (including Niccolò
Tartaglia’s invention of the new science of ballistics), in mapping
cities and territory and generally in architectural design.
Surveying became increasingly accurate in many fields: from large
scale cartography to land surveying, mapping cities and recording
building sites or antiquities. By the mid-fifteenth century, methods
based on the measurement of angles with instruments, triangulation
and similar triangles were codified and diffused in manuals. It
became easy to determine the height of a tower without climbing it,
or to establish the distance of a neighbouring city without travelling
there.
Units of measurement themselves were more effectively
standardised, with official examples displayed in market areas (also in
Vicenza). Architects, however, like merchants, needed to convert the
measurements used in one city to those employed in another. When
copying drawings, Palladio would often convert their dimensions to
the Vicentine foot, which he used throughout the Quattro Libri. Ever
smaller sub-divisions were introduced, making precise measurements
easier. In the mid-fifteenth century, Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472)
had been a pioneer in the field of measurement and surveying. His

28.1. Marteen van

Heemskerck, View
of the Temple
of Minerva in the
Forum of Nerva,
Rome. Berlin-
Dahlem, Staatliche
Museen
Preussischer
Kulturbesitz,
Kupferstichkabinett

28.2. Temple of
Minerva in the
Forum of Nerva,
Rome, woodcut
reproduced in
I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, IV,
pp. 24-25)

28.3. Cat. 139, detail

[28.1.] [28.2.] 286

28.4. Niccolò
Tartaglia,
circumferentor and
surveying procedure
in Quesiti et
inventioni diverse
(Venice 1546, p. 258)

28.5. Cosimo Bartoli,

circumferentor,
woodcut reproduced
in Del modo di
misurar le distantie
(Venice 1564, p. 98)

[28.4.] [28.5.]

Ludi Matematici (‘Mathematical Games’) discusses surveying
techniques. In his Descriptio urbis Romae (‘Description of the City of
Rome’), he explains how to make an accurate plan of Rome. In his
De Statua (‘Of Statues’), he presents his table of average dimensions
of the adult male body, based on a survey, and describes how to
record the co-ordinates of points distributed over the surface of a
three-dimensional statue, so as to make an exact replica. In his De re
aedificatoria (the most important Renaissance book on architecture),
he urges architects to measure ancient buildings and their details, as
he had done. He was probably the first systematically to record the
dimensions of ancient architectural components and to use this data
to formulate (as he had done for the human body) proportional
norms for architectural details. The impact of his teaching can be
seen by the 1480s in the two books of survey drawings compiled over
the years by the leading Florentine architect Giuliano da Sangallo
(1439-1516). Sangallo’s earlier drawings of architectural details are
unmeasured; then at a certain point he begins to provide detailed
measurements of even small elements. He was followed by all serious
architects, including Palladio, who used their research to arrive at
formulae for the orders by comparing the proportional specifications
of Vitruvius with those found in admired ancient buildings, like the
Pantheon and the Theatre of Marcellus.
Palladio writes: ‘I began to measure them [the antiquities] most
minutely with the greatest diligence, in their every part’ (Quattro
Libri, i, p. 5). He very likely travelled with a wooden measuring rod
(probably 6 Vicentine feet long), and a (brass?) ruler (of 2 or 3
Vicentine feet), graduated in inches and ‘minutes’ (a quarter of a
Vicentine inch, i.e. 7.48 mm), possibly also showing quarters of a
‘minute’ (1.86 mm), the smallest measurement recorded in the
Quattro Libri. He would have used a plumb line and carpenter’s
square to establish verticals and horizontals: he draws plumb lines in
the plates of the Quattro Libri (iv) and on his drawings, and even a
level with a plumb line (cat. 132). He probably employed large
dividers and even callipers to arrive at truly accurate measurements.
Surveying
Palladio travelled with an innovative surveying instrument called the
circumferentor (figs 28.4-5), a forerunner of the modern theodolite.

288

[28.6.]
By about 1480 such surveying instruments joined the astrolabe, still
used to establish the angle of elevation of heavenly bodies or towers.
The circumferentor was a disk whose circumference was divided into
eight sectors, corresponding to the eight principal winds, subdivided
into degrees. By the mid-sixteenth century each ‘wind’ normally
consisted of 45°, making a total of 360°. A rotating arm with sights
(alidade) served to establish the bearing of a mountain peak, tower or
column. The great innovation in the circumferentor was the small
magnetic compass, placed at its centre, of the sort already used by
miners and to orientate portable sundials. Once North on the
instrument had been correctly set using the compass, it was easy to
establish the bearings of key features, and record them on paper. By
moving to a second observation point, and measuring the distance
from the first, a basic triangulation was established: an accurate plan
of an area could then be drawn to scale, adding additional
measurements and bearings as necessary. Luca Fancelli, who had
collaborated closely with Alberti at the Mantuan court, was already
using a surveying instrument with a compass in 1473, just a year after
Alberti’s death; the new instrument may even have been invented by
Alberti himself. Leonardo da Vinci employed a circumferentor to
make a plan of Imola (1502). Raphael was the first to suggest – in a
letter to Pope Leo x of 1519 – that this proto-theodolite was ideal for
making accurate surveys of ancient buildings. He describes the
instrument and its use while recommending an astrolabe to
determine the heights of unreachable parts of antiquities. Tartaglia in
his Quesiti et inventioni (‘Queries and Inventions’) of 1546 (fig. 28.4)
explained the use of the instrument in print.
Palladio’s friend Cosimo Bartoli (cat. 134), translator of Alberti,
showed how it was still possible to survey without the aid of a built-
in compass. The Vicentine Silvio Belli, probably addressing the needs
of soldiers on the move, also shows how to survey without a compass,
using the ‘geometrical square’, a graduated board, or even just three
military drums (he dedicated his surveying manual of 1565 to
Palladio’s patron, the military commander Valerio Chiericati). The
289 surveyor’s work was simplified, however, if recorded angles were also
28.6. Cat. 135, detail
of Palladio’s
autograph
annotation:
‘per austro a gradi
19’ (‘south
at 19 degrees’)
compass bearings: Palladio’s friend Cristoforo Sorte, an official
government surveyor, used a circumferentor, as did Palladio (cat. 135;
fig. 28.6). Moreover, architects needed to know the orientation of
walls and buildings when distributing functions within a building.
Field work
State-of-the-art surveying became the favoured method for recording
ancient buildings. It enabled large and confusing complexes like the
baths to be accurately surveyed, and heights and widths to be
established precisely by a combination of triangulation, use of
accurately measured base lines and recorded bearings, even when
some features could not be directly measured, because of fallen
masonry or overgrowth.
Accurate surveying of antiquities was an art known only to a few:
Raphael’s letter circulated among experts and connoisseurs, but
remained unpublished. Before going to Rome, Palladio had copied
drawings of ancient buildings but could not yet judge their accuracy
till ‘[I had] with my own eyes seen, and with my own hands
measured the fragments of many ancient buildings’ (Quattro Libri, i,
p. 3). His initial reaction was of surprise: ‘finding them much more
worthy of observation, than I had at first thought’ (Quattro Libri, i,
p. 3). Sometimes he corrected his copies after seeing the originals
firsthand (cat. 28).
On-the-spot surveying was difficult, time consuming and costly. It
could be dangerous, because of the risk from bandits in isolated
locations: Palladio writes of the antiquities which he had collected
‘over so many years, and at such peril’ (Quattro Libri, i, p. 5). The
French architect Philibert de l’Orme recalls: ‘While I was in Rome,
when I was very young, I measured the buildings and the an-
tiquities... as I normally did with great labour, expense and outlay,
according to my limited resources, both for ladders and ropes, and
for excavating the foundations, so as to understand them. This I
could not do without a certain number of men who followed me,
some to earn two giulii or carlini a day, others to learn, such as
workmen, carpenters, masons or sculptors and the like, who desired
28.7. Andrea
Palladio, General
plan of the Temple of
Fortune, Palestrina.
London, RIBA IX/1

28.8. Andrea
Palladio, Plan
of the Temple
of Hercules Victor,
Tivoli. London,
RIBA X/16

[28.7.]

290
[28.8.]
 [28.9.] [28.10.]

to know how I proceeded, and to participate in the fruit of what I ancient house and the ancient forum), rather than be limited by what 28.9. Temple of
Fortune, Palestrina
was measuring.’ had actually survived. 28.10. Cat. 186, detail

‘Reconstruction’ of the ruins Literature: Alberti and surveying and measuring: Alberti (ed.
Palladio and his contemporaries resembled modern archaeologists in Grayson) 1960-1973, 3, pp. 131-173; Alberti (ed. Collareta) 1998;
their methods, concern for accuracy, and direct knowledge of ancient Furno, Carpo 2000; Boriaud, Furlan 2003; Di Teodoro 2003.
building techniques and decorative and carving styles. But they did Fancelli and Leonardo da Vinci: Mancini 1979; Burns, in Frommel,
not simply want to record. They also wanted to make the buildings Ray, Tafuri 1984, pp. 444-447. Raphael: Di Teodoro 2003;
come to life again in their drawings, so as to imitate them in their Shearman 2003, 1, pp. 500-551. See also: Vesalius 1543; Labacco 1552;
own works. Antonio Labacco writes in his Libro (1552): ‘As I always Tartaglia 1554, fols 54-63v; Bartoli 1564, 1972 edn; Belli 1565; De
took delight in the antiquities, and having in my time seen them l’Orme 1567, 1988 edn, fol. 131r.
brought to light in various locations, I practised under Bramante and
Antonio da Sangallo, my master (both of them most expert in that Howard Burns
art), to understand how to put such ruins back together again, in
which I took great satisfaction, as I did above all when I saw those
buildings, which lie almost totally ruined, rendered entire in
drawings.’
Palladio must have been equally impressed by the almost
miraculous way in which architects like Sangallo, who knew the
techniques of surveying and had studied Vitruvius and the ruins
closely, could resurrect on paper a building stripped of its marble
ornaments or reduced to a pile of rubble. Though he may have
learned something of surveying and ‘restoring’ ruins from Sanmicheli
before he went to Rome, he probably mastered this difficult and
rewarding art in Rome itself. He writes (Quattro Libri, iv, p. 3),
perhaps echoing Labacco: ‘And although one sees only a tiny part of
some of them [i.e. Roman temples] still standing above ground,
nevertheless from that tiny part, having also considered those
foundations, which could be seen, I have proceeded conjecturing
how they must have been, when they were entire.’ At times Palladio’s
reconstructions closely followed what was visible (cat. 126a); on other
occasions, like his more imaginative versions of the Palestrina
complex (fig. 28.9; cats 185-186) or the Baths of Agrippa (cats 140-
141), Palladio basically redesigned the building, as if it were a project
291 of his own, seeking to reconstruct a typology (as he had done for the
 134. Cosimo Bartoli (1503-1572)
‘Cosimo Bartoli gentil’huomo,
et accademico fiorentino, Del
modo di misurare le distantie,
le superficie, i corpi, le piante,
le prouincie, le prospettiue,
& tutte le altre cose terrene, che
possono occorrere a gli uomini,
secondo le uere regole d’Euclide
& de gli altri più lodati scrittori.
In Venetia per Francesco
Franceschi Sanese, 1564’
Quarto
235 × 180 mm
The book has many woodcut
illustrations, including a fine title
page and a portrait of the author
and 2 folding woodcut plates
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi di
Architettura Andrea Palladio, F.A. ii 5
Cosimo Bartoli belonged to the group
of writers, artists and intellectuals
gravitating round Cosimo de’ Medici,
Duke (later Grand Duke) of Florence,
to whom the book is dedicated. He
was close to Giorgio Vasari and, when
Florentine diplomatic representative
in Venice, became friendly with
Palladio. He published this and other
works with Francesco dei Franceschi,
the leading architectural publisher in
Venice. Bartoli had wide-ranging
interests, such as architecture, math-
ematics and surveying, history and
literature. He translated works by
Alberti, including his book on archi-
tecture. His manual on surveying
draws explicitly on the work of Euclid,
Alberti, Dürer, Oronce Finé and
[134.]
others. It offers a guide to all the basic
surveying methods and instruments
and their construction: quadrant,
cross-staff, astrolabe and theodolite.
His book is intended for land sur-
veyors, soldiers, cartographers and
architects: several of his plates show
architects surveying buildings. The
final book is dedicated to square roots
and includes a table of them. Bartoli
was not at the forefront of research,
like Baldassarre Lanci, with his
invention of marvellous new surveying
instruments in Florence. His book,
however, is a comprehensive and
competent work disseminating topics
which ‘could bring not only pleasure,
but benefit and no small utility to
mankind’. Bartoli’s declared aim was
to write not with literary elegance but
with technical clarity (bk. i, chap. 1).
His position resembles Palladio’s
commitment to being useful to others
and employing those words ‘which
craftsmen today generally use’
(Quattro Libri, i, p. 6). Reprinted in
1589 and 1614, many copies of the
book survive today, an indication of its
success.
Literature: Vagnetti 1970; Bartoli
1564, 1972 edn; Bryce 1980. On Bar-
toli in general: Bryce 1983; Olivato
Puppi 1983; Schuessler 1985; Davis
1998; Stroffolino 1999; Fara 2001-
2002; Frangenberg 2002; Fara 2003.
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135. Andrea Palladio
Temple of Hercules Victor
at Tivoli
1545-1547, probably May 1547;
epsilon handwriting
Recto: freehand plans of parts
of Hadrian’s Villa, Tivoli
Watermark: lily and star; Talman
mark 49; pen and grey ink, freehand,
but with use of a straight edge to
align the arcades on the right;
calculations (added later?) in chalk or
graphite; the sheet has one horizontal
fold and three vertical ones, dividing
it into eight sections; Palladio
probably folded the sheet
after making sketches on site
427 × 574 mm (measured
on the recto)
Notes on the drawing: ‘j[n] tuto
p[ertege] 85 1/2’; ‘pεrtεgε 25’; ‘pεrtεgε
17 1/2’; p[ertege], p[iedi], o[nce] (several
times); ‘sono volti 18 picoli fino qui,
p[er] austro a gradi 19’
Unit of measurement: pertica
vicentina and piede vicentino
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sb134/ix/13v
Palladio shows the foundations of the
temple and the arcades to the left of it.
His survey is hurried, but he has
measured numbers of arches and piers,
as well as interior spaces, and not
assumed that they are all identical. He
has also established the overall dimen-
sions and drawn a section of the
structures flanking the court. There
are four Palladio drawings on which
compass bearings appear: this drawing
and the fair copy (riba x/16r); the
elevation of the second terrace above
the Roman theatre in Verona (riba
xii/22r, copied after Sanmicheli?), and
riba xiv/4r, showing the Imperial
forums. These examples reveal that
Palladio sometimes used a theodolite;
where bearings are not entered, it may
simply be because he had not
transcribed his working notes.
This sheet is interesting because it
has been drawn freehand on site: the
note ‘south at 19 degrees’ shows Palla-
dio worked with his theodolite, as well
as making measurements. The draw-
ing was probably made in May 1547,
when Marco Thiene writes that Palla-
dio was ‘occupied in going to Tivoli,
Palestrina, Porto and Albano’. The
arcaded court of the Temple of Her-
cules at Tivoli is still fairly well
preserved; by Palladio’s time the
centrally-placed temple was only a
footprint. On seeing a large building
raised on steps at the centre of a
symmetrical arcaded court, Palladio
immediately concluded it was a pala-
tial villa, a model for his own villa
layouts. He writes on his fair copy:
‘This is an ancient palace and it is at
Tivoli.’
Literature: Morsolin 1894, pp. 279-
280; Zorzi 1959, pp. 18, 101, figs 249,
250; Spielmann 1966, pp. 52-53, 152,
cat. 96; Burns 1975, pp. 89-90, cat.
164; Boucher 1994, p. 147; Burns
1999, p. 61; Burns, in Beltramini,
Burns 2005, pp. 308-309, cat. 65 (on
riba x/16r); Cafà, in Beltramini,
Burns 2005, pp. 307-308. On the
temple: Coarelli 1987; Gros 1996, i,
pp. 139-140.
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136. Andrea Palladio
Reconstructed elevation of the
Temple of Minerva in the Forum
of Nerva (Forum Transitorium)
After 1554; probably 1560s; mature
handwriting
Ruler, stylus, compasses, black chalk,
pen and brown ink; an attempt to
reinforce the paper at the top of the
pediment with adhesive tape (1970s?)
resulted in damage
420 × 563 mm
Notes on the drawing: p[iedi], o[nce],
m[inuti] (several times)
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; a scale of 4 piedi vicentini
is drawn below the steps
History and ownership: Franceso
Dal Peder; Gaetano Pinali; donated
to the city of Vicenza in 1838;
Pinacoteca Civica, Vicenza, since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe,
D. 21r
Until Lanciani’s publication of 1883,
Palladio’s reconstruction of the Forum
of Nerva and its temple (demolished
1606) was the key reference for this
Roman site; in fact it was only really
superseded by Bauer’s study of 1976-
1977. Palladio was helped by the fact
that much of the temple still stood (it
appears in many Renaissance draw-
ings, including those by Sangallo,
Peruzzi, Dosio, van Heemskerck (fig.
28.1) and in the Codex Escurialensis).
Something of the north-east and
south-west ends of the Forum were
visible, and not just the famous
‘Colonacce’, the two columns
complete with attic and entablature,
the only surviving part of the
decoration of the precinct wall.
Palladio was also helped in his reading
of the area by the presence of a street,
running the length of the Forum,
preserving its ancient character as a
shortcut, shown on early engraved
maps. On the other hand, Palladio 292
 found the bases of the temple buried
and the columns of the Colonacce
hidden to half their height.
Palladio showed great interest in the
Forum of Nerva, and many of his
measurements are close to modern
ones: in the drawing the total width,
from wall to wall, is the equivalent of
44.75 m, as against a width of about
45 m given by Bauer. The only
anomaly is the width of the Forum
indicated in the Quattro Libri (iv, p.
25), which does not agree with
Palladio’s drawings, being about 8 m
too narrow. Perhaps he found the
Forum proportionally too broad, or
even manipulated its dimensions to fit
the page better.
Palladio could follow the fragment
of the perimeter wall in his recon-
struction, as well as the surviving
columns and entablature. The portal,
[135.]
293
however, is totally reconstructed. Pal-
ladio also cuts away half the façade
(and parts of columns) to show the
portico interior. As in some of his
other temple reconstructions, he
shows the roof structure, following the
truss type displayed in his sections of
palaces in the Quattro Libri and not
the surviving bronze roof trusses in the
Pantheon.
Literature: Zorzi 1959, p. 74; Spiel-
mann 1966, p. 144, cat. 47; Burns
1973, p. 153; Puppi 1989, p. 101, cat. 8;
Viscogliosi 2000, pp. 211-213, no. 64;
Pizzigoni, in Beltramini, Burns 2005,
pp. 317-318, cat. 70b; Caglio, Poldi,
Trevisan, Villa 2007, p. 43, fig. 19 (the
watermark); Puppi 2007b, p. 126, cat.
8. On the temple and the Forum of
Nerva: Palladio 1570, iv, pp. 23-29;
Lanciani 1882-1883; Lanciani 1901;
Bauer 1976-1977; Morselli, Tortorici
1989, p. 53 and passim; Viscogliosi
2000, pp. 63-68 and passim; Lalle
2005, pp. 230-235.
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137. Andrea Palladio
Reconstruction of the ‘Trophies
of Marius’, Rome
c. 1542-1547; epsilon handwriting
Watermark: heavy crossed arrows;
stylus, ruler and compasses, dark
chalk underdrawing, pen and brown
ink
376 × 496 mm
Notes on the drawing: p[iedi], o[nce]
(many times); small ‘70’ in grey ink
on the verso
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
Chatsworth, the Trustees of the
Chatsworth Settlement, Chiswick 26
In 1975 I described this building as an
enigmatic structure. Lewis, on the
other hand, argues that it represents
the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus, on
the grounds of its ‘wedding-cake’
character, but is unconvincing: Pal-
ladio would have respected Pliny’s
dimensions and the presence of the
crowning pyramid (N.H., 36, 30).
There are two odd features: the large
central arch leading nowhere and the
fact that small columns are placed
below tall Composite ones. A plan by
Palladio now in the Rijksmuseum,
Amsterdam, corresponds exactly to
this elevation, settling the identifi-
cation: this is a reconstruction of the
so-called Trophies of Marius, the large
public fountain, now in Piazza Vitto-
rio Emmanuele in Rome, built by
 Alexander Severus about 226 AD and
attached to a ‘water castle’ – castellum
aquarum – at the termination of a
branch of the Aqua Julia. This
fountain was unusual as it was also a
nymphaeum. The trophy sculptures of
Domitian’s period installed in the side
niches, remained here until moved to
the Campidoglio balustrade in 1599.
On the verso of the Amsterdam
sheet, Palladio draws the plan and
elevation of the nearby Arch of
Gallienus, which he calls ‘larcho de
santo vito’, from the church which it
abuts, measured in Florentine braccio
and therefore copied from a survey by
a Florentine. He identifies the plan
with the note ‘questa e la pianta de
trofei di mario li quali sono a larcho
santo vito i[n] roma’ (‘this is the plan
of the Trophies of Marius which are at
the Arch of San Vito in Rome’). He
[136.]
shows with a dotted line the wedge-
shaped footprint of the huge fountain,
and the upper level, with its three
niches (his dimension for the central
one differs only by one centimetre
from modern surveys) and the sinuous
channel which brought water from the
aqueduct to the fountain. At each side
of the central niche are four columns,
as in the Chatsworth elevation.
Palladio’s upper level plan may have
been accompanied by other drawings
showing the middle and lower levels
and the interior chambers; Pirro
Ligorio and Baldassarre Peruzzi’s son
Sallustio (probably copying a now lost
survey by his father) describe these
details. Unlike Ligorio, who leaves the
niches open and the trophies visible,
Palladio screens them with columns
(though in a variant of this elevation,
also at Chatsworth, he lightly sketches
a trophy peering out between the
columns). His reconstruction, at first
sight arbitrary, may have been in-
fluenced by column and capital
fragments visible around the site (a
Composite capital is today still on the
ground behind it). He also probably
recognised a basic similarity between
this high, carefully sited monument
and theatre scenes (scaenae frons) and
related structures, like the wall
towards the swimming pool (natatio)
of the Baths of Diocletian. In such
works columns are important, and
Palladio here, as he frequently did,
made his reconstruction conform to
his perception of ancient typologies.
For this reason, rather than simply
drawing the fountain as it was in his
time, Palladio intuitively transforms it
into something closer to an ancient
monumental fountain, like those of
Tinos (4th cent. bc) or the large
nymphaeum at Leptis Magna, of
which he knew nothing. A small
scribble by him on this sheet,
resembling a pair of trousers, shows
the siting of the Trophies at the end of
a street, which forks left and right of
the fountain’s slightly curved façade.
His awareness of the role of the
building in contributing to urban
scenography is revealing (and
connected with his ‘theatrical’
restoration of the façade). It also
suggests that Antonio da Sangallo’s
curving Zecca (Mint) façade in Rome,
on an analogous site, was inspired by
a similarly perceptive reading of the
Trophies.
Literature: Burns 1975, p. 252, cat.
456; Lewis 2000, pp. 159-161, cat. 71;
Burns 2008. On the Trophies: Tede-
294
 schi Grisanti 1977. On Roman foun-
tain structures: Gros 1996, pp. 418-
442.
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138. Andrea Palladio
Surveyed plan of the Baths
of Agrippa and the ‘Basilica
of Neptune’, with conjectural
reconstructions of a large bath
complex
c. 1542- c. 1547; additions, 1560s or
1570s; epsilon handwriting
Recto: surrounded by Burlington’s red
line; on left, Talman mark 49; left
half: plan of the baths at Santa Croce
in Gerusalemme, Rome (epsilon
handwriting); calculations in another
ink, and mature hand; right half:
‘terme alla vigna del cardinale
[137.]
295
Grimani a Monte Cavallo’ (epsilon
handwriting); sketch of double tomb
(of the Priuli brothers at San
Salvador, Venice?)
Watermark: ladder in a shield
surmounted by a six-pointed star;
Talman mark 49; ruler and stylus,
compasses or dividers, underdrawing
in a black-brown chalk, fine pen and
blackish ink; in the more carefully
constructed parts of the plan: dark
brown ink in the reconstructed
portions, brush and biscuit wash;
the lighter sketches are in a black
medium (graphite or black chalk)
405 × 559.5 mm (measured
on the verso)
Notes on the drawing: piεdi, p[iedi]
(many times), o[nce] (many times),
‘pεrtεgε 52 εt piεdi 4’; in the centre
of the sheet, in the great vaulted hall
of the baths, in Palladio’s mature
hand: ‘la nave di mezo de fora
di muri piedi 145’
Unit of measurement: pertega
and piede vicentino
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sb134/ix/14v
Like Palladio, Peruzzi (U 456 Ar) also
made careful surveys of the Baths of
Agrippa, identifiable today on the
basis of the Forma Urbis (Severan
Marble Plan), not known to Palladio.
On the left, Palladio shows the central
portion of the baths and, on the right,
the Basilica of Neptune, behind the
Pantheon, indicated only by its ex-
terior and interior circumference. The
plans are carefully surveyed, though
comparison with Huelsen’s recon-
struction shows that Palladio simpli-
fies and regularises some elements: his
reconstruction of the circular structure
seems strongly influenced by the well-
preserved tepidarium of the Baths of
Diocletian. As in modern surveys,
Palladio shows the wall as solid where
structures still exist; restored portions
are only described by lines.
Made in the mid-1540s, this survey
is the first stage in Palladio’s recon-
struction of the Baths of Agrippa,
conceived as aligned on the axis which
does actually connect the circular hall
of the baths with the Pantheon.
Palladio may have started work on the
reconstruction immediately after re-
cording the structures on the site, but
his speculations were resumed much
later, as revealed by the faint sketches,
the change to a darker ink in the
 central hall and the note in his mature
hand.
Literature: Zorzi 1959, p. 72, fig. 138;
Spielmann 1966, p. 166, no. 188. On
the Baths of Agrippa: Huelsen 1910;
Yegül 1992, pp. 133-137; Gros 1996, i,
pp. 394-395.
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139. Andrea Palladio
Sketches for the reconstruction
of the Baths of Agrippa;
two sketches for a funerary
monument
1560s or 1570s; mature handwriting
Recto: sketches for the reconstruction
of the Baths of Agrippa;
reconstructed plan of the ‘Maritime
Theatre’ at Hadrian’s Villa
[138.]
Watermark: circle, only faintly visible;
no Talman mark; pen and light
brown ink, brush, executed freehand
308.5 × 216 mm (maximum,
measured on the verso)
History and ownership: Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc212/vii/6v
Seven different studies (as well as
some details) demonstrate Palladio’s
readiness to elaborate many alter-
natives for a reconstruction, just as he
did for his projects (cat. 147). Once
more – unlike any of the known baths
of Imperial Rome – the main hall is
placed on the central axis flanked by
courts, like the sala of a great palace.
The schemes in the top left and
bottom right are closest to the final
one (cat. 140). In the others, Palladio Literature Zorzi 1959, p. 72, fig. 142;
experiments with a cross axis as an Zorzi 1966, pp. 33-34, pl. 40; Spiel-
alternative to the central hall, termin- mann 1966, pp. 166-167, no. 189;
ating in one case (top centre) in cruci- Puppi 1973, pp. 273-274, fig. 339 (the
form cross-vaulted spaces, but in the monuments); Ackerman 1994, pp. 18-
others with large circular rooms, in- 19, fig. 19; Boucher 1994, pp. 198-199,
spired by the caldarium of the Baths fig. 193; Boucher 1998, p. 175, pl. 135;
of Caracalla. The sketch for the larger Lewis 2000, p. 171, cat. 7.
of the two funerary monuments
shows an inscription in the centre bay, howard burns
with the entablature breaking out
over half-columns or free-standing
columns, with coats of arms at the
sides, and figures perched perilously
on top of the monument. As Zorzi
(1966) points out, the design closely
resembles that of the two Gritti
monuments at San Francesco della
Vigna in Venice. The tomb below is
simpler: a shield dominates the pedi-
mented monument and the inscrip-
tion is placed below it.
296
297
[139.]
 140. Andrea Palladio
Reconstructed plan
of the Baths of Agrippa
c. 1570; mature handwriting
No watermark; ruler, stylus,
compasses, faint graphite or black
chalk underdrawing, pen and brown
ink, brush and brown wash; the sheet
has one horizontal and four vertical
fold lines
435 × 575 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘pianta de le
terme de marcho/ agripa dreto santa
maria retonda’; p[iedi] (many times)
Unit of measurement and scale:
piede vicentino; a scale is drawn
at the bottom of the sheet
History and ownership: Tommaso
Temanza; Gaetano Pinali; donated
to the City of Vicenza in 1838;
Pinacoteca Civica, Vicenza, since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
[140.]
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe,
D. 33r
This large plan, which belonged to
Palladio’s biographer Tommaso
Temanza, is the outcome of his efforts
(cats 138-139) to design his own ideal
bath complex, mistakenly assuming
that the Baths of Agrippa were located
immediately behind the Pantheon.
Given the responsibility of Agrippa for
the baths and for the (earlier) Pan-
theon, stated in the inscription in the
portico frieze, Palladio understandably
interpreted the two buildings as a
single complex, linked by the axis
passing through the main hall. Palla-
dio is attentive to symmetry, spatial
hierarchies and variety, enfilade and
lines of movement, and provides
adequate support for huge vaults and
semi-domes: lessons which he applies
in the Redentore (cat. 118). But unlike
his reconstructions of other ancient
building types, he does not show
much interest here in function – his
baths are completely ‘dry’ – even
though the necessary evidence could
readily be obtained on the spot, as the
surveys of baths by the Anonymous
Destailleur (Berlin, Kunstbibliothek)
show, or in Roman texts on the
thermae (studied, for instance, by
Palladio’s contemporary Andrea
Bacci).
Literature: Temanza 1762, p. xliv;
Bertotti Scamozzi 1785; Zorzi 1959, p.
72, fig. 136; Spielmann 1966, p. 167,
no. 195; Burns 1973, p. 154; Puppi
1989, pp. 15-19, 108, cat. 35; Boucher
1994, p. 263, fig. 262; Puppi 2007b,
pp. 143-144, cat. 35. For early draw-
ings and studies of the Roman baths:
Bacci 1571; Yegül 1992, p. 444, no. 56,
figg. 172, 173, 185.
howard burns
141. Andrea Palladio
Frontal elevation and sections
of the Pantheon and of a
conjectural reconstruction
of the Baths of Agrippa
After 1570 (?); mature handwriting
Watermark: in upper left,
countermark ‘AP’; no Talman mark;
ruler and stylus, compasses, faint
traces of graphite or black chalk
underdrawing, pen and dark brown
ink, brush and brown wash
286 × 417.5 mm
Notes on the drawing: at top, ‘questa
e la terme de marcho agripa poste
dietro/ santa maria retonda et questa
298
 e la parte davanti/ ch[e] se cuntiene
(?) co[n] deto tenpio’; above the
middle drawing, ‘questa e la parte
i[n]teriore oposita a la parte denanci’;
above the lower drawing, ‘questa
e la parte p[er] traverso’
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; 135 piedi vicentini = 77
mm; probable scale 1:624 (1 minuto
= 13 piedi)
History and ownership: Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc212/vii/3r
As in his other late drawings of the
Baths, standardised for publication,
Palladio presents a frontal elevation,
and transverse and longitudinal sec-
tions. Like the corresponding plan,
which belonged to Temanza (cat. 140),
[141.]
299
here reunited with the elevations and the Baths on a high platform.
(acquired in Italy by Burlington), the
reconstruction incorporates the Literature: Burlington 1730, pp. 23-
Pantheon and the Basilica of Neptune 26, pl. 2; Temanza 1762, p. xliv;
behind it, within an ideal Roman bath Bertotti Scamozzi 1785; Zorzi 1959, p.
scheme, uniting features of the baths 16, pl. 2; Spielmann 1966, p. 167, no.
of Diocletian, Caracalla (the col- 196; Burns 1975, p. 249, fig. 446;
umned courts and the swimming Puppi 1988, p. 16, fig. 6; Boucher
pool, now doubled) and Constantine 1994, p. 262, fig. 262; Boucher 1998,
(the apsidal spaces flanking the great pp. 230-233, pl. 185; Lewis 2000, p.
hall). Palladio departs from these 172, cat. 76.
precedents by locating the main hall
on the central axis, like the centrally howard burns
placed halls in his grandest palace
designs. This dominant presence is
emphasised (see the lower drawing),
by the way in which the hall is em-
braced by two great apses, covered by
half domes, which Palladio records
(cat. 138) as existing on the site.
Palladio isolates and unifies the com-
position by raising both the Pantheon
29. Drawing the project
An architect who wished to attract important commissions in Palladio’s
day needed to possess a framework of ideas and a knowledge of ancient
and modern buildings. He had to be able to express himself in speech
and writing, to explain his projects to patrons and to experts and
connoisseurs. Palladio himself speaks of his good fortune in finding
gentlemen ready to accept his arguments (Quattro Libri, ii, p. 2). Most
importantly, Palladio needed to express himself in drawing: he men-
tions its power to say more than words can (Quattro Libri, iii, p. 5).
Palladio often reflected as he drew, freely associating forms and ideas,
mixing antique schemes with his own projects (cats 86b, 142).
A century before Palladio, Maso Finiguerra had drawn a young
assistant holding a small sketchbook in his workshop (U 115 F). In the
drawing Maso, or someone else in the workshop, has written below
the figure a phrase probably often repeated by the sitter: ‘I want to be
a good draftsman and to become a good architect.’ Skill in drawing
was already linked in Florence with proficiency in architecture. In
Vicenza, drawing and architecture were associated by Marcello
Fogolino in his Adoration (fig. 1, p. 258), where he shows a young
man sketching Roman ruins.
Palladio obviously recognised the need to learn drawing when he
was still a mason. His earliest drawings are respectable, but not
outstanding (cat. 17) . At a certain point – probably after he had seen
Giulio Romano’s drawings in Vicenza or Mantua and drawings in
Rome by Sangallo and others – he must have decided he had to draw
supremely well. This involved not only elegance and cleanness of line,
but method. The great change in his drawings, as in his architecture,
took place in the late 1540s and early 1550s, partly due to the influence
of Daniele Barbaro (see section 12), who spurred him towards artistic
quality and scientific accuracy in his drawings achieved through a
coherent, geometrically rigorous system of representing solids.
For Palladio, as for Alberti (i,1), the basis of architecture was
mental invention. Ideas were then registered on paper, and thus could
be improved, discussed, revised and communicated to patrons and
craftsmen. Palladio’s term for designs is ‘invenzioni’. These ‘inven-
tions’ of course were nourished both by buildings seen and
organisational formulae which Palladio had distilled from his studies.
A project for Palladio often began as a rapidly sketched thumb-nail
plan or small elevation, perhaps inspired by one of his drawings from
29.1. Cat. 147, detail 300
 [29.2.]
29.2. Giovanni Briatti, the antique (cat. 148a/b). His sketches for the Villa Arnaldi (cat. 144)
La Piazza dell’Isola,
1655. Venice, Archivio were probably made while discussing the building with the patron.
di Stato, Rason
vecchie, b. 1281, 34 At a very early stage, Palladio systematically generated many
29.3. Detail of fig. alternatives, responding to the owner’s requirements and the site (cat.
29.2 showing Palazzo
Piovene 147). From these he selected a few solutions, like the alternatives for
the Palazzo Barbaran (cats 106-108), to be drawn to scale. The extent
of the patron’s involvement depended on his interest and knowledge:
Palladio writes to the building committee for the construction of a
new choir at Montagnana apologising for his delay in sending his
design, because ‘I wanted to make different inventions to satisfy
myself with one which should seem to me the best’ (Puppi 1988, p.
121). From summary elevation sketches Palladio moved on to
carefully constructed elevations, which often, to save time and paper,
show different alternatives, right and left, on the same sheet (cats 34a
and 80). Highly polished drawings would be presented to the patron,
but were not necessarily final guides to construction (Palazzo
Piovene, fig. 29.3 and cat. 149; the Doge’s Palace, cat. 181). For this
purpose, models were sometimes needed, as in the case of San
Giorgio Maggiore in Venice (cat. 89a/b) and Palladio would have
[29.4.]
[29.3.]
normally provided a set of large scale (usually 1:1) drawings of details
(cat. 153). In a project for a chapel (cat. 162), he identified every part
with a capital letter, corresponding to large scale details, now lost.
Palladio must have often made technical drawings – for roof trusses,
fireplaces and chimneys, etc. – but none survive, with the exception
of the chimney pot sketched on one of the Villa Arnaldi drawings
(fig. 29.6 and cat. 144).
Palladio constructed his drawings systematically, usually starting
from the plan and often constructing plan and elevation together,
with lines incised in the paper with a stylus: these construction lines
had the advantage that they did not spoil the appearance of the
finished drawing and permitted errors to be made and corrected
without ruining the drawing. Compasses (initially without a pen)
were used for the construction and drawing of circles and curves.
Faint underdrawing is often present: in the earlier drawings in
brown or black chalk, in the later ones often made faintly with a
fine silvery point (also used for sketching and notes; cat. 86b); this
was probably an early and innovative use of graphite. Drawings
were then finalised carefully in ink, and often an impression of
29.4. Palazzo
Antonini, Udine,
central section of the
façade
29.5. Palazzo Volpe,
Contra’ Cabianca,
Vicenza
302
[29.5.]
 [29.6.] [29.7.]

volume or depth was achieved by applying an ink wash with a through drawing: but now the buildings themselves became, like 29.6. Villa Arnaldi,
Meledo Alto
brush. drawings, representations of Palladio’s unrealisable aspirations. 29.7. Cat. 144, detail
Palladio like Alberti, Raphael (cat. 27), Sangallo (cats 29 and 30)
and Michelangelo (Burns 2006), considered orthogonal projection to Literature: Lotz 1953-1956; Zorzi 1959; Lotz 1962; Gioseffi 1972;
be the architect’s essential conceptual tool. He used perspective rarely, Burns 1973; Burns 1973a; Burns 1975; Fagiolo 1978; Lewis 1981;
as in his reconstruction of Caesar’s bridge (Quattro Libri, iii, p. 14), Nesselrath 1986; Puppi 1989; Lewis 2000; Beltramini, Burns 2005,
or when reconstructing the Roman theatre scene (cat. 127a). In his cat. 55; Nesselrath 2005; Burns 2006; Puppi 2007b.
drawings from the antique, perspective only appears when copied
from others (cats 82 and 148a). Constant use of orthogonal elevations Howard Burns
and experimentation with ever more complex ways of representing
huge ancient buildings profoundly affected Palladio’s way of
designing and imagining. He began to read his orthogonal elevations
of antiquities creatively, deliberately transforming pilasters into
columns or vice-versa: an orthogonal elevation does not show how far
a feature projects. What became important for Palladio was the
linearly defined antique scheme, which he could reproduce in various
volumetric guises, thereby gaining extra mileage from his sources of
inspiration. In his drawings he cuts away columns or wall planes to
show what was behind (cat. 136). By the 1560s, he had begun to
design buildings which were themselves representations of buildings
which differed from their own tangible reality. A flat façade with
pilasters could represent a portico with columns. This explains how
Palladio apparently flaunted tectonic conventions, cutting away the
architrave of the Loggia del Capitaniato (see pp. 204-205) to give
more height to the windows. Within his own private conceptual
system the architrave was as if in front of the windows, and supported
by free-standing, not engaged columns. Always faced with the risk
that his buildings would never actually be finished, Palladio not only
published them in the Quattro Libri as they ought to have been, but
built them as if they were drawings, representing the complete whole
through the rendering of a part. Like a drawing of a half façade, the
asymmetric courtyard of Palazzo Barbarano (cats 106-108), which
could never have been ‘completed’ symmetrically (there was not
enough space), represents or conjures up the perfected building for
303 the visitor. In his late period Palladio, as always, made buildings
 304
[142.]
 142. Andrea Palladio
Sketches for the City Hall,
Brescia, of façades
and of Palladio’s left hand
1554-1562 (?)
Verso: Talman mark 49;
reconstructions of the lower area
of the Palestrina complex, related
(see for instance the dimension ‘338
piedi’) to other Palladio drawings;
1560s or later
Watermark: anchor in circle
surmounted by star;
pen and brown ink
432 × 287 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc217/x/15r
[143.]
305
Palladio here speculates freely about the
City Hall in Brescia and themes
suggested by it. In 1550 he was in
Brescia for consultations. He returned
with Rusconi in 1562 (when he left
designs for the existing façade win-
dows). In 1575, with Francesco Zam-
berlan, he made the surviving designs
for reconstruction after a fire, pro-
posing the addition of a third level; the
idea was rejected. The large central
sketch here shows the lower level and a
façade with two-columned windows,
which, in 1554, Sansovino proposed
transforming into serliana windows, as
in the Library in Venice. Top left, there
is a section (roof trusses appear), with
(probably) Sansovino’s interior scheme,
proposed in 1554 and begun, with
columns, by 1560 (cf. Sansovino’s
Scuola Grande della Misericordia
façade and interior). Palladio sketches a
third level (anticipating his 1575
design), whimsically crowned with a
Belvedere. These features had been
proposed by the local architect, Beretta.
Prompted by the structural difficulties
of a third storey, Palladio adds diagrams
showing two ways of decreasing wall
thickness from floor to floor (cf. Serlio
1537, fol. lxvii). Other sketches
develop ideas present in the Brescia
designs; the single-storey column and
niche scheme (right margin) resembles
Palladio’s drawing of an antique basilica
apse in Barbaro’s Vitruvius. What is
absent is Palladio’s own executed 1562
window design: this could indicate a
date after Sansovino’s 1554 visit, but
before Palladio’s 1562 design. The hand
at the foot of the sheet is probably
Palladio’s own.
Literature: Cavriolo 1585, p. 334;
[144.]
Boselli 1950; Puppi 1973, p. 286;
Burns 1975, p. 239, cat. 426; Puppi
1988, pp. 141-144, 149-152; Hemsoll
1996, p. 766; Puppi 1999, p. 273;
Lewis 2000, pp. 220-221; Morresi
2000, pp. 311-313.
howard burns
143. Vincenzo Arnaldi
List of questions and estimates
relating to the modernisation
of Villa Arnaldi at Meledo Alto
1547-1548
Pen and ink on paper
325 × 210 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca civica Bertoliana,
ms Gonzati 28.1.4.16 (= 471), fol. 13r
Vincenzo Arnaldi – an experienced
administrator of his own properties
 and of Vicenza – drew up a list of
questions on modernising his old
house and farm buildings. He also (in
the sheet exhibited) draws up a list of
the stonework needed. He provides
unique insights into a patron’s
dialogue with Palladio and reveals his
own architectural thinking. He is
imaginative and has some grasp of
architectural principles, which he calls
‘la rason dell’architettura’. He formu-
lates problems and choices clearly and
sees that he needs Palladio’s advice
when confronted with questions such
as whether to align doors with win-
dows or with the fireplace and
whether to move the main barn to
make it align at ninety degrees with
the house or leave it where it is, to get
fuller exposure to the sun – crucial for
keeping the hay dry.
Literature: Burns 1999, pp. 55-56;
Verlato 2003; Burns, Cafà, in
Beltramini, Burns 2005, pp. 337-338.
howard burns
144. Andrea Palladio
Sketches for the modernisation
of Villa Arnaldi, Meledo Alto
1547
Rough grey paper, pen
and brown ink
212 × 322 mm (the folded half
of a sheet measuring 424 × 322 mm)
No measurements are indicated
History and ownership: Vincenzo
Arnaldi; the Arnaldi family archive;
[145.] the Gonzati library
Vicenza, Biblioteca civica Bertoliana,
ms Gonzati 28.1.4.16 (= 471), fol. 12v
Palladio made this (and two other
drawings for Arnaldi’s villa and a farm
at Meledo Basso) on a sheet of cheap
paper, also used by Arnaldi for his
notes: we can assume they were an
immediate reaction to Arnaldi’s ques-
tions (cat. 143), possibly made on the
spot. They were left with him. Palladio
unifies and regularises the site,
including in a single composition the
house, a little court with a bread oven
and a loggia for chickens, the barns
(now at right angles to the house), the
church and a dovecote tower facing
the house (Arnaldi wanted a tall
dovecote tower which did not block
the view: in his other plan Palladio
cancels the tower vigorously, indi-
cating that you cannot have your
tower and see through it). Palladio
easily corrects the main defect of the
old house, a loggia with four arcades
and hence a central column: he splits
the width of the tiresome fourth bay
between narrow bays flanking three
arches; the elevation sketch clarifies
this strategy. He also sketches the roof
structure and a chimney pot.
Literature: Burns 1975, pp. 221-222;
Battilotti 1999, pp. 457-458; Burns
1999, pp. 55-56, p. 70, figs 13-14;
Lewis 2000, pp. 154-155 (with
bibliography); Verlato 2003, p. 82;
Burns, Cafà, in Beltramini, Burns
2005, pp. 337-338.
howard burns
145. Giovanni da Cavino (1500-1570)
Medal of Floriano Antonini,
showing Palazzo Antonini, Udine
1556 (?)
Bronze medal, ‘florianvs
antoninvs andreae. filivs.’
bearded bust right, wearing
a buttoned outer garment
Reverse: raking view of the palace
with a servant opening the door,
a dog, and a man explaining
the palace to five others; in exergue:
‘aeternitati sacrvm’
∅ 43 mm
Provenance: Antonini family; Conte
Gian Luigi Antonini, who gave the
medal to Tomaso Temanza; Museo
Civico di Udine
Udine, Musei Civici, Gabinetto
di Numismatica e Medaglistica,
0015-med.
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
Palace façades were both private and
public; they were the public face of the
private owner, but also contributed to
the city’s image. Their conspicuous
cost and sometimes expansion onto
public ground, needed to be
negotiated (see section 9) and justi-
fied. Inscriptions were an attempt to
make self-glorification acceptable by
dedicating palaces to the owner’s
friends, or to the spirit of the city,
genio urbis. They were show-pieces
to be explained and displayed to guests
and visitors. Cavino’s medal of Flo-
riano Antonini is unique in showing
the owner or Palladio himself, holding
a rolled drawing (like Lorenzo Lotto’s
Portrait of an architect; Gemälde-
galerie, Berlin) explaining the
building, probably designed in 1556. It
is more likely that the figure speaking
is Palladio himself. Antonini was a
representative of Udine in Venice and
frequented Palladio’s literary friends
and Venetian patrons. Cavino lacked
space and his view only roughly
resembles the palace, though the
rustication is included (fig. 29.4): he
shows only the central pedimented
section.
Literature: Mazzucchelli 1761-1763, i,
lxiv, 5; Temanza 1762, p. ix; Temanza
1778, p. 297; Armand 1883-1887, 1, p.
179, 2; Salton Collection 1965, cat. 53;
Cessi, Caon 1969. On the palace:
Puppi 1973, pp. 306-308; Battilotti
1999, p. 477 (with bibliography);
Burns 2000e, pp. 248-249, fig. 7.
howard burns 306
 146. Andrea Palladio (?)
Sketch plan for a villa
c. 1562
Pen and brown ink
205 × 315 mm
Vicenza, Archivio di Stato, Notarile,
Giovanni Maddalena, b. 458,
25 giugno 1562
Giovanni Zaupa has added this
drawing to the group of sketch plans
by Palladio and his patrons: he found
it on the back of a notarial document
(dated 25 June 1562) which, unhelp-
fully, has nothing to do with villas.
The drawing seems to be a project
rather than a survey sketch. The house
stands centrally within an enclosure,
with a road on the right. It probably
faces south, or south-west, with an
orchard behind. Many Vicentine villas
have or had such a configuration, thus
[146.]
307
making identification difficult. The
two small flanking courts, with well
and loggia, resemble those in Palladio’s
sketch for the Villa Arnaldi (cat. 144).
The right barn apparently contains a
room with wine vats, as in Palladio’s
sketch plan of the villa at Marocco
(Beltramini, Burns 2005, cat. 87b).
The central hall is flanked by stairs
and only two rooms, recalling the Cal-
dogno and Forni villas, and suggesting
it may be a proposal for modernising
an existing building. Zaupa mentions
possible identifications, observing that
the notary Maddalena was in touch
with patrons of Palladio, including
Valerio Chiericati and Iseppo Porto.
Graphic conventions correspond to
Palladio’s, including cancelling walls
with hatching. Despite its wobbly
character, the plan may be by Palladio
himself.
Literature: Zaupa 2006, pp. 146-150,
fig. 5.
howard burns
147. Andrea Palladio
Restored section of the Temple
of Mars Ultor, Rome; twenty
alternative plans for modernising
the house of Camillo Volpe,
Vicenza
Late 1560s; mature handwriting
Verso: elevation and section
of the Temple of Mars Ultor, Rome
Watermark: (on the left half of the
verso) anchor in a circle surmounted
by a star; (right side) graphite or
black chalk; pen and dark brown ink;
the sheet consists of two pieces,
pasted together in correspondence
with the vertical centre line, probably
by Burlington; the two halves, and
the recto and verso, each have Talman
mark 150 (on the left on the recto
and on the right on the verso)
315 × 392 mm
Notes on the drawing: on the
entablature, ‘piedi 2 m 27 1/2, piedi
2 m 29’; to the right, ‘alta la colona
/ piedi 37 1/4’; ‘alta piedi 3 m 22’;
bottom left of the right half, ‘piedi
114, de vel[?] architrave’ (?)
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; scale, on left half of sheet,
36 piedi vicentini = 47 mm
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc219/xi/22r
 On the left half of the sheet, Palladio
drew a section of the Temple of Mars
Ultor, a study for the Quattro Libri (ii,
p. 17), influenced by Labacco. On the
right, he sketched the entablature of
the Temple of Venus Genetrix (Quattro
Libri, iv, p. 72). He then used the rest
of the space to devise twenty thumb-
nail plans for a palace, whose footprint
appears in the larger plan in the
bottom right: a frontage of 56 piedi,
expanding to 67 piedi at the back, with
streets on three sides. This situation
corresponds to that of an existing
fifteenth-century palace in Vicenza
(Contra’ Cabianca; fig. 29.5), which, in
1563, belonged to Camillo Volpe and
his brothers. They presumably asked
Palladio for a design; it was never built.
The sheet reveals Palladio’s strategies in
palace design and shows how, by trying
all possible combinations, he rapidly
[147.]
generates many alternatives from
which to choose the designs for
presentation to the patron.
Literature: Labacco 1552; Battilotti
1980, p. 105; Lewis 1981, p. 175; Ferra-
ri 1985, pp. 152-154; Burns, in
Beltramini, Burns, Forster, Oechslin,
Thoenes 1999, pp. 58-59; Lewis 2000,
p. 227 (with bibliography).
howard burns
148. Andrea Palladio, probably
copied after Giovanni Maria
Falconetto (1468 -1535)
Perspectival elevation
of the exterior of the Roman
Amphitheatre, Pola (Pula)
c. 1540; epsilon handwriting
Verso: sketches for the façade of
Palazzo Piovene on the Bacchiglione
River, Vicenza; Talman mark 49
Watermark: (on the left half
of the drawing) a ladder in a shield
surmounted by a star; stylus, black
chalk, pen and brown ink, brush
and brown wash; the ink of the
measurements is darker and greyer
than that of the drawing; the sheet
is composed of two pieces of paper,
glued together with a vertical join;
the sheet is trimmed on the left;
there is a correction, involving
erasure, in the top right
255 × 486 mm
Notes on the drawing: in Palladio’s
epsilon hand: piεdi (9 times); p[iedi],
o[nce] (many times)
Unit of measurement and scale:
almost certainly the piede veronese (=
c. 343 mm); the unit is not indicated
explicitly but the reference to ‘pasa
veronesi’ on the corresponding plan
of the amphitheatre (riba viii/22v)
confirms the hypothesis; scale:
probably 1:144 (i.e. the convenient
scale of 1 oncia to 12 piedi)
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc214/viii/23r
The recto is the most impressive of
Palladio’s early drawings of the
antiquities of Pola, almost certainly
copied after a lost drawing by Falco-
netto (cats 81-82) of the well-preserved
amphitheatre. The rapid sketches on
the verso, executed around 1570, pro-
vide a striking example of how Palla-
dio used his drawings from the an-
308
 [148.]

309
[148v, detail]
[149.]

310
 tique, sometimes decades after they
were first made, as a source of ideas for
his projects.
The drawing shows the amphi-
theatre as it appears in early views: as if
from the port, with the broad curve of
the central sector flanked by the
prominent stair towers, which dis-
tinguish this impressive building from
other Roman amphitheatres. The
drawing is not a view, but a measured
elevation which presents the building
perspectively, with the vanishing point
placed at mid-point between the
ground and the top of the lower
cornice. The drawing is cut on the left.
It is also unfinished: only the side of
the left stair-tower appears. The chalk
preliminary drawing for the inside of
the structure has been begun in the
central section, but (unlike the com-
pleted stair-tower on the right) not
completed in ink. This gives the struc-
ture an appearance of papery thinness.
The vigorous rustication has been
carefully rendered and the structure is
shown as it was, with some blocks
missing at the upper level.
The drawing is not completely
trustworthy: the pilasters are shown as
smooth and not heavily rusticated, as
in fact they are. The representation
(and Palladio’s corresponding plan,
riba viii/22v), however, are more
accurate than Serlio, who shows
fifteen, not the actual thirteen bays
between the towers. The dimensions
given correspond closely to Serlio’s; he
indicates the unit as a ‘modern foot’,
half of which he shows below his plan
of the amphitheatre (6 once = 169
mm), close to the Veronese foot of
34.3 cm. The unit of measurement,
the employment of perspective and
the fact that Falconetto at his death
possessed drawings of the antiquities
of Pola are elements pointing to him
as Palladio’s source.
Palladio noted the use of super-
imposed pedestals in the lower
arcades. He recognised the motif as
providing an answer to the problem of
achieving height for the order
(without abandoning canonical pro-
portions for the columns) in his design
of the Palazzo Piovene (demolished in
1819; figs 29.2-3 and cat. 149), built
over the river near the Palazzo
Chiericati (section 9). He turned the
sheet over and sketched a new idea for
the palace façade. His sketch shows
the top of the arches built out over the
river bank (a solution common in
Vicentine riverside houses). The ped-
estals rest at ground level; the design is
similar, with its giant order and attic,
to that of the Palazzo Valmarana (cat.
101). An unusual proposal for Palladio
in this period is the use of serliana
windows. In the other sketch on the
verso, Palladio proposes very high
pedestals with arched openings be-
tween them. It is not clear, however, at
311 what level on the façade these rest.
Palladio also experimented with super-
imposed pedestals in his unexecuted
design for the head of the Rialto
bridge (cat. 97).
Literature: Zorzi 1959, p. 97, fig. 235;
Spielmann 1966, p. 158, cat. 130, fig.
78; Chastel et al. 1975, p. 38 (fig.);
Burns 1979, p. 130, fig. 91; Burns, in
Marini 1980a, p. 84 (as after Falco-
netto); Lewis 2000, cat. 15, pp. 53-54
(probably after Falconetto); Gudelj
2008. On the building: Serlio 1540,
pp. lxxvii-lxxix.
howard burns
149. Andrea Palladio
Project for the façade
of Palazzo Piovene, Vicenza
c. 1570
Verso: blank
Watermark: coronet surmounted by a
six-point star; stylus, ruler, compasses,
underdrawing in graphite or black
chalk; pen and light brown ink,
brush and pale brown wash
437 × 582 mm
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
History and ownership: Francesco
Dal Peder; Gaetano Pinali; donated
to the City of Vicenza in 1838;
Pinacoteca Civica, Vicenza, since 1855
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica,
Gabinetto dei disegni e stampe,
D. 27r
This project is for a waterside site, as
suggested by the projecting steps,
carried on huge blocks, and the lower
courses of massive rustication (like
those constructed below the dovecote
tower at Meledo; cat. 187). A design
for Venice or Vicenza? In favour of
Venice is the wide central opening: the
wall is audaciously eliminated at the
end of the central halls, clearly thanks
to a ceiling of closely placed beams.
Uncharacteristic of Venetian Cinque-
cento palaces, however, is the low
podium-like rusticated level, con-
ceived exclusively as a grand water
entrance with no signs of storage or
residential functions behind it.
Dimensions are not shown. But if we
assume that the windows are 4 piedi
vicentini wide, as in the palace façades
published in the Quattro Libri, a co-
herent system of dimensions clicks
into place: water level steps of 6
Vicentine inches, a column diameter
of 2 and 2/3 Vicentine feet and a height
with base and capital of 27 Vicentine
feet (the diameter to height pro-
portion is 1:10 and 1/8). This grand
façade is not exceptionally wide: only
59 and 2/3 Vicentine feet (21.30 m), a
dimension compatible with the width
of the Palazzo Piovene as built; Zaupa
publishes a plan of 1871 which shows it
measured 20.20 meters at river level.
The difference of 110 centimetres is
not great, considering that the
drawing probably presents an
unrealistically magnificent alternative
for a façade which in fact had to be
fitted to an existing structure. The
dimensions in conjunction with the
unusual treatment of the level built
out over the river (and hence often
flooded) make the identification with
Palazzo Piovene almost certain. The
paired arched windows of the executed
four-bay river façade probably lit the
sala, and offered a structurally stronger
solution than the extraordinary
dissolution of the wall proposed here,
though it resulted in an unsightly
pilaster on the central axis, con-
demned by the Neo-Palladian Enea
Arnaldi.
The new façade of the palace of the
rich and influential brothers Guido
and Giuliano Piovene (demolished in
1819, to make way for a slaughter-
house), is studied by Palladio in a
rapid sketch on another sheet, where
he also proposes a giant order (cat.
148b). The highly finished drawing in
Vicenza offers another alternative, also
employing a giant order, high ped-
estals, an attic and a serliana.
Maps and views (figs 29.2-3) show
the built palace with one façade, con-
structed over arches overlooking the
Bacchiglione, and another on the
Piazza dell’Isola, where Palazzo Chieri-
cati stands. This peculiar condition
necessitated a lower level built out over
the river, supporting an upper part
which, on the piazza side, read as a
normal façade. Stylistically the project
has elements in common with
Palladio’s later façades, including
Palazzo Valmarana (cat. 101), the
Loggia del Capitaniato (cat. 104), Pa-
lazzo Porto Breganze and a study for
the Rialto bridge (cat. 97).
Literature: Arnaldi, Baldarini 1779, ii,
pp. 89-90; Cevese 1964, p. 356 (for
Venice); Zorzi 1965, pp. 282-283, 286-
287 (for Palazzo Piovene, Vicenza);
Ackerman 1966, p. 61, no. 40 (for
Venice); Kubelik 1974, pp. 458-459;
Burns 1975, pp. 212-213, cat. 389
(Venice or Palazzo Piovene); Zaupa
1981-1982, passim; Puppi 1989, p. 112,
cat. 48 (tentatively ‘Venice’, in-
fluenced by the experience of Palazzo
Piovene); Zaupa 1990, pp. 203, 208;
Battilotti 1999, pp. 469, 480-481;
Puppi 1999, pp. 388-390; Lewis 2000,
pp. 222-224 (‘a Venetian palace’);
Puppi 2007b, pp. 153-154, cat. 48. On
the Piovene brothers see Demo 2008.
howard burns
 312
[150.]
 150. Andrea Palladio
Elevation of a proposed façade
for the church of San Petronio,
Bologna
1579
Pen and ink over incised lines,
on laid paper
497 × 365 mm
Oxford, The Provost and Fellows
of Worcester College, H&T 127
(formerly from Inigo Jones’s
album no. i/68)
From January to November 1578,
Andrea Palladio defended his initial
proposal for a façade for the church of
San Petronio in Bologna, prepared
several new designs, and met with the
Fabbrica during a visit to the city – his
second trip in six years. His various
solutions ranged from maintaining the
existing marble base and revetment up
to the height of the central portal and
introducing a number of classical
features, which would have given the
building a totally new appearance,
breaking entirely with the past and
developing a completely all’antica
design. Most of these projects main-
tained the architect’s original scheme
of three superimposed orders. Palladio
also drafted a proposal modelled after
his most important Venetian ecclesi-
astical works, abolishing any attempt
to reconcile the façade’s traditional
Gothic features with a more up-to-
date scheme.
Following the development of these
ideas, in January 1579 – in response to
‘l’opinione di quelli che desiderano
[un] portico’ (‘the opinion of those
who want [a] portico’, according to a
letter from the architect to the head of
the Fabbrica; Gaye 1839-1840, 3, p.
417) – Palladio prepared ‘some draw-
ings’ that envisioned the construction
of an enormous pronaos, closely
resembling the front of the Pantheon
in Rome. It was his grandest proposal
for an ecclesiastical façade.
The present sheet – the only
surviving drawing for this project
attributed to the architect – shows half
of a design that in its entirety
comprises eight colossal Corinthian
columns with Attic bases and no
fluting forming a pedimented portico,
as well as a gabled transitional block
masking the roof above the nave and
side aisles erected in the fifteenth
century. The heights of the existing
central and lateral doorways are shown
by horizontal lines. The scale of the
drawing appears to be about 1:100.
The proportion between the diameter
and height of the major order of large
columns is 1:9, with an intercolumni-
ation of about one and a half
diameters, although the central space
seems to be wider. A pulvinated
entablature is surmounted by a cor-
nice with large block modillions and a
pediment with a 25-degree pitch. The
313 proportion of the minor order of
Corinthian pilasters on either side, and 1:4, while a folding rule has
raised on a high stylobate, is 1:10. decorated divisions, possibly in French
Aedicules with segmental pediments measure. There is also an accompany-
and free-standing Corinthian columns ing casket with ink wells. The finely
are nearly identical to the interior executed damascening in gold and
tabernacles of the Pantheon depicted silver indicates that this is no everyday
in the architect’s treatise. drawing set but was probably commis-
In spite of the careful execution of sioned as a gift on a princely scale.
the drawing by Palladio, ‘che ha Although unsigned, the quality of the
veduto e misurato ogni cosa’ (‘who saw decoration suggests a Milanese origin.
and measured everything’, according There may have been a damascened
to a contemporary observer; Gaye case to hold the instruments but any
1839-1840, 3, p. 407), it apparently original case has not survived.
reflects a preliminary design that did
not correspond completely to the ex- Literature: Epact 1998; Ajmar-Woll-
tant structure. By superimposing the heim, Dennis 2006, pp. 172-173.
drawing over a survey of the building,
it is evident that the overall dimen- jim bennett
sions of Palladio’s proposal extend
several metres beyond the existing
church, and that either half-pediments
or a raised attic would have been
required to hide the pitched roofs
above the side chapels.
The variety of Palladio’s proposals
for the façade of San Petronio reflected
his willingness to explore a wide range
of solutions. As one interlocutor wrote
to the head of the Fabbrica, ‘Palladio
ha mostrato che si potevano far [la
facciata] in più modi’ (‘Palladio has
shown that the [façade] could be made
in several ways’; Gaye 1839-1840, 3, p.
412). Ultimately, the façade of San
Petronio was never finished, appearing
today as it did when Palladio first went
to inspect it 436 years ago.
Literature: Harris 1971, pp. 34-37, fig.
42; Puppi 1973, p. 406; Burns 1975,
pp. 243-244, no. 431; Timofiewitsch
1980, pp. 237-238, fig. 114; Lewis
1981, pp. 198-199, no. 118; Ackerman
1994a, pp. 254-256, fig. 6; Thurber
1999, pp. 467-473, fig. 7; Lewis
2000, pp. 256-257, no. 118; Burns
2001a, pp. 39 (fig.) and 41.
t. barton thurber
[151.]
151. Unsigned, Italian
Set of drawing instruments
Early sixteenth century
Steel damascened with gold and silver
205 × 71 × 43 mm (box)
Provenance: Stowe Collection; Drake
Collection; Arnold Collection; Mr P.
Webster, prior to purchase by Lewis
Evans in 1920; donated to the
University of Oxford in 1924
Exhibited at the Special Exhibition
of Works of Art, South Kensington,
London, June 1862 (catalogue
no. 6593)
Oxford, Museum of the History
of Science, inv. 52444
The instruments include various
forms of dividers, proportional div-
iders, pairs of compasses, rules and
pencils, all with gilt inner surfaces.
The proportional dividers are for
altering measures by the ratios 1:2, 1:3
30. Building the project
Andrea Palladio was both the greatest architect of the Venetian
Cinquecento and highly knowledgeable about building techniques.
The startling new features in his language expressed in building
practice, far from producing friction with local masons’ habits and
methods, stimulated the development of Venetian building culture.
This world was solidly grounded in craft traditions, shaped by
experience, but by the mid-sixteenth century was unable to meet all
the new demands of a rapidly evolving discipline. Palladio
challenged these traditions, exercised by masons, carpenters, smiths
and terrazzieri, through the technical problems presented by his new
architecture.
When it comes to building technique, however, Palladio seems to
have been more of a refiner than a reformer, little inclined directly to
graft or reproduce constructed motifs from antiquity. He was very
skilled at picking out, from his repertoire of materials, working
processes and procedures, whatever, according to the occasion, could be
suitably used, and adapting and bending it to his own expressive ends.
Palladio certainly significantly developed some elements from the
local building traditions in his work. This was the case with the
[30.1.]
tripartite architrave, no longer created from a single block, but
formed by a central element connected by angled joints to the lateral
bracket ashlars above the capitals. For this Palladio drew more on
ancient examples – through the filter of the Roman experience of
the early sixteenth century – than on rare and isolated examples
from early Venetian constructions. He then re-elaborated the
composite architrave to make free architraved systems, as in the
loggia of the Palazzo Valmarana (fig. 30.1), or architraves joined to
the wall, as in the façade of the Palazzo Barbaran da Porto and the
entablature of the giant order of San Francesco della Vigna (fig.
30.2). The structural motif of the lintel – previously little used, but
known to local builders – was also interpreted with a new awareness,
informed by the antique, and re-proposed in a vast range of
applications: to overcome problems of large spans, as in the
brickwork pronaos of the Villa Foscari (fig. 30.4) or the loggia of
Palazzo Barbaran da Porto, or to cut out straight apertures in walls,
as in the serliana windows of the Villa Poiana, or the ground floor
windows in the Vicentine Thiene, Barbarano, Iseppo and Valmarana
palaces. In almost all his buildings, however, the weave of the lintel
30.1. Palazzo
Valmarana, Vicenza,
tripartite architraves
in the courtyard
loggia
30.2. Church of San
Francesco della
Vigna, Venice,
tripartite architraves
30.3. Building-site
equipment, woodcut
reproduced in
Daniele Barbaro’s
edition of Vitruvius,
De architectura
(Venice 1556, p. 262)
[30.2.]
314
 [30.4.] [30.5.]

30.4. Villa Foscari, is informed exclusively by functional values. It is intended as a mere
Gambarare di Mira
(Venice), entablature wall structure destined to disappear under plaster or, at most, to be
with brick
architraves forming hewn, shaped, engraved and eventually finished with stucco to
the lintel
emulate a single stone block or rustication (fig. 30.5).
30.5. Palazzo Thiene,
Vicenza, architrave Complying with the integrated practice on Venetian building-
of the first window
on the right side sites, Palladio resorted to walls basically made of brick. Except for
façade
the loggias of the Palazzo della Ragione (cat. 40), with their iso-
domic stone abutments, and some buildings constructed with mixed
materials – pebbles, stone fragments and terracotta – every abut-
ment and masonry division, every vault or dome of his buildings has
the consistency of brickwork, usually accompanied by architectural
elements carved in stone, but at times made of bricks, clad like
almost all his other walls, with marmorino (marble plaster), capable
of emulating the consistency and appearance of stone.
Reinterpreting a technique widespread in the Middle Ages but
obsolete by the sixteenth century, Palladio at times resorted to the
use of rectified bricks, whose surfaces were worn down beforehand
to form an individual moulded element, or even whole pieces of
architecture, as in the peristyle of the Carità in Venice (figs 30.6-7),
with a façade in which clay is used to replace stone in shaping most
of the elements in the order: column shafts, architraves, friezes and
mouldings are all modelled with admirable precision and finished
with a very thin layer of red colour (figs 30.8-9). In some cases even
the capitals were made of terracotta and then whitewashed to
produce the effect of stone, as in the pronaos of the Tempietto at
Maser (fig. 30.10) or in the church of the Redentore. Here capitals
are made up of several clay elements, bound with mortar and
attached to the walls (fig. 30.11).
Around the 1550s, his habitual use of brick led him to propose
all’antica free-standing columns with a shaft of plastered masonry,
again reviving a mediaeval building tradition (fig. 30.12). Although
some Classicist buildings already had pilasters or half-columns of
plastered masonry attached to the walls, with stone bases and
capitals – in the Odeo Cornaro, for example, or the Villa Garzoni at
Pontecasale – this solution was a significant technical advance.
Avoiding the high financial outlay of large stone blocks, this
approach enabled Palladio to enrich his architectural vocabulary,
endowing his civil buildings with columned sale, loggias and

30.6-7. Monastery of
the Carità, Venice,
brick decoration of
the peristyle with
traces of red
finishing

316
[30.6.] [30.7.]
 [30.8.] [30.9.]

pronaoses at a reduced cost (see, for example, the Chiericati, 30.8-9. Church
of San Giorgio
Barbaran da Porto and Valmarana palaces in Vicenza, Palazzo Maggiore, Venice, the
original red colour
Antonini in Udine, or the villas Pisani at Montagnana, Badoer at revealed by
stratigraphic tests
Fratta Polesine, Cornaro at Piombino Dese, Chiericati at
30.10. Tempietto,
Vancimuglio, Foscari at Gambarare di Mira, Piovene at Lonedo di Villa Barbaro, Maser
(Treviso), brick
Lugo, Emo at Fanzolo, and Capra at Vicenza). capital on
the pronaos

Mario Piana

[30.10.

30.11. Church of the

Redentore, interior,
brick capital on
the major order

30.12. Palazzo
Chiericati, Vicenza,
columns with
plastered brick
shafts

317
[30.11.] [30.12.]
 152. Leandro da Ponte,
called Bassano (1557-1622)
The Tower of Babel (?)
1590s
Oil on canvas
136.5 × 189.2 cm
Inscription: ‘leander a ponte bass’
(on the stone in the lower left)
Provenance: J.H. Ollney Collection;
bequeathed by Lt.-Col. J.H. Ollney,
1837
London, The National Gallery,
NG 60
The subject of this painting, dating
from the 1590s, has still not been fully
explained, but is probably the con-
struction of the Tower of Babel
(Mancini, in Beltramini, Burns 2005,
pp. 348-350). It offers a lively image of
a busy Veneto Renaissance building
site. With its sounds and smells, it is
[152.]
the kind of place Palladio grew up in
and where he probably felt at home.
The young man on the left of the
painting hewing the block of still
unshaped stone with a sgubia (a chisel
with a four-edged tip) provides a good
‘snapshot’ of the young stonecutter
Andrea di Pietro at work for the Pede-
muro. On his right is a stone block,
already dressed through the use of the
gradina (a flat, toothed chisel) and
martellina (a small, toothed hammer).
The stone has clearly visible edges,
slightly lowered compared to the
rougher internal surfaces: this is the
cordellina, the thin smooth polished
edge (obtained by using flat chisels,
grinding stones and polishing powder),
which ensures that the blocks will fit
together precisely. In front of the
stonecutter is a dressed block with a
sunk central section and a metal
square for checking that the sides are
perpendicular. Behind him, an
apprentice is taking some chisels from
a case. The only person missing from
the picture is the blacksmith,
indispensable for keeping the metal
tips of the tools sharp. The worked
pieces are too simple for the architect
to have had to provide a paper
template for the life-size profile of the
moulding (cat. 153), used by the
stonecutter to obtain the tin modina
(counter mould) employed to check
the profile during work in depth. The
stonecutter’s position is correctly
described at the foot of the building
under construction, where the large
blocks were worked for obvious
logistic reasons; the smaller blocks
would be worked on off-site in the
workshop. The last stage in the stone
cutter’s work usually involved carving
the block. Construction with bricks or
stone blocks, was left to the murari
(masons), and here some are at work
on the scaffolding. On the right, a
labourer with a zappa da calce (lime
mattock) is mixing water and slaked
lime (poured out with a sassola, resting
at his feet) for the masons, while the
old man in front of him is sifting
something with a riddle – probably
slaked lime, to eliminate residual
lumps or sand. The mortar is taken up
to the builders on the scaffolding on a
conca, a wooden plank with raised
edges, which the labourers carried on
their shoulders. Bricks and stone
blocks were transported by enormous
carts with wooden wheels and then
distributed within the site in wheel-
barrows. A foreman oversaw the
various teams of workers, following
the architect’s instructions, while the
318
 bookkeeping was normally done by
the patron (Burns 1991, pp. 198-208).
Literature: Burns 1991, pp. 191-219;
Mancini, in Beltramini, Burns 2005,
pp. 348-350.
guido beltramini
153. Andrea Palladio
Template of a cornice
with a gorna for the Monastery
of San Giorgio Maggiore
Cut-out paper
432 × 569 mm
Venezia, Archivio di Stato,
Miscellanea mappe, dis. 857/5
In keeping with widely followed
procedures, design details were
communicated by the use of a tem-
[153.]
319
plate, traced life-size on paper, cut out
and sent to the stonecutters to guide
them in dressing, carving and finishing
the stone elements. The craftsmen
then made the modine from the
templates: i.e. tin or thin wooden
boards cut to the same shape, to be
placed beside the worked ashlars, in
order to check their consistency and
compliance with the drawn profile.
This template for a terminal ex-
terior cornice with a gorna (i.e. the
extrados gutter for collecting and
draining rainwater), comes from an
unbuilt solution, since the gola riversa
design of the lower modillion does not
correspond to the profile of those pres-
ent in the monastery of San Giorgio
Maggiore.
mario piana
154. beforehand to obtain extremely
Sixteenth-century segmental smooth fitting surfaces, required to
moulded brick, for the columns minimise the thickness of the mortar
of Palazzo Chiericati beds; they were then finished with
Clay; width 6 cm; radius 31 cm; metal rasps, stones and abrasive
arc 28 cm powder.
Vicenza, Pinacoteca Civica
Literature: Beltramini, in Beltramini,
To shape columns constructed in Burns 2005, pp. 353-354, cat. 101.
brick, special bricks had to be
produced in the form of a segment. mario piana
The tapering of the shafts was left
to skilled craftsmen, who had grad-
ually to decrease their diameter by
reducing the depth of the mortar bed
in parallel fashion; a coat of plaster
then covered up the small imperfec-
tions.
When the brick shafts were to be
left exposed, as in the peristyle of the
church of the Carità in Venice (fig.
30.6), the clay elements were rectified
 155. Mario Piana (designer);
Ivan Simonato (model maker)
Model of a Palladian truss
2008
Wood
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
Palladio introduced new features to
the wooden elements of his buildings.
Given the variety and complexity of
his villa and palazzo plans, wooden
roof structures show a wide range of
different and novel solutions. In
general, Palladio’s roofs were sup-
ported by trusses, usually of a compos-
ite type (i.e. with a collar beam),
which were made according to a
structural system that, although
[154.]
common in contemporaneous Italian
and European traditions, differs from
systems applied today. The trusses are
not ‘arched’ but consist of triangular-
shaped reticulate beams: frameworks
with hyperstatic joints and vertical
elements in contact with the lower
chord and tightly bound to it by metal
clamps, or by a mortice and tenon
joint, as in the roof of the peristyle of
the Carità.
The considerable hyperstatic effect
of these trusses, a solution that for
present-day statics may seem incon-
gruous, were justified in reality by the
benefits offered by the system: im-
[156.]
proved structural behaviour when the
opposing slopes of the pitched roof
had to support different loads, due to
wind or heaped snow, and greater
resistance in the frameworks in the
case of rotting joints.
Literature: Buson, Zanta 1998-1999.
mario piana
156. Pietro Copani and Francesca
Funis, under the direction
of Gennaro Tampone
Model of the bridge
over the Cismon
1998
Wood; height 26.5 cm; length
117 cm; width 28 cm
Provenance: Università degli Studi
di Firenze
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
[155.]
Palladio’s most important engineering
work is the wooden bridge over the
Cismon River. Built by 1552, the
bridge was destroyed half a century
later when the river in spate swept
away a load-bearing stonework abut-
ment.
Erected for purely functional pur-
poses, with a single span of almost 36 m,
the bridge was conceived according to a
clear-cut scheme of poles in a triangular
grid, thus achieving a perfect balance
between construction design and
structure.
The result of proven technological
design, the solution for the bridge over
the Cismon, together with other
schemes for wooden bridges described
in the Quattro Libri (iii), became a
prototype, which was to be the
indispensable reference point for
European architecture and engineer-
ing until the late nineteenth century.
Literature: Funis 2002.
mario piana
157.
Samples of terrazzetto
or marmorino (marble plaster)
2008
Lime and stone fragments
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
Many Palladian buildings were
finished with plasters, originally
known as stucchi or terrazzetti, and
now called marmorini (marble
plaster). Made from lime and stone
fragments, and characterised by a very
careful procedure and final treatment
using linseed oil or soap and wax,
marble plaster began to be used in the
late fifteenth and early sixteenth
centuries, coinciding with the
emerging new style in architecture.
The reason for the rapid spread and
great popularity in subsequent
centuries lies in the fact that terraz-
zetto plasters can evoke or even imitate
the appearance and consistency of
stone.
These new marble plasters suited
Palladio’s design intentions perfectly.
By using them, he saw the possibility
of returning to the procedures of
making walls with mixed materials,
which he had observed in many
antique buildings. He overtly de-
scribed the benefits in his Scrittura on
the cathedral of Brescia, which he
suggested should be built with ‘as
much hard stone as one can lay hands
on and the rest brick, except the part
above the cornice, because I should
like it to be of hard stone... then
everything made of brick will be
covered with stucco which will accom-
pany and bind one with the other very
well... As for the pillars, vaults and
other parts made of brick, this is
nothing new, indeed it was greatly
used by the ancients and is more
durable than hard stone, since we see
that the ancient buildings made of
brick are often more intact than those
made of hard stone, for the obvious
reason that hard stone yields to the
violence of fire and cracks, which does
not happen with bricks, which suffer
little damage.’
Literature: Piana 2006, pp. 71-90.
mario piana 320
 158. Mario Piana (designer); shafts, archivolts and main sections of
Simone Baldissini (draftsman); the columns are made with rectified
Ivan Simonato (model maker) bricks to minimise the bed joints –
Model of the Church rarely more than one millimetre thick.
of San Giorgio Maggiore The precision in the curves of the half-
in the original colours columns and the perfect tapering were
2008 achieved thanks to graduated mortar
Wood; height 200 cm; length 90 cm; work, first with rasps and limes, then
width 135 cm molar stones and, lastly, probably
Scale 1:20 abrasive powders. The use of such
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di refined tools and, especially, the finish
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio with a reddish film, still visible in tiny
fragments on the half-column shafts
In 1652 the architect Baldassarre in the giant order, would have been
Longhena, at the request of the prior, totally pointless if they had been
arranged for the whole church interior meant to be concealed by a rough
of San Giorgio Maggiore to be short-lived scialbatura.
‘whitened’ including: ‘all the columns, Likewise, on the façade on Rio Terà
pillars and other parts of the said at San’Agnese and on the tablinum at
church, now red, will be given a coat the monastery of the Carità, the red of
of white, or several coats, if necessary, the trabeated brick cornices alternates
so that they remain very white... and with the white of the walls. Palladio
the other vaults, at present red, must clearly chose to ignore the previously
be made to look like hard stone with unchallenged building orthodoxy of
one and several coats applied with the Veneto Renaissance architects. In
great diligence so that they emulate these two examples, the usual hier-
hard stone.’ archy between the value of the
Concealed for centuries under architectural element and the value of
repeated coats of paint and completely the material is contradicted, establish-
lost from memory, the two-tone con- ing an inverse relationship: the
dition which characterised the church members of the order are made of
(figs. 30.8-9) was detected in the 1990s terracotta (an ordinary if not poor
through stratigraphic tests carried out material, normally used for wall
during maintenance work, and skeletons), while the brick surfaces are
confirmed by recently discovered covered with a whitish stucco, giving
archival material (Guerra 2001; Jestaz them the appearance of stone walls.
2005). The bright red of the pillars in
the minor order, the drum pilasters, Literature: Guerra 2001, pp. 93-110;
thermal windows and large arches of Jestaz 2005, pp. 465-469.
the vault system (all made of
brickwork and covered in a thin coat mario piana
of pigmented stucco) dialogued with
the white walls, producing an effect [158.]
much different from the uniform
whitish hue of the church’s interior
today. The parts spared extensive re-
plastering on the sides of the church
exterior also show various coloured
finishes: the white Istrian stone
elements are matched by the white
marble plaster cladding of the
pilasters, the pink hue of the coccio
pesto of the walls, and the dark-red
stucco finish of the brick architraves.
The twin colouring proposed at San
Giorgio may be considered an un-
usual, even surprising but certainly
not unique case: colour contrasts are
also found in other Palladian archi-
tectural works. In the Loggia del Ca-
pitaniato, the red of the half-column
shafts, pilasters and arches com-
plements the white of the stone,
plaster and stuccowork. Critics have
previously been inclined to believe
that the shafts were originally covered
in a white scialbatura (whitewash or
film of paint), of which some traces
concentrated near the capitals have
survived. Well-grounded technical
explanations and building logic, how-
ever, suggest that these members were
conceived to be left exposed. They
321 were built with extreme skill. The
 31. Publication and publicity: the Guides of Rome
In 1554, the year Palladio returned to Rome with Daniele Barbaro
from February to May, he summed up the initial results of his long
first-hand studies in the city in two publications: L’antichità di Roma
(‘The Antiquities of Rome’; cat. 159) and Descritione delle chiese... (‘A
Description of the churches...’; cat. 160). We do not know if these
two slim volumes, complementary in listing and describing
monuments in Rome, albeit from different periods, were ever bound
in one book by their first publisher. From 1557, the Descritione –
never again to be published separately – was added, without
authorship, to the very popular guide entitled Le cose maravigliose
dell’alma città di Roma (‘The marvellous things in the Holy City of
Rome’), and bound in the same book with Thomas Schakerlay’s scant
Guida Romana (‘Guide to Rome’) and L’antichità (this time Palladio
was mentioned as the author). Le cose maravigliose was a great
publishing success until 1588, when it was further modified and
illustrated, and dedicated to Pope Sixtus v and later pontiffs. Separate
or bound with Le cose maravigliose, L’antichità ran into a total of
ninety subsequent editions.
The brevity and popularity of L’antichità should not lead us to
underestimate its value. More than a guide, it was actually a topo-
graphical survey of ancient Rome, based on antique sources and
modern writers. Palladio’s written sources can be deduced from his
own comments in the introduction: Roma instaurata by Biondo
Flavio (probably Lucio Fauno’s translation of 1542 but also 1543 or
1548), Antiquitates urbis by Andrea Fulvio (his translation of 1543 or
the second Latin edition of 1545), Delle antichità, again by Fauno of
1548 (but also 1552 or 1553), and Urbis Romae Topographia by
Bartolomeo Marliani, the enlarged edition of 1544 (but also 1550 or
1552, but more probably the Italian translation of 1548). Palladio
borrows his index, apart from a few variations (it was very different
from those of Fauno and Marliani), organised according to itineraries
through the city, from Fulvio’s Antiquitates urbis. Palladio was
probably inspired to write ‘with as much brevity as possible’ by
Fauno’s final Compendio and Pirro Ligorio’s Paradosse in his Delle
31.1. Cat. 162, detail antichità di Roma of 1553.
L’antichità is far removed from the tradition of the mediaeval
Mirabilia urbis and the early editions of the Cose maravigliose
dell’alma città di Roma. It may be seen as sharing the approach of
documented historical Roman studies on ancient architecture and of
Vitruvius, renewed by Claudio Tolomei in the 1540s. Palladio must
have developed this approach through contact with Giangiorgio
Trissino and his collaboration with Daniele Barbaro, for whom he
illustrated the translation of Vitruvius, printed only two years later in
1556 (cats 61-62, 64). Palladio mentions these methods in the
introduction to Descritione, but in this case the book is a thorough-
going guide for visiting Roman churches, organised in four itineraries
through the city, according to his own innovative approach. For each
church, he lists the relics, indulgences granted, and information
about the founders, the history of the building, and some of its
features and furnishings. Although the author does make some occa-
sional comments on the architecture, he never mentions a single
architect of the more recently built Roman churches. From this point
of view, in his early published writings Palladio closely followed the
titles and intentions of a book, as he was also to do in the future.
Literature: Zorzi 1922; Zorzi 1959; Forssman 1965; Ferrari 1976, p.
484; Howe 1991; Puppi 1999, pp. 516-517; Puppi 2000, pp. xiii-
xxxiv; Burns 2002, pp. 372-413; Fiore 2002, pp. 504-521; Fiore 2006,
pp. xiii-xx; Gros 2006; Hart, Hicks 2006, pp. xxxv-xxxvi; Daly
Davis 2007, pp. 151-192.
Francesco Paolo Fiore
322
159. Andrea Palladio
‘Lantichita/ Di Roma/ Di M. Andrea
Palladio./ Racolta Brevemente/
da gli Auttori Antichi, & Moderni./
Novamente posta in Luce./ Con
gratia & Previlegio per anni diece’
[Printer’s mark]// ‘In Roma/
Appresso Vincenzo Lucrino./ 1554’
Printed on paper; text in italic type; 1
initial, no illustrations; Printer’s mark
with motto ‘fortes, fort=/vna
adivvat’
Octavo; example with no margin
146 × 97 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi di
Architettura Andrea Palladio,
cap a xvi 1
This is the first text by Palladio to be
published; it was issued in the same
year as the Descritione delle chiese (cat.
[159, ed. Venice 1554]
160). Palladio was in Rome from
February 1554, which suggests this is
the editio princeps. It was immediately
followed by the edition published in
Venice in the same year ‘Per Mattio
Pagan, / in Frezzaria all’insegna della
Fede’ (‘By Mattio Pagan, / in Frezzaria
at the sign of Faith’), which is almost
identical as regards title, text, size,
pagination, sequence and typographic
style. After a brief introduction, the
text (32 fols) is divided into short
chapters dedicated to the history,
topography and various building types
of ancient Rome, interspersed with
chapters describing their uses and
rules.
Literature: Schudt 1930, pp. 136-138,
379-386, nos. 639-702; Murray 1972;
Ferrari 1976, p. 484; Puppi 1988, pp.
3-9; Howe 1991, p. 25; Puppi 1999,
pp. 516-517; Puppi 2000, pp. xiii-
xxxiv; Fara, Tovo 2001, p. 134, no. 95;
Fiore 2006, pp. xiii-xx; Hart, Hicks
2006, pp. xxxv-xxxvi.
francesco paolo fiore
160. Andrea Palladio
‘Descritione/ De Le Chiese,/
Stationi, Indulgenze § Reliquie/
de Corpi Sancti, che sonno in la/
Citta de Roma./ Brevemente
Raccolta/ da M. Andrea Palladio
et nova=/ mente posta in Luce./
Con gratia § Privilegio per anni
diece.’ [Printer’s mark]//
‘In Roma/ Appresso Vincentio
Lucrino./ 1554.’
Printed on paper; text in roman type;
2 initials, no illustrations; Printer’s
mark with motto ‘fortes,
[160.]
fort=/vna adivvat’, repeated
under the title of the last section
of the book
Octavo
160 × 107 mm
Rome, Biblioteca del Senato
della Repubblica, Guide R319
The year in which it was printed, the
Roman publisher and the dimensions
of this small book are the same as
L’antichità (cat. 159). The Descritione is
different in typographical terms
because of the use of roman type
instead of italics but has similarities to
the introduction of L’antichità (2 fols).
The text (31 fols) begins with a history
of Rome, basically dedicated to the
conversion of Constantine and the
donation of the city to the Church. It
then goes on to list the churches, the
relics contained in them and their
324
 indulgences. This is followed (14 fols)
by a practical list of ‘The Stations/
Indulgences, § spiritual graces which
are in the churches of Rome both for
all of/ Lent and for all/ the year newly
placed/ in light/ by M. Andrea
Palladio’. We know of seven surviving
copies of this edition (cf. Howe 1991,
p. 32).
Literature: Schudt 1930, pp. 26-31,
198, no. 57, 199-204; Murray 1972;
Ferrari 1976, pp. 491, 498-499; Puppi
1988, p. 5; Howe 1991; Puppi 1999,
pp. 516-517; Puppi 2000, pp. xiii-
xxxiv; Fiore 2006, pp. xiii-xx; Hart,
Hicks 2006, pp. xxxv-xxxvi.
francesco paolo fiore
161. Giorgio Vasari (1511-1574)
Pages on Palladio
Vol. iii, pp. 837-839 in: ‘Delle/ Vite
De’ Piu Eccellenti/ Pittori Scultori
et Architettori/ Scritte da M. Giorgio
Vasari/ Pittore Et Architetto Aretino./
Secondo, et ultimo Volume/
della Terza Parte./ Nel quale
si comprendano le nuove Vite,/
Dall’anno 1550 al 1567./... Con
Licenza E Privilegio./
In Fiorenza Appresso i Giunti. 1568.’
Quarto
251 × 170 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi
di Architettura Andrea Palladio,
cap b xvi 5 (3)
Vasari dedicates a long passage to
Palladio in the second edition of Le
Vite. It is included in the section on
Jacopo Sansovino, in the context of
Vicentine painters and sculptors, such
as Bartolomeo Montagna, Francesco
Verla, Giovanni Speranza and the two
masters from Pedemuro – Giovanni da
Porlezza and Girolamo Pittoni (Vasari
1550, 1568, eds Bettarini-Barocchi
1966-1997, vi, pp. 196-198). Vasari
lists as many as 27 Palladian buildings,
beginning with the loggias of the
Palazzo della Ragione, followed by five
palazzi, seventeen villas and the four
Venetian designs.
From his correspondence with
Cosimo Bartoli, we know that Vasari
was in Venice for a few days in May
1566 (Olivato Puppi 1983, p. 739). He
is in fact more painstaking when
dealing with the projects in that city.
He describes the façade of San
Francesco della Vigna being built at
the time (‘the walls for the whole base
from the foot have already been
raised’), and the refectory and the
church of San Giorgio (whose foun-
dations ‘were beginning to be laid’; he
also saw the model, see cat. 89a/b). He
dwells at length on the monastery of
the Carità; he describes the layout and
highlights its specific feature: ‘It is
325 completely made of pietre cotte, that is
bricks, except for the bases of the
columns, the capitals, the arch im-
posts, the stairs, the surfaces of the
cornices, all the windows and the
doors.’ As regards the projects outside
Venice, Magagnato has suggested that
Vasari might have seen the preparatory
manuscript of the Quattro Libri,
which at that time – according to Va-
sari – was still conceived in three parts,
‘two books of ancient buildings and
one of those he himself had built’
(Magagnato 1980, pp. xii-xiii). Vasari
only gives a minimal description of the
architecture and is not always accurate
(the orders of the loggias of the Palazzo
della Ragione are both described as
being Doric) and only in the case of
the Villa Barbaro at Maser does he
offer some points of comparison with
another work, discussing the Nym-
phaeum with that of the Villa Giulia
in Rome. Vasari ends his text on Palla-
dio by stressing his human qualities
(his ‘affable and kind nature, making
him well-loved by everyone’) and his
indefatigable work (‘devoting himself
continually to studies of the art, one
can expect greater things from him
every day’), given as a reason for
inviting him to join the Accademia del
Disegno in Florence. Palladio’s draw-
ing of a funerary monument for a
Florentine church, now in Budapest,
originally in Vasari’s Libro dei disegni,
was possibly given to him by Palladio
during their Venetian meeting (cat.
162). Similarly, Palladio’s proposals for
the Rialto (section 19), not included in
Vasari’s long list, may have been
generated by their meeting.
Literature: Magagnato 1980, pp. xii-
xiii; Olivato Puppi 1983, pp. 739-750;
Puppi 1999, pp. 519-523.
guido beltramini
162. Andrea Palladio and Battista
Del Moro (c. 1514-c. 1573) (?);
surrounding frame
by Giorgio Vasari (1511-1574)
Project for a funerary chapel
Mid-1560s; mature handwriting
Ruler, stylus, compasses, black chalk
or graphite, pen and brown ink,
grey-brown wash
478 × 339 mm
Notes on the drawing: b[raccia],
s[oldi] (several times), in Palladio’s
hand; inscribed at the bottom
of the mount ‘andrea. palladio.
/architettor. vice[ntin] / le
figure son di Paolo Veronese’; ‘fuit
Georgii Vasari, nunc P. J. Mariette,
1741’
Unit of measurement and scale:
braccio fiorentino (= 58.36 cm),
divided into 20 soldi; scale
of 3 braccia = 49 mm
History and ownership: Giorgio
Vasari; Mariette (Lugt 1852);
Esterhazy (Lugt 1865); Orszagos
[161.]
 326
[162.]
 Képtar (Lugt 2000)
Budapest, Szépmüvészeti Múzeum,
Drawings and Prints Cabinet, 1989
This project has been much discussed,
resolving questions of date and
character, but not of its destination.
The section shows the long dimension
of a barrel vaulted space. The thermal
window apparently cuts into the vault
instead of being accommodated under
a cross vault, as at the Refectory of San
Giorgio (cat. 83). Palladio’s dimensions
(probably in Florentine braccia) enable
us to calculate that the chapel meas-
ured about 9.12 × 6.86 metres (a 4:3
proportion: see Quattro Libri, i, p. 54).
The relation to the main space of a
church is not clarified, nor the
position of an altar, presumably
located on an end wall, where there
was ample space for it. The
architectural language resembles that
of the Grimani tomb project (cat. 80),
and Palladio’s distinctive sarcophagus
form also makes its appearance. The
aedicule framing the sarcophagus is
identical to that framing the wash
basins at the Refectory of San Giorgio.
The curving plinths and the flattened
cornice at the side of the tabernacle
resemble details of the façade of San
Francesco della Vigna (section 15) and
the interior of San Giorgio (fig. 16.11).
Sculptural decoration is shown: a
dotted line is drawn behind the wall
surface, probably indicating the wall of
the existing structure into which the
chapel was to be built. There would
have been other elevations, a plan, and
large scale drawings of details
corresponding to the letters marked on
the drawing. Although the choice
between fluted and unfluted columns
and the degree of carving in the
entablature is left to the patron,
Palladio has consigned a ready-to-
build package. No coat of arms or
inscription identifies the bust in
Roman armour above the sarcopha-
gus. Vasari’s ownership is attested by
Mariette’s note on the drawing itself,
and by the characteristic frame, which
Vasari drew on the sheet. Together
with the Michelangelo drawing in
Dresden this is a rare case of a
surviving Vasari frame for an archi-
tectural drawing. The drawing may
have been given to Vasari by Palladio
when the two met in 1566, or a Floren-
tine commission may have been
arranged by Vasari for Palladio, the
drawings sent, and this one at least
kept by the artist, perhaps when the
commission fell through. Palladio thus
did not only enter the Pantheon of
Vasari’s ‘Lives’ (cat. 161), but also that
of his famous collection of drawings,
where his hand and art was worthily
represented by this sheet. Vasari’s death
in 1574 rules out the possibility that
the design was for the Niccolini chapel
in Santa Croce, Florence, for which
327 Palladio was paid in 1580.
Literature: Kurz 1937, p. 42, fig. 45;
Ragghianti Collobi 1974, p. 156;
Burns, in Marini 1980a, pp. 166-167;
Marinelli, in Marini 1980a, pp. 206-
210 (Battista del Moro as the figurative
artist); Lewis 1981, p. 188 (with biblio-
graphy); Battilotti 1999, pp. 489-490,
cat. 97, p. 510, cat. 172; Lewis 2000,
pp. 243-244 (with bibliography);
Spinelli 2005; Ziefer 2006, pp. 113-
117, 184-185, cat. 11; Belluzzi 2008.
howard burns
163. Martino Bassi (1544-1591)
Plan of Milan Cathedral
Etching on paper, pl. xii in ‘Dispareri
in materia d’architettura,
et perspettiua. Con pareri di eccellenti,
et famosi architetti, che li risoluono.
Di Martino Bassi milanese. In Bressa,
per Francesco, & Pie. Maria
Marchetti fratelli, 1572’
Quarto
214 × 154 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi di
Architettura Andrea Palladio, F.A. ii 7
Architects’ desire for glory and their
attempt to achieve it through writing
have existed since antiquity (e.g.
Vitruvius, De architectura, ii, preface).
The close association between archi-
tectural writing and the author’s
public stature, however, became even
more acute with the advent of the
printing press. The strong relationship
between publication and self-pro-
motion was noted by Vincenzo Sca-
mozzi (cats 189-190) at the beginning
of his own treatise of 1615, L’Idea della
Architettura Universale. He listed the
most important architects of the
Renaissance, with special emphasis
given to those who produced printed
texts. Scamozzi simply stated that
there were other architects who had
designed important projects but who
remained ‘unknown to the world, and
without fame’, because they chose not
to write about architecture (bk. 1,
chap. 6, p. 19). As Elizabeth Eisenstein
observes, ‘whatever prefaces said about
the glory of God and good of human-
ity, the fact remained that contributors
to technical literature were not only
better able to serve others after
printing; they were better able to serve
themselves’ (Eisenstein 1979, p. 560).
One young late-sixteenth-century
architect who was keenly aware of the
power of the printed word was Mart-
ino Bassi, who worked in Milan. He
prepared a fifty-three-page volume
with twelve, full-page, etched plates
and numerous, large, woodcut initials.
The centrepiece of Bassi’s book of
1572, the Dispareri in materia d’archi-
tettura, et perspectiva, con pareri di
eccellenti et famosi architetti, che li
risolvono (‘Diverse views in matters of
architecture and perspective with
opinions of excellent and famous
architects who address them’) con-
sisted of his epistolary exchanges with
Giovanni Battista Bertani, Giorgio
Vasari, Giacomo Vignola and Andrea
Palladio (the only other published text
on architecture by the latter architect
in his lifetime). All four of Bassi’s
correspondents had published signifi-
cant texts and treatises in the previous
two decades, enhancing their author-
ity in the field of architectural theory
and practice in the eyes of con-
temporary readers.
The Dispareri was aimed primarily
at the Fabbrica of Milan Cathedral to
demonstrate the superiority of Bassi’s
designs and opinions compared to
those of Pellegrino Tibaldi, who had
recently been appointed chief architect
of the ongoing building project. Bassi
sought support for his fairly pedantic
corrections and demands for stylistic
conformity from some of Italy’s
leading figures, each of whom gener-
ally upheld his position. The publi-
cation circulated widely and was read,
as evidenced, for example, by
references in the writings of Giovanni
Paolo Lomazzo (1584, bk. 6, chap. 13)
and Frederico Zuccari (Bottari, Ti-
cozzi 1822, vii, p. 516).
Palladio responded from Venice on
3 July 1570 to Bassi’s undated letter
and etched plates. He addressed all
three issues: 1) perspectival modifi-
cations to a partially realised relief
sculpture placed above one of the
cathedral’s portals; 2) construction of a
small baptistery in the middle of the
main nave of the church; and 3)
alterations to the crypt and the raising
of the main altar and choir. Palladio
based his support for Bassi’s positions
on ancient precedents, practical con-
siderations, and the opinions of two
colleagues whom he had consulted,
Giuseppe Salviati and Silvio de Belli,
‘who unanimously commended them,
and remained utterly convinced of
your worth’ (p. 45). As one of Tibaldi’s
early-twentieth-century biographers
later observed, ‘the modest debate’
would have ‘faded away... if it had not
[163.]
been amplified by its publication and
the prestige of the architects who were
called upon to testify’ on behalf of
Bassi (Rocco 1939, pp. 35-36).
Literature: Ferrari 1771; Bottari,
Ticozzi 1822; Vasari 1550, 1568, eds
Bettarini-Barocchi 1966-1997, iii, pp.
3089-3103; Thurber 1992, pp. 101-110.
t. barton thurber
32. Publishing the project: The Four Books of Architecture
Andrea Palladio’s Quattro Libri dell’Architettura have exerted an
enormous influence, extending a knowledge of his works and ideas
far beyond the small group of cultivated patrons and architects who
managed to travel to Italy to see his buildings. The book’s effective
graphic design and juxtaposition of text and illustrations became a
model for all subsequent architectural books. It was widely distrib-
uted not only in successive Italian editions (1570, 1581, 1601, 1616,
1642, etc.), but also in many complete or partial translations.
Palladio probably considered publishing a book on architecture
from the start of his architectural career. He had before him the
example of Sebastiano Serlio’s Fourth Book (1537, on the orders) and
Third Book (1540, on antiquities and modern masterpieces). Palladio’s
visit to Rome in 1541 probably encouraged him to think that he could
do better, while Serlio’s appointment as architect to Francis i of
France must have spurred him on. His early Vitruvian studies (cat.
131), his gradually assembled corpus collection of drawings of antique
and modern works (cats 28, 32-33) and the elegant way in which he
formulated his own early projects (cat. 17) all suggest that in parallel
with his studies and architectural activity, he purposefully created
material for a book. The first indication that Palladio’s book existed
in manuscript are references to it by Doni (1555) and Daniel Barbaro
(1556). Barbaro writes that the book was principally devoted to
domestic architecture, ‘with the plans, sections and elevations of all
the houses and palaces which he has designed for various nobles, with
the addition of some excellently drawn beautiful ancient buildings.’
Palladio’s focus on houses was a change with respect to the priorities
of Vitruvius and Serlio, who give precedence to the orders and
religious architecture (Serlio’s Sixth Book, on houses, palaces and
country residences was never published). Palladio’s approach
probably derived from Trissino, who begins his short manuscript
essay on architecture by declaring: ‘Architecture is an artifice
concerning the habitations of men, which prepares their function-
ality and pleasantness.’ In an architectural treatise, unpublished in his
own time, Alvise Cornaro similarly concentrates on houses.
In 1555 Palladio perhaps felt that he still needed to build more, so
as to be able to present good modern architecture exclusively on the
basis of his own works. By the early 1560s, he was able to do this:
substantial portions of the first three books are already drafted in the

32.1. Poldo
d’Albenas,
architectural details
of the Maison
Carrée, woodcut in
Discours historial de
l’antique et illustre
cité de Nismes
(Lyons 1560)

32.2. Andrea
Palladio,
architectural details
of the Maison
Carrée, woodcut
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, IV,
p. 117)

32.3. Cat. 169a, detail

328
[32.1.] [32.2.]
 32.4. Frontispiece
of I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570)

32.5. Andrea
Palladio, Ionic capital
and entablature,
woodcut reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, I, p. 36)

32.6. Giacomo
Barozzi da Vignola,
Ionic capital and
entablature,
engraving in Regola
delli cinque ordini
d’architettura
(Rome 1562)

[32.4.] [32.5.] [32.6.]

manuscript preserved in the Correr Library, which can be dated 1561-
1565. In 1566 Giorgio Vasari was in Venice and saw Palladio’s
manuscript; he used his rather garbled notes on it when writing
Palladio’s biography (1568; cat. 161). The preparatory work on texts
and illustrations is further documented in drawings (cats 167-168),
including just four lines written not by assistants (as is the Correr
manuscript), but by Palladio himself (cat. 169). In his depiction of
Architecture at the Villa Emo, Battista Zelotti celebrates the still
unpublished Quattro Libri: a lady displays a manuscript book with
the plan of the villa itself.
On 21 April 1570, the publisher Domenico de’ Franceschi – probably
a business associate but not a relative of the leading architectural
publisher Francesco de’ Franceschi (cat. 170; Bacci 2008) – requested a
Venetian copyright for the work, still consisting of three, not four books.
The title underwent a final transformation: the work first appeared as
the Two Books of Architecture and the Two Books of Antiquities, but
rapidly became a unified Four Books (with two dedications, one for each
pair of books, to Palladio’s friend and patron Giacomo Angaran, and to
Emanuele Filiberto, Duke of Savoy, respectively).
In completing his book, Palladio benefitted from the recent
publication of good illustrated translations of the key texts on
architecture (Vitruvius and Alberti, see section 27); for many topics
he could simply refer to them. His book avoids Serlio’s mistakes (like
describing dimensions in the small print instead of entering them
legibly on the plans) and benefits from Vignola’s skilful presentation
of the orders (1562; fig. 32.6) and the example of the excellent illus-
trations of antiquities in Labacco’s Libro (1552). Palladio presents a
lucid, compact guide to architecture, arranged rather like con-
temporary guides to grammar and style (cat. 164). He begins by
describing the basic components and the rules governing them: the
orders, room shapes, vault types, doors, windows and stairs. In the
Second Book he shows how these can be assembled to make palaces
and villas. In the Third Book he discusses public buildings, starting
with roads and bridges, before moving on to piazzas, basilicas, and
even a gymnasium. The Fourth Book is rather different: after general
observations on religious architecture, Palladio presents his recon-
structions of ancient temples, with a brief but acute historical and
architectural analysis of each example.

32.7. Palazzo Thiene,

courtyard, woodcut
reproduced in
I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 15)

32.8. Palazzo Thiene,

courtyard (the
photograph is
reversed to facilitate
comparison with
the woodcut)

[32.7.] [32.8.] 330

 32.9. An ancient
Roman road: ‘Via
Hostiense’, woodcut
reproduced in I
Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, III, p. 10)

32.10. Temple at San

Nicola in Carcere,
Rome, elevation
and plan, woodcut
reproduced in the
French translation
of the Quattro Libri
(cat. 172)

[32.9.] [32.10.]

Palladio aimed for a wide readership, embracing literate craftsmen,
scholars, architects, potential building patrons and cultivated gentle-
men. His decision to write clearly and simply, ‘using those terms,
which craftsmen usually employ today’, made this possible, as well as
the clarity of the illustrations.
In the Quattro Libri Palladio presented himself to the world.
Rather than an autobiography (in the way in which the Lives of
Brunelleschi or Sinan are autobiographies, based on personal remin-
iscences edited by admirers), the book is a self-portrait. Palladio does
not choose to recount his life story, his long and successful effort to
rise from artisan status to fame as Venice’s leading architect and
architectural writer. But his book does reveal many aspects of his life:
his sense of vocation; his gratitude to Trissino, Angaran and other
patrons; his scepticism and critical acumen; his admiration for many
artists and his passionate engagement with the ruins of antiquity. The
book also conveys his sense of the disappointments of life, for which
beautiful buildings offer some consolation, and his pride in his own
creations, like the church of San Giorgio or the loggias for the
Basilica of Vicenza: ‘I do not doubt that this building can be
compared to those of antiquity, and numbered among the largest and
most beautiful buildings which have been made from ancient times
to the present day, both for its size and its details.’ In the Quattro
Libri, Palladio celebrates the fact that he too had a place in the noble
history of the arts in Italy, as recounted by his friend Vasari.
Literature: Palladio 1570; Pane 1967; Barbieri 1972; Ferrari 1980, pp.
231-286; Gioseffi 1980; Palladio 1980; Zocconi 1980; Howard,
Longair 1982; Puppi 1988, pp. 59-105; Rigon 1996; Palladio (ed.
Schofield, Tavernor) 1997; Tavernor 1998; Mitrovic 1999; Puppi
1999, pp. 519-523; Fara, Tovo 2001, pp. 144-204; Mitrovic 2002;
Dittscheid 2007; Bacci 2008. On Trissino’s text on architecture,
Puppi 1973b, pp. 78-86; on Alvise Cornaros’ treatises: Fiocco 1965;
Cornaro (ed. Carpeggiani) 1980; L. Orsini, in Beltramini, Burns
2005, cat. 48.
Howard Burns

32.11. ‘Temple
of Vesta’, Tivoli,
woodcut reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, IV,
pp. 92-93)

331 [32.11.]
 164. Giangiorgio Trissino
(1478-1550)
abc...
[Trissino’s alphabet; Trissino’s (?)
Italian translations of the Lord’s
Prayer and the Ave Maria
exemplifying the use
of his additional new letters]
1529
Vicenza, Tolomeo Ianiculo
(with Ianiculo’s publisher’s emblem
and the monogram t. ia),
Single sheet
198 × 273 mm
London, The British Library,
c.107.K.8
The sheet, presumably designed with
Trissino’s supervision, shows the
complete alphabet, in upper and lower
cases, together with the vowels,
diphthongs and numerous combin-
ations of vowels and consonants. The
two familiar prayers illustrate the use
of the new letters and indicate a desire
to reach (and influence orthographic-
ally and devotionally?) a wide market.
Trissino in his Epistola (1524) had
proposed the introduction of five new
letters into the Italian alphabet,
including the addition of two extra
vowels (using the Greek letters epsilon
and omega) to express open and closed
versions of ‘e’ and ‘o’. Trissino sub-
sequently created confusion by re-
versing the value of the omega and ‘o’
forms in his Dubbi grammaticali
(1529): this later convention is re-
flected in the prayers printed here. He
employed his alphabet in all his
autograph writings and printed works.
His radical (and partly sensible)
proposals provoked much debate, but
were not accepted, given their compli-
cation and conflict with accepted
Florentine usage.
Literature: Burns 1975, p. 78, cat. 147;
[164.] Galante 1980, p. 238, no. 12,
reproduced at pp. 236-237. For Tris-
sino’s orthographical writings: Castel-
vecchi 1986 (see also Castelvecchi’s
introduction, pp. xiii-lvii)
howard burns
165. Sebastiano Serlio (1475-1554)
‘D’Architettura/ Libri I-V/
In Venetia, ad istantia di Giovan
Battista e Marchio Sessa’
1559-1562
Bifolio
363 × 263 mm
History and ownership: Libreria
Antiquaria Gozzini, Florence (1912)
Florence, Kunsthistorisches Institut,
Max-Planck-Institut, H 838 (Raro)
In 1975 Howard Burns reported the
presence of an ownership note
(‘volume di Andrea paladio’) written
in a sixteenth-century hand at the foot
of the frontispiece of this exemplar of
[166.]
the first five books of Sebastiano
Serlio’s treatise on architecture (Burns
1975, cat. 141, pp. 75-76). Although
not recognisably the handwriting of
Palladio or one of his circle, there is no
reason to doubt that this book was in
the architect’s library. Together with
the London Polybius (cat. 177), this is
the only book belonging to him
identified so far. On page 64 of the last
book of the Quattro Libri, Palladio
cites Serlio as one of the great post-
Bramante artists and writers, and in
London there is an autograph Palladio
drawing of ancient sepulchres copied
from a sheet which belonged to the
Bolognese architect (riba viii/7:
Lewis 1981, cat. 21, pp. 42-43). The
pages of the book now in Florence
have no notes or postils, but this is not
surprising, since it is the umpteenth
late reprint of Serlio’s books. It is
certainly not the edition Palladio
studied during his apprenticeship,
when, probably thanks to Giangiorgio
Trissino, he actually met Serlio, who
was in Vicenza on several occasions in
the late 1530s. We can surmise that
Palladio bought this edition in the
early 1560s, when he was considering
what practical form to give to his
treatise and it was thus more useful as
a model of a publishing product than
for its specific architectural content.
Serlio’s Regole Generali sopra le
Cinque Maniere de gli Edifici
(‘General Rules upon the Five
Manners of Buildings’) and Libro de le
Antiquità (‘Book of Antiquities’) met
with great success when first published
in Venice in 1537 and 1540,
respectively, as evidenced by the
numerous editions (both authorised
and unauthorised) which continued to
roll off Venetian and European
printing presses for the whole of the
sixteenth century (Dinsmoor 1942;
Bury 1989; Vène 2007). In the Regole
Generali (later the Fourth Book) Serlio
illustrated for the first time the use of
the five orders in a clear and detailed
way, and provided a catalogue of his
inventions for palaces and furnishings;
the Libro de le Antiquità (better
known as the Terzo Libro) presents a
selection of ancient buildings together
with some modern ones which had
become classics, such as Bramante’s
Tempietto at San Pietro in Montorio
(which Palladio was also to publish;
cat. 33). In addition to filling a gap in
the market (this was actually the first
printed treatise on architecture since
Alberti’s De re aedificatoria), Serlio’s
two books were lavishly illustrated and
the layout of texts and figures on the
pages enabled readers systematically to
check the written information with
the corresponding figure. The folio
format reveals that the books were de
luxe publications intended for edu-
cated patrons and professionals. It was
not, however, without its faults.
Especially in the Third Book, the 332
 organisation of the material – as in the
books of drawings – was random and
the mixed sources used by the author
to document the architecture are
revealed by the vast range of units of
measurements (palmi romani, braccia
mantovane, piedi veronesi, etc.). The
concise accompanying texts, more-
over, basically consisted of long lists of
the dimensions of individual elements.
Palladio remedied all this by indi-
cating the measurements directly on
the figures. As far as the orders were
concerned, they were expressed,
according to the model of Vignola’s
Regola (1562), as multiples or fractions
of the Vitruvian module, i.e. the
radius of the column. Palladio was
almost certainly aware of the contents
of Serlio’s books on residential archi-
tecture, i.e. the Sixth Book (never
published) and the Seventh Book
(posthumously published in 1575).
The latter books were only completed
by the author after his move to France
in autumn 1541, but were mainly
drafted during his long stay in the
Veneto (Fiore 1994).
Literature: Dinsmoor 1942, i, pp. 55-
91, and ii, pp. 115-154; Burns 1975;
Lewis 1981; Bury 1989, pp. 92-101;
Fiore 1994.
maria beltramini
166. Jean Poldo d’Albenas
(1512-1563)
Perspective view
of the Maison Carrée
Engraving in: ‘Discours historial
de l’antique et illustre cité de Nismes,
en la Gaule Narbonnoise, avec les
portraitz des plus antiques & insignes
bastimens dudit lieu, réduitz à leur
vraye mesure & proportion, ensemble
de l’antique & moderne ville, par
Iean Poldo D’Albenas’; published
in Lyons by Guillaume Rouille, 1560
Folio
325 × 215 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi di
Architettura Andrea Palladio,
F.A. iii 41
Jean Poldo d’Albenas inherited a taste
for the antique from his father, who as
a city ‘consul’ had already undertaken
the task of collecting and conserving
the major ancient archaeological finds
in Nîmes and its region. An advisor to
the Présidial de Nîmes, Poldo
d’Albenas was a connoisseur of ancient
texts and a perceptive, expert reader of
Vitruvius and Alberti. In 1552 he also
read Guillaume Philandrier’s Anno-
tations in the extended version pub-
lished in Lyons. He was equally active
in the field, however, personally
measuring the walls of the city and
carefully inspecting all the monuments
333 of Nîmes and its region. His ‘Histor-
ical discourse on the ancient and
illustrious city of Nismes, in Gaule
Narbonnoise, with portraits of the most
ancient and illustrious buildings in
that place, reproduced in their true
dimensions and proportions, together
with the ancient and modern town’
published in Lyons (1559 and 1560),
brought him overnight fame. This
success was to a certain extent due to
the historical summary in the book,
whose accuracy was welcomed (for
example, his refutation of the previ-
ously accepted idea that the Maison
Carrée could have been the judicial
‘basilica’ dedicated to Plotinus by the
Emperor Hadrian, pp. 73-78). But the
popularity of the book was mainly due
to the quality of the updated
information and drawings dedicated to
town planning and monuments.
Fourteen full-page plates, including
twelve on the antiquities of Nîmes,
effectively located the work within the
category of architecture. Poldo d’Abe-
nas’s approach was unprecedented
compared to contemporary or later
sixteenth-century monographs pub-
lished on other French towns, such as
Toulouse (A. Noguier, 1556), Bordeaux
(E. Vinet, 1565) and Lyons (G.
Paradin, 1573). The Roman monu-
ments which most attracted his
attention were the Maison Carrée, the
‘Temple de la Fontaine’, the Tour
Magne, the Pont du Gard and the
amphitheatre. The reason there is no
illustration of the Tour Magne is
undoubtedly because of its run-down
appearance; nonetheless, he stresses its
architectural power and quality.
Although Poldo d’Abenas did not
make the drawings himself, he
scrupulously controlled their execution
and printing. The book offers plans of
the main buildings, plus a perspective
elevation and scaled details of the
orders. The entablature of the Maison
Carrée thus appears in an oblique
section, very probably inherited from
the method of representation used by
Bernardo della Volpaia in the
celebrated Codex Coner. Although the
draftsman did not have complete mas-
tery of the technique, since at times he
resorts to the perspective view, as can
be seen, for example in the frieze of the
Maison Carrée, his work offers the
advantage of a single drawing with
both a profile and a precise detailed
overall view. The same is true of the
three-quarter representation of the
Corinthian capitals (of the Maison
Carrée) or the Composite capitals (of
the Temple de la Fontaine), with a
scaled profile providing an effective,
economic and as complete as possible
image of these complex elements. Here
Poldo d’Abenas’s knowledge of Vitru-
vius emerges very clearly, since the
measurements of the sections are made
at various levels, held to be significant
according to the Roman theoretician’s
proportional system.
Of the three plates dedicated to the
Maison Carrée, the first (shown here)
presents the perspective elevation of
the building and its plan, with the
cornice of the door and the temple
cella. The perspective view is simpli-
fied as regards the decorations, since
there are no references to the spiral
garlands decorating the whole frieze
(except on the north front, reserved
for the dedicatory inscription). The
dimensions are reduced to a min-
imum, and the frontal stairway, con-
sidered not to be antique because
totally reconstructed, is not included.
It is also missing on the plan, which,
on the other hand, has an interesting
suggestion for the lower part of the
door and entrance. The complex
arrangement of the upper part of the
door is drawn with considerable care,
from the lobe-like bracket to the ovolo
crowning, although there are inaccur-
acies in the details of some mouldings.
The block surmounting the entire
door, pierced at the bottom by a
square whole, was part of the system
for attaching the wooden jambs of the
protective door panels (Amy, Gros
1979).
In Chapter 28 of the Fourth Book
of the Quattro Libri, Palladio, wholly
indebted to the drawings in Poldo
d’Abenas’s book, ‘corrects’ them to
make the presentation more rational,
but actually introduces a number of
rather serious mistakes, raising major
doubts about whether he actually
carried out a ‘post-mortem examin-
ation’ of the building. Nor was he
scrupulous about the scale, which he
reconstructs with, arguably, a discreet
allusion to the scamilli impares.
Literature: Forssman 1973b, pp. 22-23;
Amy, Gros 1979; Gros 1983, pp. 179-
189; Lemerle 2002, pp. 163-172;
Lemerle 2005, pp. 33-34, 62-64, 84-
89, 127-129, 220-234; Gros 2006, pp.
59-60.
pierre gros
167. Andrea Palladio
Study for the plate of the Ionic
capital and entablature in the
[165.]
Quattro Libri, profile of a fireplace
1562-1570; mature handwriting
Verso: study for Ionic entablature
and capital for the Quattro Libri; the
sheet is now separate from riba x/6r
(left) and Burlington’s recto
has become the verso
Watermark: countermark: ‘...B’;
Talman mark 150; ruler and stylus,
compasses, pen and dark brown ink;
calculations and small details and the
profile of a fireplace in graphite (?)
291 × 208 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘m[inuti] 52
1
/2’ on the upper column diameter;
‘m[inuti] 36 1/2’, the height of the
architrave; ‘m[inuti] 46 1/2’, the
 334
[167.]
 cornice height; in the calculation
at the top of the sheet the heights
of architrave frieze and cornice are
added to give 110 minuti; very faint,
almost illegible in graphite (?)
in the area of frieze and cornice: ‘Alto
tuto[?] p [?]3 o[nce] 7 1/2’; top right,
in ink, ‘questa cornise e divisa j[n]
parte 46 [1/2]’
Unit of measurement: none;
proportions are indicated in minuti;
the lower column diameter, the basic
module for the order, is divided into
60 minuti; in this way all elements,
down to the smallest details are
related to the column diameter
History and ownership: (Sir Henry
Wotton?); (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc216/x/6r
(right)
This is a preliminary study for the
plate in the Quattro Libri showing the
Ionic capital and entablature (ii, p.
36), closely based in its layout on the
corresponding plate in Vignola (1562),
but polemically different in several
details of the order: modillions, not
dentils, supporting the cornice (de-
rived, as Inigo Jones notes, from the
Temple of Saturn, Quattro Libri, iv, p.
127); a pulvinated frieze; beading in
the architrave, and a more ornate
capital. The sheet already corresponds
closely to the page size of the book
(about 293 × 200 mm); the key elem-
ent, the column diameter (60.5 mm),
is identical to that in the Quattro Libri;
other features differ only slightly, the
result of fine tuning between this draft
and the final version. The plan of the
capital is unfinished and the drawing is
necessarily a mirror image of the
printed plate. In the study, Palladio has
335 left space to show the side of the Ionic
capital, but has not drawn it. He has
picturesquely split the entablature,
showing the division of the architrave
into five parts and its fasciae with the
proportions 5:4:3 (Vitruvius, 3,5,10).
He relegates this information to the
text in the printed book, where the
entablature is unbroken. The rosette
on the underside of the cornice is here
merely a faint pencil doodle. The
sketch of the sinuous profile of a fire-
place mantel, with a pulvinated sur-
round to the opening, is one of the few
surviving indications of Palladio’s
involvement in the design of decora-
tive details.
Literature: Vignola 1562, pl. xviiii;
Palladio 1570, ii, p. 36; Zorzi 1959, p.
154, no. 73 and fig. 307bis; Spielmann
1966, p. 141, no. 30; Allsopp 1970, p.
9 (Jones writes that a drawing for the
Quattro Libri plate – but which draw-
ing ? – belonged to Sir Henry
Wotton); Marini 1980a, pp. 426-427
and fig. 19.
howard burns
168. Andrea Palladio
Study for the elevation
and section of the courtyard
of Palazzo Thiene published
in the Quattro Libri
1560s; mature handwriting
Ruler and stylus, compasses, pen and
brown ink; until recently, this sheet
was pasted (probably by Burlington)
to Palladio’s study for the Quattro
Libri plate showing the corner
of the palace; Talman mark 150
(on the verso)
277 × 189 mm
Notes on the drawing: in the hand
of Palladio’s son Orazio (?), ‘la faccia
di dentro sopra la corte del C.[Conte]
Ottavio’; in Palladio’s hand, p[iedi],
o[nce] (several times)
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings and
Archives Collection, sc227/xvii/10r
(left)
Just as Palladio was ready to redesign
the details of ancient buildings when
he came to publish them (cat. 169a), so
too he often ‘improved’ his own
buildings for the Quattro Libri,
thereby confusing scholars from
Bertotti Scamozzi on, who thought
the Quattro Libri plates represented his
real projects. His revisions served in
part to eliminate irregularities (as in
the plan of Palazzo Valmarana; section
20) and what by 1570 he considered
stylistic infelicities. His most radical
paper revision is that of Palazzo Thiene
(section 4). A long time had passed
since building work began in 1542.
Moreover, the real creator of the
design, Giulio Romano, was stylistic-
ally uncongenial: he is never men-
tioned by Palladio among the great
architects of the time. In this prelimin-
ary mirror-image drawing for the
Quattro Libri (ii, p. 15), Palladio makes
the courtyard elevation more ornate
and courtly (suiting Count Ottavio’s
new status as ruler of the County of
Scandiano). But he weakens and trans-
forms Giulio’s powerful elevation with
its vigorous, irregular rustication, its
narrow, compressed upper arcades,
and the stark weight of pedestals
sitting – without the high-heel lift of a
socle moulding – directly on the string
course. In this drawing Palladio fixes
the spirit of his remake, though the
details of the corner bay and the
windows have not yet reached their
final form. Orazio’s added captions
show his involvement in the editorial
process.
Literature: Puppi 1973, p. 254; Burns
1975, p. 38; Lewis 1981, pp. 91-92;
Burns, in Gombrich 1989, pp. 505-
506; Lewis 2000, pp. 120-121; Burns
2007, pp. 92-93, fig. 74; Forster 2007.
howard burns
169a. Andrea Palladio
Recto
Plan, elevation and details of the
Round Temple (‘Temple
of Vesta’) in the Forum Boarium,
Rome
1560s; mature handwriting
Plan and elevation: ruler and stylus,
compasses, pen and brown ink, brush
and pale grey wash; details: pen
and brown ink, drawn freehand;
underdrawing and some calculations
in black chalk or graphite; the note
at the bottom of the page was added
later by Palladio in a darker ink;
Talman mark 150 (on the verso)
293 × 206 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘questo tempio
e apreso ponte santa maria dito ponte
senatorio et e di marmo’; piedi
(twice); p[iedi], o[nce], m[inuti]
(many times); ‘modeno de le finestre’;
‘modeno de la porta’, ‘sofito’; ‘questo
serve p[er] grado’ (under the profile
of the base); ‘mancha a fare
li ornamenti’
Unit of measurement: piede vicentino
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings and
Archives Collection, sc213/viii/1br
(right)
This autograph sheet shows the first
stage in the preparation of the text and
illustrations for the Quattro Libri
relating to the well-preserved and ele-
gantly designed and executed Repub-
lican peripteral temple. Palladio eventu-
ally devoted three pages to the
building (Quattro Libri, iv, pp. 52-
54). Here he marshals on a single sheet
the plan, the combined elevation and
section, the entablature and other
details. They include the profile of the
base, with a note indicating that the
‘plinth’ was also the upper step, a
feature already praised by Alberti.
Palladio characteristically ‘improves’
on the original, making the details
more like those of the much later
Pantheon. He arbitrarily gives the
frieze a bulging profile in the overall
elevation (but not yet in the detail).
Palladio also replaces the alternating
high and low courses (pseudo-isodo-
mum) of the cella wall exterior with
blocks of equal height (isodomum).
The Quattro Libri plates follow the
drawings closely, including the dimen-
sions and the capital letters identifying
the details. The note added by Palladio
at the bottom of the sheet – ‘the
ornaments [details] have still to be
done’ – refers not to the details quickly
sketched here, but to the larger scale
drawing for Quattro Libri (iv, p. 54);
he writes a similar memo to himself
(‘the section has still to be done’) on
riba viii/1r (left).
Literature: Palladio 1570, iv, pp. 52-
54; Zorzi 1959, p. 80, fig. 181;
Spielmann 1966, pp. 38-39, 146-147,
cat. 62; Burns 1973a, p. 183; Lewis
2000, p. 67. On the temple: Alberti
(ed. Orlandi) 1966, 2, vii, 7, pp. 572-
573; Rakob, Heilmeyer 1974; Alberti
(ed. Rykwert, Leach, Tavernor) 1988,
vii, 7, p. 204; Gros 1996, i, p. 129.
howard burns
169b. Andrea Palladio
Verso
Draft text on the mausoleum built
by Maxentius on the Via Appia
1560s; mature handwriting
Pen and brown ink; Talman mark 150
Notes on the drawing: in Silla
Palladio’s hand, ‘A Santo Sebastiano
fuora di porta Apia si vede / parte
del seguente Tempio, il quale haveva
un / cortile, et intorno vi erano loggie
con i suoi volti. / I suoi vestiggi
dimostrano esser stato questo uno
edificio / bellissimo; quello c’ hora
si vede è fatto di pietra cotta / molto
politamente. ho posto tutte le misure
à suoi / luoghi [from here in
Palladio’s hand] et li ho poste le
colone le quale erano veramente [sic]
credo di questa misura p[er]ch[e] el
fondamento si vede et la di[stanza] /
da una alaltra certo questo tenpio era
cosa belisima / p[er]ch[e] quelo ch[e]
ve si vede di pietra cota e benisimo
fata’
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings and
Archives Collection, sc213/viii/1bv
(right)
The text accompanies the drawing of
the mausoleum (and surrounding
court), riba viii/1r (left), which Palla-
dio reconstructs as a sort of miniature
Pantheon close in appearance to his
later Tempietto at Maser (cat. 123).
This is an early draft for the longer and
more considered text of the Quattro
Libri (iv, p. 88). The handwriting, as
Zorzi noticed, corresponds closely with
signed autograph texts of Palladio’s son
Silla. The fragment is a striking
example of how Palladio was assisted
by his well-educated sons: their literary
competence was important, perhaps
indispensable, but it was Palladio who
made all the drawings and established
the content. Moreover, he was quite
used to writing texts to accompany his
drawings (cf. cat. 131). Here Palladio
demonstrates a self-critical approach,
substituting an unconvincing ‘truly’
(‘veramente’) with the more hesitant ‘I
believe’ (‘credo’) when addressing the
problem of the dimensions of the
missing portico columns. As in his
drafts of letters, Palladio writes swiftly
but without punctuation. And while
Silla writes ‘quello’, observing the
accepted literary spelling of ‘that’,
Palladio still writes ‘quelo’.
Literature: Palladio 1570, iv, p. 88;
Zorzi 1959, pp. 152, 193, figs 7, 9;
Spielmann 1966, p. 149, cat. 78 (Silla
Palladio and Palladio); Burns 1975, p.
104, cats 194-195; Marini, in Palladio
1980, p. 540; Puppi 1988, pp. 63-69,
100, and fig. 68. On Palladio’s
drawing of the mausoleum: Lewis
2000, pp. 65-66, cat. 23. On the
mausoleum: Rasch 1984.
howard burns
170. Domenico de’ Franceschi
(active in Venice, 1557-1573)
The Procession of Sultan
Suleiman to the Mosque
1563
Woodcut; frieze in nine blocks,
numbered ‘A’ to ‘I’
370 × 4550 mm (overall size)
London, Royal Academy of Arts
As the cartouche on the fourth block
indicates, this is a woodcut of
‘Soliman, Sultan Emperor of the
Turks, as when he goes to his Mosque
[the Süleymaniye Mosque] to pray’.
The drawing has sometimes been
directly attributed to Pieter Coeck van
Aelst, or at least to an artist inspired by
his series of Moeurs et fachons de Turcz
(Muraro, Rosand 1976), made during
a visit to Istanbul in 1533. Considering
its dimensions, the frieze was probably
conceived to be exhibited, possibly as a
wall decoration (Bury 2001). Twenty-
one different groups are depicted, each
accompanied by an inscription.
The printer is Domenico de’ Fran-
ceschi, a bookseller ‘at the sign of the
Queen’ in Frezzeria, Venice. He was
also the publisher of Palladio’s
Quattro Libri, and well-known for his
publications of engravings, including
six woodcuts of 1561 with The
Christian and Turkish Armies before
Vienna in 1532, and a collection of
drawings entitled Queen, Serena, Hope
and Faith of 1564.
In the cartouche, Domenico de’
Franceschi proudly claims he had
printed similar works in the past (‘In
the past, I already made, gentle
readers, the form of an exact Turkish
army and a Christian one’) and stresses
‘now having made [my italics] this
design’. His statement, when con-
sidered with other elements, such as
the fact that an engraver is never men-
tioned in his editions, suggests he
made the woodcuts for his own
publications, partly because he did not
have the resources to pay an artist, and
partly because he believed he was able
to do an excellent job himself. For
Palladio, both factors must have been
crucial. He could thus turn to a very
skilful woodcut specialist for the
publication of the Quattro Libri, who
was also inexpensive compared to the
bigger Venetian publishers. On similar
grounds, he would have chosen Pietro
de’ Francheschi for his illustrations of
Julius Caesar’s Commentaries (cat.
176), on the basis of the same kind of
agreement, whereby the architect
supplied the drawings and the printer
transformed them into plates, sharing
with him the costs and profits of the
whole publishing venture. 336
337
[168.]
 338
[169a.]
339
[169b.]
 Literature: Muraro, Rosand 1976;
Necipoğlu 1989, pp. 401-427; Bury
2001; Necipoğlu 2005, pp. 36-37, figs
1-9; Bacci 2008.
giorgio bacci
171. Andrea Palladio
[Fragment of Books III-IV of the
Quattro Libri] ‘Il Terzo/ Libro/
Dell’Architettura/ Di Andrea
Palladio./ Nel Quale Si Tratta/
delle Vie, de’ i Ponti, delle
Piazze,/ delle Basiliche, e de’
Xisti.’/ [Printer’s mark] / ‘In
Venetia,/ Appresso Dominico
de’/ Franceschi./ 1570.’
Folio
298 × 208 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi di
[170.]
Architettura Andrea Palladio,
cap c xvi 9
We know very little about how I
Quattro Libri dell’Architettura, printed
in Venice in 1570, was distributed.
This exemplar is significant evidence
of Palladio’s self promotion, since the
owner, Alvise Capra, noted on it:
‘Mandatami dall’Autore li 24 Sett[em-
b]re 1571’ (‘Sent to me by the Author
on 24 September 1571’).
Palladio sent Capra the third and
fourth books of his treatise, those
dedicated to Emanuele Filiberto of
Savoy (the first two had been dedi-
cated to Giacomo Angarano), who
was probably Capra’s employer. On
the last page of the book, another
member of the family, Paolo Capra,
noted the death of ‘ser[enissi]mo mio
signore’ (‘my most serene lord’)
Emanuele Filiberto on 30 August
1580.
Palladio may have met the duke in
Vicenza in 1566, when he was a guest of
the Piovene brothers, in the palace he
had designed (Magrini 1869, pp. 32-34)
(cat. 149). He travelled in the Duchy of
Savoy from the end of April to the
beginning of June 1568 (Tessari 1993, p.
10), and in 1575, the Duke of Savoy
granted him the printing rights for
Julius Caesar’s Commentaries (cat. 176),
possibly on the grounds of a shared
interest in ancient military institutions.
Literature: Puppi 1973, p. 380;
Battilotti 1999, pp. 499-500; Fara,
Tovo 2001, pp. 149-152.
guido beltramini
172. Andrea Palladio, Roland Fréart
de Chambray (1606-1676)
‘Les Quatre Livres/ De
L’Architecture/ D’André Palladio./
Mis en François./ Dans lesquels,/
après un petit Traitté des/ cinq
Ordres, avec quelques-/ unes des
plus necessaries ob-/ servations
pour bien bastir,/ Il parle
de la construction des/ maisons
particulières, des grands/ chemins,
des Ponts, des Pla-/ ces publiques,
des Xystes, des Basiliques, & des/
Temples./ A Paris,/ De l’Imprimerie
d’Edme Martin,/ ruë S. Iacques,
au Soleil d’or./ M. DC. L.’
Folio
348 × 259 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi
di Architettura Andrea Palladio,
cap d xvii 7
340
 Fréart’s French version of the Quattro
Libri (completed in manuscript by
1641) is an admirable translation and
an elegant facsimile. With a detailed
index, it constitutes the first scholarly
edition of the work. It also documents
last minute editorial decisions
concerning the Quattro Libri. In his
dedication Fréart, who in his Parallèle
(1650) shows his architectural learning
and discrimination, writes, echoing
Palladio, of the desire of his disgraced
and deceased patron and cousin
François Sublet de Noyers to publish
the book so as to ‘banish this ca-
pricious and monstrous fashion of
building, that certain moderns [i.e.
Borromini!] have unhappily intro-
duced like a heresy in the art’. He
recounts that ‘the fortune of this
version of Palladio is so peculiar’,
because he unexpectedly laid hands on
[171.]
341
‘the original plates of this Author’,
which made the publication possible.
Among the illustrations are three
which do not appear in the Italian
editions. Fréart writes they were found
‘among the others which were sent
here to me from Venice’ (p. 148). The
plates, definitely designed by Palladio,
are:
1) The plan and elevation of a fairly
modest villa or palazzo, with a loggia
on both floors. It somewhat resembles
the Villa Pisani at Montaganana, but
has features recalling the sketches for
Palazzo Volpe (cat. 147), the project
for G.B. Garazadori (Quattro Libri, ii,
p. 77) and even the Villa Emo. There
is a misprint in the ‘12’ dimension of
the rear rooms; if the dimensions at
the front are printed correctly the
width (57 piedi, plus 5 or 6 piedi of
wall) is close to that of the Pisani, Emo
and Volpe buildings, though the Literature: Blunt 1960; Lemerle 1997;
design may be for some unknown Palladio (ed. Lemerle) 1997. On
project. Fréart and his context: Palladio (ed.
2) The frontal elevation of the Lemerle) 1997; Connors 2000; Mi-
Doric temple at San Nicola in Car- gnot 2000; Fréart-Lemerle 2005. On
cere, Rome (iv, p. 328). As Fréart the Doric temple at San Nicola in
notes, this is based on a plate of Carcere: Crozzoli Aite 1981.
Labacco (1552). Unlike Palladio’s
drawing of the temple (riba xi/6), howard burns
here the triglyphs are placed in Greek
fashion on the corners (fig. 32.10).
3) The plan of the same temple (iv,
p. 329), which follows Labacco in
showing a deep porch and in correctly
placing eleven columns along the side,
is similar to that of the Peripteros
temple plan in Vitruvius (1556, pp. 72,
114), itself a last minute correction: the
new version with front and rear
porches is simply pasted over the
printed drawing.
[172.]
 33. Ancient Battles
In 1575 Palladio published an illustrated Italian edition of Julius
Caesar’s Commentaries. Five years later, his death halted the
publication of Polybius’ Histories, which included forty-three
engravings showing armies deployed at various battles: from Cannae
to Zamas, Mantinea and Cynoscephalae. At the height of his career,
Palladio invested time, energy and money into two publishing
ventures far removed from architecture. In fact the two publications
were part of a world of military matters which had attracted Palladio’s
interest since his youth, when it formed an integral part of his
education undertaken by Giangiorgio Trissino (cat. 9).
As John Hale has shown, sixteenth-century Venice was one of the
most active centres in Europe for military publications dealing with
matters such as fortifications, tactics, artillery, fencing and even
medicine. The distinguishing element in the Venetian production of
such books was the widespread belief in the importance of the
example of the Classical Greek and Roman writers, shared by men of
letters and professional soldiers. This was combined with particular
33.1. Albrecht Dürer,
Siege of a City (1527) care shown towards the reader. The books were supplemented with
33.2. Cat. 176, detail tables of contents, indices, marginal notes and even accompanied by
[33.1.]
the publication of compendia illustrating the texts, such as the series
entitled Gioie (‘Gems’) which Gabriele Giolito published from 1557
to 1570 (Hale 1980, pp. 257-268). Many of the leading players in this
milieu were linked to Trissino, albeit in different ways: cultivated
soldiers like Giovan Jacopo Leonardi, the Vicentine Valerio
Chiericati (fig. 33.6) or the Friulian Mario Savorgnan (fig. 33.11), and
men of letters such as Francesco Robortello (fig. 33.8) or Francesco
Patrizi. In Venice, in addition to the flourishing business of books on
military matters, there was a lively production of popular prints,
often reproducing contemporary battles, made almost immediately
after the events.
Palladio’s two contributions must be seen in this particularly fertile
context. When he drafted them, however, there had been few
precedents for their particular communicational strategy and impact.
The texts of Caesar and Polybius were systematically illustrated
through some forty plates, with special care being taken over the
relation between text and image, thanks to a well-planned system of
cross-reference. The abundant use of illustrations was a new
development when compared, for example, to Fra Giovanni Giocondo’s
342
33.3. Giangiorgio
Trissino, studies
after Aelian Tacticus.
Milan, Biblioteca
Braidense, MS
Castiglioni 8/3, fol. 30

33.4. Niccolò
Machiavelli, fifth
figure from L’Arte
della guerra
(Florence 1521)

[33.3.] [33.4.]

edition of Caesar’s text printed by Aldo Manuzio in 1513, which only
had seven. As regards the content of the engravings, Palladio was not
interested in the clashes between the armies or the commanders’ feats:
Caesar, Hannibal or Philip of Macedonia never appear, unlike Darius
and Alexander in the Battle of Isso painted by Albrecht Altdorfer in
Munich (1529) or Floris’s drawings of Charles V’s Tunis campaign.
Palladio’s battles without heroes focus on the geographical features of
the site, and the composition and deployment of the armies in the
field. In short, they showed ‘the architecture of battles’.
In pursuing this aim, Palladio did not follow the method of
representing armies in the field with conventional diagrams typical of
the first half of the century and derived from the text of Aelian
(Aelianus Tacticus), adopted by Machiavelli in L’Arte della guerra
(‘The Art of War’, Florence 1521; fig. 33.4) or by Battista della Valle
(cat. 174). This convention continued up to the period of Palladio’s
enterprise in books like Il soldato (‘The Soldier’) by Domenico Mora
(Venice 1569) (fig. 33.7) in which the battle of Pharsalus, between
Caesar and Pompey, is schematised in a series of letters. Palladio, on
the other hand, chose to represent the battles set in the landscape, in
a realistic fashion, with bird’s eye views, as Dürer had done in the
engraving showing The Siege of a City (1527) (fig. 33.1) and as popular
prints also did.
Palladio may have known of many contemporary Veneto
publishing ventures on the subject: for example, Della milizia
terrestre e marittima (‘Of Armies and Navies’; fig. 33.11) by Trissino’s
friend Mario Savorgnan (1513-1572), published posthumously in 1599,
but already in circulation in the 1560s, as demonstrated by the extract
sent by the author to Alvise Cornaro in 1562 (Lippi 1983, pp. 170-171),
or Gl’ordini della militia romana. Tratti da Polibio in figure di rame
(‘The Orders of the Roman Militia. After Polybius in engraved
copper plates’; fig. 33.5) which Giovanni Franco published in Venice
in 1573. This was a ten-page leaflet, including eight with illustrations,
announcing the forthcoming publication of an edition of Polybius,
systematically illustrated by Franco’s uncle Francesco Patrizi; the
work only actually saw the light of day in 1583 (Marciani 1970-1971a,
pp. 306-308). Compared to these books, Palladio’s description of the
landscape is more accurate and realistic (his antiquarian geography
owes much to the cartographic knowledge of Cristoforo Sorte), and

33.5. Giovanni
Franco, ‘Formation
of the Roman legion.
After Polybius’,
engraving
reproduced in
Gl’ordini della militia
romana. Tratti
da Polibio in figure
di rame (Venice 1573)

33.6. Valerio
Chiericati,
manuscript of
Della Milizia. Venice,
Museo Correr,
MS 883

[33.5.] [33.6.]
344
 [33.7.] [33.8.]
is also conveyed in words thanks to alphabetical letters added to the
images which referred to a legend on the back of the plate. This
method, also used in the Quattro Libri, and the kind of bird’s eye
view employed link his Commentaries to a splendid military book
from the German-speaking world: Von Kayserlichem Kriegssrechten
(‘Of Caesar’s Rules of War’; fig. 33.14) by Leonhart Fronsperger,
published in Frankfurt in 1566 (Hale 1977, p. 248). Palladio may have
known this work through Ippolito Porto, who referred to it when he
commissioned Battista Zelotti to make frescoes of his own military
deeds in the Villa di Torri at Quartesolo, Vicenza (fig. 33.13) before
1572. Given the affinities between the villa frescoes and the plates in
the Commentaries, Zelotti, a Veronese painter and a close collabor-
ator of Palladio, is a good candidate for the artist who translated
Palladio’s ideas into drawing, although there can be no doubt about
intellectual property of the venture. In fact, Palladio planned the
images, chose the subject to be illustrated, its mode of representation
and probably even made the first sketches.
The search for figurative sources should not, however, obscure a
substantial new development: the decision to illustrate the text with
345
sequential views, rather like ‘stills’ in a film. Of course, accompanying 33.7. Domenico
Mora, Battle of
a text with images was a familiar method for an architect used to Pharsalus between
Caesar and Pompey,
tackling the exegesis of Vitruvius. In the Quattro Libri, Palladio had in Il soldato (Venice
1569)
already dealt with the bridge over the Rhine made by Caesar, quoting
33.8. Francesco
the passage in Latin and offering his own translation, accompanied by Robortello, critical
illustrated edition
an illustration with an explanatory legend (Beltramini, Gros 2002, pp. of Aelian Tacticus
(Venice 1552,
185-186). But this was a method of visualising technical details, whereas pp. 52-53)
the model of the ‘film stills’ for the Commentaries and Histories must
be sought in the books of Giangiorgio Trissino. Palladio explicitly
states his debt to his mentor in having initiated him in studies of
ancient military affairs (Palladio 1570, Proemio). On reading the pages
dedicated to battles in La Italia liberata da Gotthi (‘Italy Freed from the
Goths’; Rome-Venice 1547-1548) (cat. 9), however, we realise that
Trissino dramatises the texts on ancient tactics. In the passage in Book
xii, when the Goth infantry is arrayed to form an acute angle in the
shape of a ‘falange antistoma duplare’ (‘twofold antistoma phalanx’), in
order to trap the enemy cavalry, deployed in a rhombus, Trissino
literally sets on the stage the formations described (and schematised in
a diagram) in Aelian’s text (Beltramini 2008, p. 221).
[33.9.] [33.10.

33.9. Alexandria,
Egypt (cat. 176)
We must also go back to Giangiorgio Trissino to understand
33.10. Siege of
Palladio’s interest in these subjects, which primarily came from the
Taranto (cat. 177) Vicentine Humanist’s cultural legacy, in which drama, architecture
and ancient military affairs were combined in an integrated vision of
Classicism (Burns 2003a, p. 378). It is no accident that Palladio’s
drawings for studies of military formations date from his early years
(cat. 175a/b) and the only illustration included in La Italia liberata da
Gotthi was probably his: it shows Belisarius’ camp, clearly derived
from Polybius’s text, on which Machiavelli had already based one of
the figures included in L’Arte della guerra (1521). Although Palladio
never mentions Machiavelli, his debt to the Florentine Humanist
should not be underestimated. Palladio obviously not only shared
with Machiavelli the interest in studying ancient writers as a model
for contemporary military affairs, but also a belief in the importance
of method and discipline rather than new weapons introduced to the
field. As the illustrations chosen for Palladio’s two editions reveal,
both men also believed in the crucial role of battles in resolving
conflicts (Gilbert 1944, pp. 17-18). Moreover, just as Machiavelli turns
to the experience of the ancients to shape the battalions of Florentine
peasants, so too Palladio seems to be inspired by a practical aim,
which must be seen against the background of the Venetian
Republic’s considerations about strengthening its own territorial
militia. Although in the second half of the sixteenth century (and not
only in the Veneto) there was a process of specialisation as regards
fortifications, in which soldiers and engineers tended to exclude
architects, Palladio’s only occasional interest in this field is surprising
(Puppi 1998, pp. 177-178). The overt explanation is given in the
foreword to the Commentaries, where he asserts that the best defence
does not lie in walls and bastions, but in the effective organisation of
armies. Just as ancient buildings were the source for constructing
buildings of ‘our time’, so too an effective army could be built on the
basis of the lessons of Caesar, Hannibal or Scipio. Palladio did not
only make available the material for this project to readers. He even
organised a practical demonstration (date unknown, but before 1575),
guiding 500 oarsmen of galleys and scout vessels as they impeccably
engaged in the manoeuvres described by Aelian, in the presence of
Francesco Patrizi and the Venetian military leaders, including Valerio
Chiericati (Hale 1977, pp. 243-244). Chiericati was the prototype of

33.11. Mario
Savorgnan, Siege of
Alesia,
in Della milizia
terrestre and
marittima (Venice
1599, pp. 83-84)

33.12. Siege of Alesia

(cat. 176)

[33.11.] [33.12.]
346
 [33.13.] [33.14.

the Humanist soldier and the author of a treatise (which remained in the curved deployment of armies in the Worcester College drawing 33.13. Battista Zelotti
and workshop, Battle
manuscript) on ancient armies, successfully used to organise the (cat. 175a/b) (Burns 2002, p. 378, note 35), also found in the probable between two armies,
fresco removed from
cernide (territorial militia) of Friulian peasants. Palladio had words of source for Palladio’s schemes, Battista della Valle’s treatise entitled Villa da Porto, Torri
di Quartesolo.
praise and admiration for Chiericati both in the Commentaries and Vallo (fig. 33.15 and cat. 174): in this work the battalion of ‘300 pikes Vicenza, Palazzo
Trissino
the Histories (Puppi 1980b, pp. 693-696). This was not enough to and two lunettes’ foreshadows the unusual form of the villa designed 33.14. Leonhart
protect him, however, from an invective by Chiericati’s cousin, for Leonardo Mocenigo ‘for his site on the Brenta’ (fig. 33.16) Fronsperger, Siege
of a city, in Von
Filippo Pigafetta, who in the dedicatory letter of his own translation (Palladio 1570, ii, p. 66). Kayserlichem
Kriegssrechten
from the Greek of another treatise on tactics, Leone Imperatore (Frankfurt 1566)

(‘Emperor Leo [vi of Byzantine]’), writes: ‘they, after having seen it
[Chiericati’s manuscript], also began to draw and print plates of
deployments and military affairs upon the Commentaries of Caesar
and the Histories of Polybius, spoiling their meaning and obscuring
clear matters (Leone Imperatore 1586, ‘Lettera dedicatoria a Gian
Luigi e Marcantonio Corner’).
Lastly, a link between Palladio’s military studies and his archi-
tecture is not only established in terms of ideas through Vitruvius, an
engineer in Caesar’s army, but also by observing how the arrangement
of military formations could be reflected in the composition of the
various parts of villa complexes. This is the case, for example, with
Literature: Machiavelli 1521, 2001 edn; Leone Imperatore 1586;
Gilbert 1944, pp. 3-25; Marciani 1970-1971, pp. 177-198; Marciani
1970-1971a, pp. 303-313; Puppi 1973a, pp. 180-181; Hale 1975, pp. 99-
119; Hale 1977, pp. 240-255; Hale 1980, pp. 243-288; Puppi 1980b,
pp. 693-696; Lippi 1983; Pezzolo 1983, pp. 59-80; Hale 1990; Pezzolo
1998, pp. 55-72.
Guido Beltramini

33.15. Battista della

Valle, Battalion
of 300 pikes and two
lunettes, in Vallo
(Venice 1539)

33.16. Villa Mocenigo

alla Brenta, woodcut
reproduced
in I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 78)

347
[33.15.] [33.16.
[173.]

348
 173. Aelianus Tacticus
(second century)
Tattica
c. 1330
ms
318 × 252 (the text is on fols 142r-
157v in a miscellaneous volume)
History and ownership: Basilius
Bessarion (1408-1472); Biblioteca
Marciana, Venice, since 1468
Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale
Marciana, ms Gr. Z. 516 (904)
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
John Hale was the first to associate this
manuscript with Palladian circles,
noting that the diagrams of the military
formations in Trissino’s manuscript
(fig. 33.3), now in the Biblioteca Na-
zionale Braidense, Milan (Puppi 1973b,
fig. 4), had been taken from this manu-
script in Cardinal Bessarion’s legacy to
the Venetian Republic in 1468 (Hale
1977, p. 244). Aelian’s treatise written
in the second century AD, consisting
of fifty-five chapters on the formations
of the Macedonian army of Alexander’s
successors, was a fundamental text for
Renaissance military culture. It was
first published in Latin in 1487, and
then in Bologna in 1496 in 1505. The
accompanying diagrams were made up
of the letters of the Latin alphabet, with
a few exceptions, such as the Greek
lambda to indicate forces on horseback
(Hale 1988, pp. 282 and 290). And it
was actually a horseback formation
deployed in a rhombus, from a printed
edition of Aelian, that Burns identified
in the left-hand margin of an auto-
graph drawing made by the young
Palladio on riba viii/14v (Burns 1975,
p. 44). Aelian’s text was reprinted
several times in the sixteenth century,
often together with Vegetius’ work. In
1551 an Italian translation was
published in Venice and the following
year in Florence, always with diagrams
essentially based on the Bologna
edition of 1496. In 1552 the Humanist
Francesco Robortello printed in Venice
the Greek and Latin edition of Aelian,
declaring he had based his work on this
Marciana manuscript. As Daniele
Barbaro was to do with the text of
Vitruvius, Robortello added his own
comments and schemes and, most
importantly, he replaced the original
diagrams with small figures of armies
(fig. 33.8). A friend of Trissino,
Robortello dedicated the Greek edition
to Mario Savorgnan, who was to
illustrate his own treatise on ancient
and modern battles with realistic
images, which was later to provide a
model for Palladio’s publication of
Caesar. The intellectuals in Trissino’s
circles thus shared the same aim of
‘bringing to life’ Aelian’s abstract
diagrams. In the first plate of Polybius,
Palladio shows diagrams of cavalry,
using Robortello’s system of represen-
tation.
349
Literature: Aelianus Tacticus 1552;
Aelianus Tacticus 1552a; Dain 1946;
Puppi 1973b; Hale 1977, pp. 240-255;
Zorzi 1986, pp. 118 and 450, no. 298;
Hale 1988, pp. 284-298.
guido beltramini
174. Battista della Valle (1470-1550)
‘Vallo libro continente
appertinente à Capitanij,
retenere & fortificare una citta
con bastioni, ... Stampata
in Vineggia, per Vettor.q. Piero
Ravano della Serena et compagni,
1539 del mese di settembre’
Octavo
152 × 100 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca civica Bertoliana,
C 15.1.16
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
Apart from his native town, Venafro
(Isernia), we know very little about
Battista della Valle, a soldier in the
service of Giovanni della Rovere: his
date of birth is uncertain, presumed to
be around 1470, and he is thought to
have died around 1550. There is no
doubt, however, about the popularity
of his book, published in Naples in
1521 and then re-published in Venice
(1524, 1529, 1531, 1535, 1539, 1543,
1550, 1558, 1564) and Lyons (1529),
translated into French (Lyons 1554),
partly into German (Frankfurt 1620)
and into Spanish (1590).
In Vallo, della Valle writes as a
soldier for soldiers with essentially
practical purposes. The work is
divided into four books: the first is
dedicated to the role of the Captain,
the construction of bastions (and
their destruction with mines) and
water clocks; the second is on
machines of warfare, and the fourth
on duelling. Arranged in forty-four
chapters, the third book, using a
simplified system of symbols, shows
the deployment of soldiers: those
armed with lances are indicated by the
letter ‘d’ and those with firearms by
the letter ‘o’, while a flag with a ‘B’
encircled by ‘p’s, presumably stands
for select troops on horseback
(lancers); canons are represented by
pictograms. Wholly unlike Machia-
velli’s L’Arte della guerra, in which the
diagrams are an aid to the pre-
ponderant text, in Vallo the images
dominate the page and the texts are
reduced to captions. In his drawings
of military formations (cat. 175a/b),
Palladio seems to be reflecting on
these diagrams, which, in turn, are
surprisingly close to the plan of
Palladian villas, such as that of the
battalion of ‘400 pikes’ in Chapter
xxii (similar to the Villa Badoer at
Fratta Polesine) and the ‘battalion of
300 pikes and two lunettes’ in
Chapter xv (to the Villa Mocenigo)
(figs 33.15-16).
[174.]
 Literature: Hale 1988, pp. 284-298;
Muccillo 1989, pp. 728-729.
guido beltramini
175a/b. Andrea Palladio
Studies of military formations
1540s
Verso: studies of ancient military
formations
Ruler and stylus, pen and brown ink
c. 583 (very jagged edge) × 437 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘Nota che ogni
ligione sie fanti quatro milia e 200 et
cavali 300 sono in tuto fanti 16 milia
e 800 et cavali mile 200 sencca [?]
li fanti extraordinari et li cavali
extraordinari li quali fanti sono 800
et li cavali 400. Cada una ligione
va partida in quatro parte li primi si
adimandano hastati e sono mile 200,
[175a.]
li segondi si adimandano principi et
sono mile 200 li tercii si adimandano
triari sono n° 600 et tuti questi sie
armati de arme grave, li son poi mile
200 veloci armati ala ligera’
No scale
History and ownership: Inigo Jones;
John Webb; George Clarke;
Worcester College since 1736
Oxford, The Provost and Fellows
of Worcester College, uncatalogued 6
On this sheet, noted by Howard
Burns in 2003, Palladio describes the
structure of the Roman legion and
sketches a series of military for-
mations (Burns 2002, p. 378). The
text paraphrases part of the text of
Book vi of the Histories, in which
Polybius describes the composition of
the four urban legions, each made up
of 4,200 infantrymen and 300
cavalrymen, to which were added
select corps of 200 infantrymen and
100 cavalrymen. He then describes
the internal divisions: 1,200 hastati,
1,200 principes, 600 triarii and 1,200
velites, the latter equipped with light
javelins (Storie, vi, 20-21). The same
passage is published in his foreword to
Caesar’s Commentaries, in which, as in
the introduction to Polybius, he
claims his reference sources were
Vegetius, Aelianus Tacticus, Emperor
Leo vi and Appian.
It is not easy to identify the sources
for the formations shown on the recto
and verso of this sheet. Unlike the
lambda wedge drawn on riba viii/14v,
the direct source is probably not
Aelian. The simplified system of
symbols for the soldiers (reduced to a
simple circle with or without slashes),
the presence of the letter ‘B’ between
350
 the rows on the left-hand diagram on
the recto and the affinities between the
left-hand diagram on the verso with the
engagement of the two battalions ‘a
forfice e in triangolo’ (‘in scissors and
triangle’), printed in Chapter xliii of
Vallo, suggest this sheet documents his
reflections initially prompted by
Battista della Valle’s text. In this case,
however, it would be difficult to
understand what the groups of simple
small circles represent. In the sym-
bology of the Vallo they would be
soldiers armed with muskets, who,
however, do not form independent bat-
talions but are alternated with
battalions of men armed with pikes:
‘Da notare che quelli over ponti, che
stanno fra le piche, sono scopetti’
(‘Note that those small circles between
the pikes, are muskets’: Della Valle
1539, fol. 31v). In the legend to the
[175b.]
351
diagrams for Machiavelli’s L’Arte della
guerra, ‘infantrymen with pikes’ are
represented by the letter ‘o’ with a slash,
as in Palladio’s drawing, whereas a
simple letter ‘o’ indicates ‘infantrymen
with shields’ (Machiavelli 1521, 2001
edn, fol. 115v), referred to as ‘velites’ in
the printed editions of Aelian. This
would make them compatible with the
second illustration in the Com-
mentaries, in which the infantrymen
‘armati alla leggiera’ (‘with light arms’)
are set beside both the legion and the
phalanx. In short, the diagrams on this
sheet could have been invented by
Palladio on the basis of ancient and
contemporary sources.
Literature: Burns 2002, pp. 378 and
385.
guido beltramini
176. Andrea Palladio
‘I Commentari/ Di C. Giulio/
Cesare,/ Con Le Figure In Rame
De Gli/ alloggiamenti, de’ fatti
d’arme, delle circonvallationi
delle cit-/tà, & di molte altre cose
notabili descritte in essi./ Fatte
da Andrea Palladio per facilitare/
a chi legge, la cognition
dell’historia./ Con Privilegi/
In Venetia,/ Appresso Pietro
De’ Franceschi./ M. D. LXXV.’
Quarto
221 × 162 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi di
Architettura Andrea Palladio,
cap a xvi 11
In the last months of 1574, Palladio
sent a petition to the Venetian Signoria
asking for the ‘privilege’ to print an
illustrated edition of Julius Caesar’s
Commentaries. This application for
the ‘copyright’ for fifteen years did not
concern the main text but his own
introduction and the illustrations,
laboriously made with ‘much expense
and many vigils’. The request (known
to Temanza and Magrini) was
approved by the Senate on 2 March
1575, after having been examined by
the Riformatori dello Studio di Padova
(14 December 1574) and a licence to
print had been granted by the Council
of Ten on 5 January 1575.
At the same time Palladio also
requested the privilege from Emma-
nuel Philibert of Savoy, which was
duly granted on 28 January 1575. The
book begins with a dedicatory letter to
Giacomo Buoncompagno, described
as ‘generale di santa Chiesa’. Given
that on 1 August 1575 Buoncompagno
 became general commander of the
cavalry of Philip ii, by that date the
book was presumably already pub-
lished (Hale 1977, p. 241). The date
1574 printed at the end of the book
contradicts the ‘1575’ indicated on the
frontispiece, but this second date was
undoubtedly the year of printing.
The printing was done by Pietro de’
Franceschi, brother and heir of the
recently deceased Domenico de’
Francheschi (cat. 170), who in 1570
had published the Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura. The text of the
petition of 1574 suggests that the
publisher’s role in the venture was
basically confined to that of printing.
By now free of privilege, Baldelli’s
translation of 1564 was used and,
according to the text of the petition,
Palladio covered the expenses for the
forty-two engravings. Four of the
[176.]
engravings were used for the intro-
ductory text: they show the Roman
camp, the structure of the legion and
the phalanx, and maps of Spain and
France. The other 38 plates illustrate
Caesar’s text. For these, Palladio
devised a precise system of cross-refer-
ences between words and images. In
the upper left-hand margin of every
plate is a letter of the alphabet,
repeated both in the margin of the text
and within the relevant passage. As a
further precautionary measure, on the
back of the plate, the relevant page of
the reference is indicated, together
with a legend referring to the other
letters on the plate. Some images are
in sequence, such as the two stages in
the battle of the Axona (F and G) and
the three stages in the Siege of Alesia
(T, X and Y). In other plates, such as
those for the battle of Bibracte (C),
three stages in the fighting appear in
the same plate. Three plates show
more technical illustrations: Caesar’s
bridge over the Rhine (K), a section of
‘French-style’ wall, made with wooden
beams and plugged with stones (P),
and the view of a section of Caesar’s
double fortified camp at Alesia (Y).
In the dedicatory letter and Proe-
mio, Palladio actually states that the
illustrations were made by his sons
Leonida and Orazio, who both died in
the early months of 1572. But nothing
of their little-known activities justifies
this statement, thus legitimating
critics’ doubts about the attribution
(Isermeyer 1979, pp. 267-268). What-
ever the case, in the frontispiece,
Palladio claims authorship of the
book. Attempting to identify the artist
who made the engravings takes us to a
villa at Torri di Quartesolo, near
Vicenza, with frescoes painted before
1572, commissioned by Ippolito Porto,
the Vicentine noble who won
distinction as a military commander
in the service of Charles v, taking part
in the battle of Mülberg in 1547.
Among the frescoes (removed in the
nineteenth century and now partly
preserved in the Municipio di Vi-
cenza; fig. 33.13), together with images
of Porto’s heroic deeds, there is a view
undoubtedly derived from Leonhart
Fronsperger’s Von Kayserlichem Kriegs-
srechten, published in Frankfurt in
1566. The history of the decorative
apparatus in the Villa Porto still has
many lacunae. It was possibly the
work of several hands, but the current
attribution to Battista Zelotti seems
plausible, at least for some of the work
(Brugnolo Meloncelli 1992, pp. 123-
124). This also suggests that the Vero-
352
 nese artist, who collaborated several
times with Palladio (cats 36 and 60),
may have made the drawings for the
engravings.
Literature: Temanza 1762, p. lxi, no.
33; Magrini 1845, appendix pp. 29-43,
annotations, pp. xlvii-xlix, no. 65;
Burns 1975, p. 110; Isermeyer 1979,
pp. 253-271; Tiepolo 1980, pp. 71-72;
Puppi 1982, pp. 11-32; Puppi 1988, pp.
175-196; Brugnolo Meloncelli 1992;
Puppi 1999, pp. 523-526.
guido beltramini
[177.]
353
177. Andrea Palladio
Mock-up of an illustrated Italian
edition of Polybius’ Histories
Quarto
198 × 155 mm
London, the British Library, 293.g.20
Written off as lost by critics from
Algarotti to Magrini, after almost four
centuries, Palladio’s preparatory ma-
terial for an illustrated Italian edition
of Polybius’ Histories came to light in
London and Florence in the space of
nine years. In 1977 John Hale found a
manuscript introduction and forty-
three illustrations (including thirty-
five with legends on the verso) inserted
in a 1564 edition of Polybius in the
British Library. Although the texts
were written by two different hands
(neither can be attributed to Palladio),
Hale realised this was a mock-up for
Palladio’s edition, although the ques-
tion as to who inserted the plates in
the printed volume remains unsolved:
Palladio himself or, two centuries later,
Consul Joseph Smith, who sold it to
King George iii (Hale 1977, pp. 248-
252)? In 1986, the sales catalogue of
the Florentine booksellers Gonnelli
featured a second copy of Palladio’s
Polybius. This was also the 1564
printed edition with forty-three plates
and the same manuscript introduction
inserted. But unlike the London
edition, it also had a copy of Palladio’s
dedicatory letter to Francesco de’
Medici, dated 15 September 1579
(Gonelli 1986-1987, pp. 37-38). Recog-
nising the hand of Silla Palladio in the
texts, and considering the fact that this
exemplar was more complete, Puppi
relegated the British Library exemplar
to the status of a copy, presumably
made for precautionary reasons, and
proposed the Florence one as the
genuine original Palladian mock-up
(Puppi 1988, pp. 182-183).
But in fact both scholars overlooked
a crucial clue: the fact that Palladio
had personally intervened on the
British Library manuscript. In the
legend on the plate between folios 200
and 201, he corrected the copyist’s
mistake of ‘Hasdrubal’ in ‘Hannibal’
and indicated on twenty-eight of the
forty-three plates the place in the
edition where they should be inserted,
starting from the first, on ‘carte 13’, up
to the last to be inserted at ‘carte 537’.
A comparison of the two exemplars
is very telling. The forty-three illus-
trations are the same, although in the
English mock-up the quality of
printing is poorer: for example, in the
upper right-hand margin of the
[178.]

354
 engraving inserted on ‘carte 115’, there
is a regular-shaped lacuna clearly
caused by the corner of a sheet being
placed over it. Moreover, in the British
Library exemplar, eight captions are
completely missing, and six have been
written in handwriting which is
definitely not sixteenth-century:
Palladio’s autograph indications never
appear on them (they are also missing
on one of the plates with the legend
written in sixteenth-century hand-
writing). All forty-three plates in the
Florentine mock-up, on the other
hand, have their own legend, written
by the same hand. They basically
follow the text in the London copy
(when present), with the corrections
made, but show variations, at times
important, and additions. Despite the
fact that the Florentine engravings do
not have any indications about their
position in the text, thirty-six are
inserted in the same position as in the
London mock-up. Of the seven in
different places, one is brought
backward by nine pages, five are
placed two pages later and the last is in
a completely different position, over
400 pages later. Significantly, in the
London exemplar the last six of these
show Palladio’s autograph indication
of where they should go. This
complicates the more straightforward
interpretation, namely, that the
London mock-up is a working copy
on which Palladio elaborated the
edition and that the Florentine copy is
the definitive ‘fair copy’, with the
addition of the dedicatory letter, ready
to be delivered to Francesco de’
Medici, possibly, according to a recent
suggestion, by the author himself
(Belluzzi 2008).
Palladio’s interest in Polybius goes
back to his early education with
Trissino (cat. 9), as demonstrated by
an early drawing in which he para-
phrases the passage on the com-
position of the legion (cat. 175a). The
structure of the Roman camp as
355 described by Polybius, again in Book
vi, is also the source for the engraving,
probably by Palladio, showing Beli-
sarius’ camp in Book i of Trissino’s La
Italia liberata da Gotthi, published in
1547 (Beltramini, in Beltramini, Burns
2005, pp. 295-296). We also know
Sebastiano Serlio was working on the
same passage the previous year, for the
purposes of presenting an image to be
viewed by the secretary of Cardinal
Ippolito d’Este, Gabriele Cesano (Fio-
re 1994, p. 492).
There are many reasons for the
Renaissance fascination with Polybius,
as Momigliano has demonstrated. But
for Palladio – interested in recon-
structing the appearance of cities and
other places, modified (if not com-
pletely wiped out) by time – Polybius’
reliability as a direct witness made him
a primary source. In the manuscript
introduction to the Histories, Palladio
declared he took special care over
representing the words of the ancient
writer because he was so accurate in
his descriptions of ‘the places of the
city, the mountains, and rivers making
battles theatres, having wished to visit
in person – as he himself said – all
those places and also to speak to the
men who were present during Hanni-
bal’s crossing of Italy’.
As Puppi has clarified by de-
veloping Magrini’s research, on 15
January 1580, Palladio thanked Fran-
cesco de’ Medici for having accepted
the dedication, which in the Floren-
tine mock-up is dated 15 September
1579 (Puppi 1988, pp. 182-183). These
were the last months of Palladio’s life;
he died in August 1580, leaving the
book unpublished. In 1588, Silla
Palladio gave a proxy to his brother
Marcantonio so that he could repre-
sent him in Venice and protect the
rights or the sale of his father’s work,
including ‘designa in ramo figurata et
composita per dictum q. Excellentem
Dominum Andream super Historia
Polibii’ (‘figured copper plates made
by Andrea Palladio for the Histories of
Polybius’; Magrini 1845, p. li). But the
book never saw the light of day: the Setubal, he wrote a long report to
age which had looked to ancient Giacomo Contarini, describing the
wisdom as a solution to the problems state of the campaign and enclosing
of modern warfare was already waning two illustrative diagrams: the battle
(Hale 1977, pp. 252-253). deployment of the army commanded
by Luiz Enriquez de Cabrera and the
Literature: Algarotti 1791, p. 217; camp at ‘Cantigliara’ set up on 25 June
Magrini 1845, pp. 118-121; Rizza 1965, 1580 (fols 18v-19r), and the deploy-
p. 54; Olivato, in Puppi 1980c, p. 184; ment of the Imperial troops at the
Puppi 1982, pp. 11-32; Gonelli 1986- siege of Lisbon (fols 22v-23r). Sent on
1987, pp. 37-38; Puppi 1988, pp. 175- 25 July 1580, the letter ends with a plea
196; Fiore 1994; Puppi 1999, pp. 526- to show the letter to Palladio, who at
528; Beltramini, in Beltramini, Burns the time was living in the Venetian
2005, pp. 295-296; Belluzzi 2008; patrician’s house in Venice: ‘La mi farà
Beltramini 2008. favore a mostrarla al signor Andrea
Palladio al quale mi raccomando’
guido beltramini (‘Would you do me the favour of
showing it to signor Andrea Palladio
to whom I commend myself’; fol.
178. Stefano Angarano 21r). Contarini’s interest in military
Map with the positions affairs is also testified by Filippo
of the Imperial troops round Pigafetta, who in the dedicatory letter
Lisbon in the Relatione del conte of his own Italian translation from the
Stefano Angarano de la guerra Greek of Emperor Leo vi’s treatise on
di Portogallo l’anno 1580 tactics (Leone Imperatore 1586)
1580 claimed he had based his work on a
ms (20 fols) manuscript edition of the text
Black chalk and red chalk on paper belonging to the Venetian noble.
330 × 240 mm
Notes on the drawing: from top left, Literature: Zorzi 1965, p. 133.
‘Loco dove sbarco l’essercito di Sua
Maestà; castel di Casciu; castel San guido beltramini
Giovane; forte sopra una seca; Belem;
torre di Belem; armata di Sua Maestà;
cavaleria; Spagnuoli; Tedeschi;
Italiani; Tajo fiume; torrente; ponte;
borgo; trincere; Aloggiamento di don
Antonio; armata di Portoghesi;
Lisbona’
History and ownership:
Giacomo Contarini
Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale
Marciana, Cod. Marc. It., vi, 181
(5841), fols 22v-23r
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
The firstborn son of Giacomo
Angarano (to whom Palladio dedi-
cated the first two books of the
Quattro Libri), Stefano took part in
the Portuguese war as a soldier in the
service of Philip ii. From the camp at
34. An unfinished project
When Lord Burlington visited Vicenza in 1719 he was surprised to
hear that the Palazzo Chiericati (section 9) had only recently been
completed. But the Palazzo Chiericati was an exception: unlike
Palladio’s other buildings, it had actually been completed. Palladio’s
admirers made long journeys to see his works. On the basis of the
Quattro Libri, they had imagined them as finished and so were
shocked when confronted with mere slices of buildings, which
though roofed and inhabited had the fragmentary character of
Roman ruins. A detailed bird’s eye view of Vicenza of 1580 (fig. 34.4
and cat. 179) not only gives a prominent place to the Basilica and
Palladio’s new cathedral dome but also documents the unfinished
character of important buildings like the Palazzo Thiene and the
Palazzo Chiericati. Similarly, Inigo Jones systematically recorded
unfinished the state of Palladio’s palaces and villas. And even today
we cannot fail to be struck by the fragmentary grandeur of the two-
bay Palazzo Porto Breganze on Piazza Castello in Vicenza (fig. 34.5),
to cite but one example.
Palladio’s conceptual and graphic restoration of ancient archi-
tecture was of its nature also a project for rebuilding the world. It
[34.1.]
involved the transformation of the town and country houses of the
rich, the apartments of modest city dwellers (section 17), the barns
and stables of villas (fig. 34.6-7; section 10), the churches and
monasteries of the cities (sections 16, 18-19). He imagined new
types of bridges (section 19), straight tree-lined country roads
(section 10), great colonnaded squares (section 8), churches with
porticoes (cat. 91), fine assembly halls and permanent theatres
(section 26) emulating ancient models but roofed for modern
convenience. His project was not just a dream. He began to
assemble it, piece by piece, over the decades, like a vast jig-saw
puzzle whose joined parts, here and there, could suggest the
complete picture. We can see them laid out on the 1580 map, or
today emerging white and eloquent in the midst of Vicenza or
Venice. Palladio was backed by wealthy Vicentines, and even
wealthier Venetians. Why did he fail to complete his puzzle?
The ‘failure’ was not due – at least in his lifetime – to a rejection
of his architecture on either aesthetic, functional or economic
grounds. Palladio effectively met a contemporary desire for
buildings which evoked antiquity, were impressive, rational,
34.1. The Egyptian
hall, woodcut
reproduced in
I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 42)
34.2. Villa Trissino,
Meledo, woodcut
reproduced in
I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 60)
34.3. Cat. 181, detail
356
[34.2.]
34.4. Cat. 179, detail
34.5. Palazzo Porto
Breganze, Vicenza,
façade on Piazza
Castello
[34.4.]
durable, healthy and convenient. At the same time his houses
offered splendid effects, like the use of columns, at a price below
that of the equivalent, highly decorated buildings built by his
patrons’ fathers and grandfathers. Palladio understood the
importance of the standardisation of details, restraint in the use of
carved stone and commitment to white (not painted and gilded)
exteriors, so as to realise fine effects at low cost, because, as he
writes: ‘one appreciates buildings more for their form than for their
materials’ (Puppi 1988, p. 124). The reasons for his relatively few
and often unfinished palaces and villas must be sought in the
structures and habits of society. The social pyramid was steep: there
were only a few people at the top who had the money to spend on
fine new houses, or the motivation to do so: boundless ambition, as
in the case of the Thiene (section 4), the need to secure pre-
eminence, as felt by the Valmarana (section 20), or simply lack of a
town or country house, which was the situation of Girolamo
Chiericati (section 9), as a result of the paternal inheritance being
shared with his two brothers. Prestige considerations prompted his
patrons to build. But expenditure on prestige – investments made
[34.6.]
[34.5.]
to demonstrate that one was worthy of receiving future benefits and
favours – took many forms. Building was only one of them. Others
included entertaining dukes, kings or empresses, or at least their
ambassadors; buying clothes, armour and horses, and perhaps
paintings, as well as gowns and jewels for wives. Many of Palladio’s
patrons were active businessmen, and their enterprises required
investments (Demo 2008). Land improvement could cost immense
sums. Losses, if they came, could be crushing: Taddeo Gazzotti had
to sell his new villa to reduce his debts (cat. 52). Enormous dowries
for daughters could prevent further building. Even very wealthy
patrons therefore tended to build slowly, using income, not capital,
and consequently often died before their buildings were complete.
If they had more than one heir, it was likely that this would delay
or stop construction. Brothers rarely agreed to leave their
inheritance undivided and go on sharing the family house (as some
wiser and successful brothers, like the Thiene and the Barbaro,
often did). Divided patrimonies meant that sons enjoyed only half
or less of the wealth of fathers who had pursued active building
programmes.
34.6. Villa Trissino,
Meledo, barchessa,
front overlooking
the courtyard,
and dovecote
34.7. Villa Trissino,
Meledo, barchessa,
front overlooking the
river, and dovecote
358
[34.7.]
 [34.8.] [34.9.] [34.10.

Daniele Barbaro and Marcantonio Barbaro looked to Palladio patrons followed. The Palladian style, broadly interpreted, became 34.8. Villa Porto,
Molina di Malo,
and the Quattro Libri to transform Venetian architecture. In fact, it that of the villas and churches of Vicenza and the Veneto. column remains

was a combination of Venetian wealth, political skill and Palladio did realise some of his grandest dreams: the loggias of 34.9. Doge’s Palace,
Venice, portal, Sala
intellectual drive which made Venice, not Vicenza, the scene of his Basilica (section 21), new villas in the form of the ancient house del Collegio

greatest successes: the façade of San Francesco della Vigna (section (sections 11-13), the Villa Rotonda (cat. 183), the two great Venetian 34.10. Villa Rotonda,
Vicenza
15), San Giorgio Maggiore and its refectory (section 16), the churches (sections 18-19) and the Teatro Olimpico (section 26). He
Redentore (section 24), the decoration of the interior of the Doge’s could not rebuild the cities. But his overall project survives in
Palace after the fires of 1574 and 1577 (fig. 34.9; cat. 181), and some scattered jigsaw parts (which Inigo Jones, for instance, pieced
of his finest villas. But even in Venice there were limits to what together) and above all in his own book. The history of Palladio’s
Palladio and his backers could achieve. The state always lacked cash influence (some of the developments are presented in the final
and had to be ready to go to war at a moment’s notice. In Venice section of the exhibition) is a story of continuing and completing
and the Veneto the state had neither the resources, power nor desire that project. His later admirers even built what Palladio himself had
to expropriate in order to realise major urban schemes. In the 1570s, never managed to construct: Jones in the ‘Egyptian hall’ (fig. 34.1) of
just as Palladio had reached the height of his fame, first war the Banqueting House at Whitehall (cats 193-194); van Campen with
absorbed funds and then plague depressed the economy. Palladio’s his new ‘Doge’s Palace’ in the Amsterdam Town Hall (Burns 1999b,
suggestions for the Rialto bridge were not taken up (cat. 94a/b). pp. 38-39); and Burlington and Quarenghi who realised his vision of
The enormous cost of rebuilding the Doge’s Palace would in any Roman basilicas and baths in York and St. Petersburg.
case have been an obstacle. In the event, however, emotional
attachment to the old palace must also have counted heavily in the Howard Burns
vote to restore the building as it had been before the 1577 fire,
together (we can surmise) with an attitude of suspicion toward
Marcantonio Barbaro and his friends, the sponsors of Palladio’s
project. It may have been feared that the desire to change the layout
of the palace, where the key assemblies and committees met,
concealed a drive to alter the balance of power within the élite.
Building new palaces in Venice was costly. This discouraged
demolition, as did fondness for buildings testifying to the long
history of leading families. No Venetian palaces were ever built to
Palladio’s designs, despite his ideas for them (Quattro Libri, ii, pp.
71-72).
But Palladio’s career could hardly be considered a failure. He left
an indelible mark on Venice, Vicenza, and the Veneto countryside; he
constructed (or began) more buildings in prominent situations than
any other architect of his time. What he built, as in Vicenza,
359 established new fashions and norms, which later architects and
179. Giovanni Battista Pittoni
Vicenza
1580
Pen and bistre ink drawing on six
sheets of paper mounted on canvas
1360 × 1520 mm
Rome, Biblioteca Angelica,
Banc. Stampe N.S.56/81
Considered to be one of the finest and
most accurate city views of the
Renaissance, the so-called Pianta
Angelica can be identified as the ‘copy
of the drawing of our city’ made from
December 1579 to January 1580 by
Giovanni Battista Pittoni, a Vicentine
engraver and miniaturist. Pittoni had
been commissioned to make the work
by the Vicentine nuncio in Venice,
where the artist lived, at the urging of
the deputies who wished to send to
Rome a ‘portrait’ of Vicenza to be
[179.]
made into a fresco in the Gallery of
Maps in the Vatican. The gallery had
been created at the behest of Pope
Gregory xiii and was being installed at
the time under the direction of
Egnazio Danti. The drawing was sent
from Venice, accompanied by Pittoni
himself, on 22 January 1580. By 6
February it was received in Rome by
Spirito Pelo Anguissola. This Vi-
centine Augustinian was a spiritual
guide of the pope and probably
informed the Vicentine deputies in
good time of the papal initiative, thus
favouring the inclusion of Vicenza in
the select number of only fourteen
Italian cities in Egnazio Danti’s pro-
gramme. After being used as a model
for the image painted on the western
wall of the gallery, the drawing of the
map was sent to the library of the
Augustinian monastery of Anguissola
in Rome, subsequently called An-
gelica, where it is still today.
The artistic stature of Pittoni,
celebrated for a series of forty engrav-
ings of Roman ruins (1561), explains
the elegance and landscape-like
rendering of the map. There are,
however, a number of unsolved prob-
lems concerning the drawing, which,
according to the documents and given
the presence of the grid, is a copy. We
do not know if Pittoni used an earlier
work, either of his own or by others,
possibly updating it, or if he put to-
gether material prepared for the
occasion. To make the surveys, five
teams of perticatori (surveyors) were
employed, identifiable because of their
slightly different working methods, in
each sector of the city. The operation
presumably took place in the summer-
autumn of 1579, co-ordinated by an
experienced technician, such as
Giandomenico Scamozzi, Vincenzo’s
father. No commission or payment is
recorded for this work, and even an
analysis of the buildings and structures
depicted does not provide completely
convincing evidence for the two
proposed dates for the original
drawing: 1579 (Barbieri 1973) and
around 1571 (Ackerman 1967a).
The choice of a viewpoint from the
north-west, with the Monte Berico in
the background, privileges the urban
shape of Vicenza and it was sub-
sequently to be adopted for a long
series of printed views. The most
prominent features are the city centre,
enclosed by high mediaeval walls, the
four borghi (peripheral quarters),
fortified under Scaligera and Venetian
rule, the rivers Bacchiglione and
Retrone, the irrigation channels and
360
 ditches, and the broad expanse of the
Campo Marzio.
The city is depicted as it appeared at
the end of Palladio’s career, and in-
cludes, where the viewpoint allows, his
major works, although not without
some mistakes. The use of a specific
architectural language – in contrast
with the conventional representation of
the other buildings – draws attention to
the loggias of the Basilica, here depicted
as already completed, the dome of the
cathedral, the corners of the Palazzo
Thiene and the Palazzo Barbarano and
the built fragment of the Palazzo
Chiericati.
Literature: Fasolo 1938, pp. 294-298;
Almagià 1952, p. 69, no. 7; Ackerman
1967a; Barbieri 1973; Scabin 1973;
Barbieri 1976; Soragni 1979, p. 55;
Battilotti 1980; Mazzi, in Puppi 1980a;
[180.]
361
Carta, Magliani, Scarpari, Zironda 1983;
Barbieri 1984; Barbieri 2003, pp. 103-119.
donata battilotti
180. Lodewyck Toeput, called
Pozzoserrato (c. 1550-c. 1605)
The Fire in the Doge’s Palace of
1577
Oil on canvas
61.5 × 96.5 cm
Inscriptions: the monogram ‘t.o.e.’
(the first 3 letters of Toeput) appears
behind the gondolier on the left
Provenance: Giovanelli Collection,
Venice, 1930; sold, London, 1961;
Popsil Collection, Venice; bought
Museo Civico, Treviso, 1962
Treviso, Museo Civico ‘Luigi Bailo’,
P 473
This painting, now firmly attributed to
Pozzoserrato, shows with eye-witness
immediacy the fire in the area of the
huge Sala del Maggior Consiglio on the
upper floor of the Doge’s Palace on the
night of 20 December 1577. Written
sources recount how armed nobles
defended the piazza (and the Mint, on
the left, where the Republic’s bullion
reserves were held), while Arsenale
workers fought the fire. Georg
Hoefnagel based an engraving on the
painting.
Literature: Ridolfi 1648, ii, p. 86;
Lorenzetti 1929, p. 416; Menegazzi
1957, p. 175; Menegazzi 1964, p. 257;
Burns 1975, pp. 155-157; Howard
1975, p. 25; Zugni Tauro 1978, p.
255; Piva, in Puppi 1980c, p. 98, cats
64, 65; Boucher 1994, p. 285, fig.
283; Lewis 2000, pp. 262-267;
Cooper 2005, p. 205, and figs pp.
196, 198.
howard burns
181. Andrea Palladio
and unidentified artist
Project for the rebuilding
of the Doge’s Palace, Venice
1578
Watermark: coronet surmounted
by star; stylus, ruler and compasses;
pen and dark brown ink, brush
and light brown wash
459 × 1052 mm
Unit of measurement and scale:
probably piede veneziano; 1 piede
veneziano = 348 mm
History and ownership: Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
Trustees of the Chatsworth Settlement
Chatsworth, Trustees of the
Chatsworth Settlement
The drawing’s size gives an idea of the
importance of the project: the
rebuilding of the Doge’s Palace, which
Palladio testified was beyond repair
after the 1577 fire. Size and cost, to-
gether with St. Mark’s lion in the
pediment and a central triumphal arch
alluding to the ornate arches in the
middle of the existing façades strongly
suggest that this is the Palladio design
mentioned by contemporaries (Fran-
cesco Molin and Paolo Gualdo). The
attribution has been debated, but the
drawing style and architectural lan-
guage (related to late projects like the
Brescia palace, cat. 142; the tomb of
Alvise Mocenigo; and the Teatro
Olimpico, section 26) are Palladio’s,
not Scamozzi’s; the statues are drawn
[181.]
by a figurative artist. The width is less
than that of the built palace: about
sixty-three metres from corner to
corner, as against 71.5 and 75 metres
for the existing sides. Three sides are
indicated, suggesting this is the
Piazzetta façade, shortened by twelve
metres toward San Marco. In his
recorded comments (27 December
1577), Palladio recommends the
insertion of ‘very massive piers’ and the
closing ‘of those voids... making the
windows necessary for the halls both
below and above’ (Puppi 1988, p. 159).
In the drawing the Gothic upper
loggias are replaced with a wall and
Renaissance windows. A Senate reso-
lution of 21 February 1578 authorised a
general restoration of the existing
building, thus definitively excluding
radical rebuilding. The drawing seems
to have influenced both Sansovino’s
rebuilding of the Procuratie in Piazza
San Marco and Jones’s Whitehall
Banqueting House (cats 193-194).
Literature: Gualdo (1616) 1958-1959,
p. 94; Temanza 1778, p. 501; Magrini
1845, p. 312; Zorzi 1965, pp. 151-167;
Harris 1971, p. 34, no. 3 (as perhaps
Scamozzi); Burns 1975, pp. 158-160
(as Palladio); Huse 1979, pp. 98-99,
no. 154; Olivato, in Puppi 1980c, p.
102 (as Palladio’s idea and Zamberlan’s
execution); Tiepolo 1980, pp. 78-79;
Lewis 1981, pp. 204-205 (as Palladio);
Battilotti 1982, pp. 207-208; Foscari
1982, pp. 86-90; Foscari 1982a, pp.
86-90; Tafuri 1982, p. 26, no. 40;
Tafuri 1985, pp. 272-278 (Scamozzi ?
For a separate palace for the Doge?);
Foscari 1987; Puppi 1988, pp. 144-
147, 151-159; Tafuri 1990, pp. 100-111
(as anonymous, perhaps Cristoforo
Sorte); Boucher 1994, pp. 284-288
(Palladio); Battilotti 1999, pp. 508-
509 (unknown author); Cooper 2005,
pp. 205-211; Puppi 2008, p. 24, no. 32,
citing an article of G. Bellavitis, to
appear in Studi Veneziani.
howard burns
182. Andrea Palladio
Sketch plan for rebuilding
the Doge’s Palace (?)
1577-1578
Recto: project by an unidentified
collaborator of Palladio for a villa
similar in plan to the Villa Cornaro,
Piombino Dese
Watermark: Cardinal’s hat,
surmounted by a cross; countermark
‘B’; Talman mark 54; flexible pen
and dark brown ink
[182, detail]
 260 × 372 mm (measured
on the recto)
History and ownership: (Inigo Jones);
(John Webb); John Talman; Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection,
sc225/xvi/5v
Lewis suggested the upper sketch was
for the Villa Angaran and the lower
one for Maser. This is unlikely, given
the size, the shop-like rooms and the
grand stairs. The building is public –
not residential. The ‘columns’ could,
by analogy with a Palazzo Thiene
sketch (cat. 20), be shorthand for piers,
and the central element a triumphal
arch, as in the Chatsworth drawing
(cat. 181). What did Palladio intend to
design behind the façade? Probably, as
here, a vestibule and impressive stairs.
The Doge’s Palace has only one large
court. Here there are two. It was
possible, however, to run the huge Sala
del Maggior Consiglio (52.70 × 24.65
× 11.50 m, seating 1300) across the
existing courtyard, lighting it from side
courtyards, as in some other Palladio
projects and in the Amsterdam Town
Hall (1648). Building over the new
courtyard arcades would have provided
an adequate twenty-five metres width
for the hall. The light well behind the
stairs runs counter to this reading.
Such quick sketches, however, generate
useful contradictions in wrestling with
where to place the stairs, whether to
leave the Maggior Consiglio where it
is, how to light it, and how to achieve
[183.]
a proportionate height (equal to the
palace’s two upper floors). Palladio’s
proposal (supported by Marcantonio
Barbaro) to rebuild the palace was not
approved by the Senate. The reason
was not simply cost. As Foscari (1987)
notes, any architectural change had
political implications, privileging one
government body at the expense of
another and exposing ruling groups to
criticism. It was safer to leave things as
they were.
Literature: Vliegenthart-van der Valk
Bouman 1972, p. 452, fig. 12 (as
unidentified project, with ‘Imperial
staircase’); Lewis 1973, pp. 369-376;
Lewis 1981, pp. 157-158 (as sketch for
Maser); Lewis 1981a, p. 370; Battilotti
1999, p. 470 (rejects Lewis’s identifi-
cation); Burns 1999b, pp. 39-40;
Lewis 2000, pp. 203-204.
howard burns
183. Renato Cevese (designer);
[184.] Andrej Soltan (draftsman);
Ballico-Officina Modellisti sas
(model makers)
Model of the Villa Capra,
called the Rotonda
1970
Lime and beech wood with porcelain
biscuit details
Height 66.5 cm; length 140 cm;
width 140 cm
Scale: 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
The Rotonda is the most familiar and
imitated of Palladio’s villas. It occupies
a special place in the Quattro Libri: not
among villas, but with city palaces,
because it is only a short distance
outside the city and because Palladio’s
pride in this extraordinary building led
him to publish it in a larger scale than
other villas, showing both elevation
and section.
The patron was Paolo Almerico
(1514-1589), canon of Vicenza Cath-
edral, who in Rome had been referen-
dary (i.e. received petitions addressed
to the Pope) under Pius iv and Pius v.
Almerico built the villa as his sole
residence; in 1566 he sold his city
palace, probably to finance con-
struction. The building did not exist in
1564. It is first named in June 1569 and
was published by Palladio in 1570. It
was unfinished when Almerico died;
his son Virginio sold it to Odorico
Capra in 1591, who completed it. Vin-
cenzo Scamozzi mentions the Rotonda
among the buildings he finished: the
oval windows in the pediment are
probably his somewhat impertinent
signature.
The design was without precedent:
a square plan, with a central domed
sala and porticoes on all four sides.
Why did Palladio chose such an
unusual plan? The site was certainly
decisive: a low hill overlooking Vi-
cenza and the plain on one side and,
on the other, Monte Berico, with its
church. Palladio writes: ‘The site is
among the most agreeable and delight-
ful that one can find, for it is on a little
hill of easy ascent, bathed on one side
by the Bacchiglione, a navigable river,
and surrounded on the other by very
pleasant hills, which create the appear-
ance of a very great Theatre, and they
are all cultivated, and abound in fruit
trees and excellent vines: for this
reason, because it enjoys very beautiful
views on all sides, some of which are
close up, some more distant, while
others end only with the horizon,
loggias have been made on all four
sides.’ Palladio would have recalled
Pliny the Younger’s letter on his Tuscan
villa (v.6.7-18): ‘imagine an immense
amphitheatre which only nature could
represent’. Palladio paraphrases Pliny,
changing ‘amphitheatre’ into the more
familiar term ‘theatre’. For Palladio a
theatre was not only the building itself,
but also a hill-side complex, as at
Verona (cat. 125) or Palestrina (cat.
185). In reconstructing these monu-
ments he shows the hills crowned by a
domed temple.
The plan has other connections. 364
365
[185.]
The villa was always known as the
Rotonda, the name assigned to the
Pantheon. Francesco di Giorgio
(whose manuscripts Palladio knew)
drew a square building with a central
domed space at Hadrian’s Villa; he
then used the scheme in palace pro-
jects. In the early 1540s, Palladio had
already experimented with centrally
planned villas (riba xvi/9a, xvii/1). A
sketch by Palladio for a centralised,
fortified villa exists (cat. 34b), but
probably should be dated later than
the Rotonda. At Cassino there was a
Roman structure with a central
octagonal room, known as the ‘study
of Marco Varrone’. The association of
an octagonal domed room with a
house devoted to cultural activities
determined the form of Alvise
Cornaro’s famous Odeon in Padua (c.
1532).
The villa’s orientation was deliberate
and not pre-determined: the corners
rather than the façades coincide with
the cardinal points: each side in turn
receives the sun. This orientation also
means that one side faces the main
road and the navigable Bacchiglione.
The building is well constructed: ‘All
this house hath no Cracke but stands
fearme’, Jones notes approvingly. The
high external stairs, framed by substan-
tial stone walls, have a buttressing
function in a building subject to out-
ward pressure from vaults and the
dome. The stairs serve as a means of
seating the building comfortably and
grandly on the hill. The main entabla-
ture wraps round the villa, the cornice
flattened once it leaves the porticoes to
enhance their importance. Other flat
bands bind the façades together,
including even the flat window sills.
The portico arches further unify the
composition by extending the flat
surface of the main block.
The wider central portico inter-
columniation signals the entrances,
framed by fine antique-style doors (for
Almerico, Palladio had designed a
similar door for a side entrance to
Vicenza Cathedral). The entrance
corridors on the NW-SE axis are
wider, while at the sides Palladio had
to surrender some width to the small
rooms. The central space is lit from
above. When Jones saw it there was no
lantern ‘but a nett covers ye hole to
keepe out the flies’. The dome raised
problems. Palladio published a hemi-
spherical dome with a lantern of the
type he used on his churches, giving
the villa a church-like appearance. As
constructed, the dome is conical on
the outside and protrudes only slightly.
It springs lower than the dome in
Palladio’s plate: it is not known
whether the change was introduced by
Palladio. The central space in the
Quattro Libri design, however, is
excessively high and narrow with an
almost 1:2 proportion (5:9) instead of
the present 2:3 ratio. For both struc-
tural and aesthetic reasons the built
version is preferable. A low stepped
profile was not alien to Palladio’s
language: the Pantheon, ‘detto la
Ritonda’ (‘called the Rotonda’), has
just such a dome.
The villa does not recall Palladio’s
reconstructions of the ancient house.
It does resemble Ottoman pavilions,
like the Çinili Kösk (1472) in
Istanbul, with a centralised plan and a
domed central space (cat. 122). An
intriguing possibility is that Palladio
was guided in his design by the
Mausoleum of Halicarnassus (cat.
184), one of the most famous
buildings of antiquity. Whether he
was thinking of the Mausoleum, or
not, there can be little doubt that he
saw the villa as a lasting monument to
him, just as the Tempietto was for
Bramante (cat. 33).
Literature: On the villa itself: Isermeyer
1967; Zorzi 1969, pp. 127-142; Puppi
1973, pp. 380-383; Forster 1980;
Goedicke, Slussalek, Kubelik 1981, pp.
212-213; Burroughs 1988; Chastel et al.
1988; Mantese 1988; Sambo 1990, pp.
44-48; Boucher 1998, pp. 258-265;
Battilotti 1999, pp. 497-498. Also:
Maltese 1967, i, pl. 166, and ii, pls 198,
201; Keller 1971; Burns, in Barbieri,
Beltramini 2003, pp. 177-178. In Bel-
tramini, Burns 2005: G. Beltramini,
pp. 270-272; Cafà, pp. 272-273; M.
Beltramini and G. Beltramini, pp.
274-275. Lehmann Hartleben 2007,
pp. 50-51.
howard burns
184. Antonio Da Sangallo
the Younger (1483-1546)
Reconstruction of the Mausoleum
of Halicarnassus
Watermark: crossed arrows
surmounted by a star; pen and brown
ink; some faint guidelines, also in ink,
are drawn, as at the edge
of the pyramid
205.5 × 258 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘quadricha
co[n] quattro cavalli; gradi 24; piu
...[?]avi cosi anchora, Mausoleo alto
colla piramide piedi 140, lo edifitio
senza piramide piedi 70, la piramide
colla quadricha piedi 70 i[n] tutto
piedi 140, cinto da 36 colonne gira
overo circhuo[n]de piedi 511, le
fr[o]nte sono piedi 73 luna’
Florence, Gabinetto di Disegni
e Stampe, U 894 Ar
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
Sangallo draws two plans: the
hexastyle version has an octagonal
tomb chamber and an oval sar-
cophagus. The elevation shows the
pyramid with giant figures sitting at
the base; on each side are hexastyle
porticoes. The reconstructions depend
on Pliny (N.H. 36, 30-31); the ruins
were still unknown. The lower part is
shown as square, not rectangular. The
24 steps of the pyramid, 36 columns
organised to make four porticoes and
the height of 140 piedi are found in
modern editions, whereas ‘511’ is a
corrupt reading. Sangallo’s uncle Giu-
liano places a miniature mausoleum at
the top of a campanile in a façade
project (U 280 A) anticipating Anto-
nio, and Hawksmoor at St. George’s,
Bloomsbury, in London. Similar re-
constructions probably influenced
Palladio’s Rotonda: he would have also
read in Pliny that the four sculptors of
the Mausoleum continued working
after their patron Artemisia had died,
considering it a monument to their
own glory.
Literature: Vitruvius, 7, praef., 12-13
(Vitruvio [ed. Gros] 1997, pp. 144-145,
1022-1023); Pliny, N.H., 36, 30-31;
Giovannoni 1959, 1, pp. 11, 24, 2, fig.
7; Burns, in Beltramini, Burns 2005,
pp. 97-98 (fig. p. 88); Zanchettin, in
Frommel, Adams forthcoming. See
also: Van Breen 1942; Jeppesen et al.
1981-2002; Oberhuber, Burns 1984, p.
430; Pollitt 1990, pp. 196-198, 277-
278 (with bibliography on the Mauso-
leum).
howard burns
185. Andrea Palladio
Ideal reconstruction of the Temple
of Fortune at Palestrina
c. 1570; mature handwriting
Verso: blank
Watermark: angel in a circle
surmounted by a star; countermark, S
C in a circle surmounted by a trefoil;
stylus, ruler, compasses; pen and dark
brown and reddish-brown ink;
396 × 288 mm
Notes on the drawing: ‘piedi 338’
(twice); ‘piedi 192’; p[iedi] (several
times)
Unit of measurement and scale: piede
vicentino; a scale is drawn to the left
of the central temple; 8 units
= 18.5 mm
History and ownership: Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc215/ix/7r
[Description by h.b.]
186. Andrea Palladio
Reconstruction of the elevation
of the Temple of Fortune
at Palestrina
c. 1570; mature handwriting
Verso: blank
Ruler, stylus, compasses, pen and
brown ink; many second thoughts
with erasure of notes and parts
of the drawing
345 × 563 mm
Notes on the drawing: piedi, p[iedi];
on[ce] (several times); ‘pian de la
peschiera’ (twice), ‘conserva longa
piedi 218, questa e ruinata’
Unit of measurement and scale:
piede vicentino; 50 piedi vicentini
= 43.7 mm
History and ownership: Lord
Burlington; Dukes of Devonshire;
riba since 1894
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, sc215/ix/5r
[Description by h.b.]
The drawings on cats 185 and 186
show reconstructions of the elevation
of the Sanctuary of Fortuna Primi-
genia at the ancient Praeneste. They
belong to two different stages in Palla-
dio’s thinking on this enormous
monumental complex, to which he
seems to have dedicated more study
than to any other ancient building.
Although he undoubtedly had the
opportunity to visit the site several
times during his Roman visits, he
apparently only made the fourteen
surviving drawings after 1550 and in
his studio, without carrying out any
further investigations on the spot. In
fact he is partly indebted to the
drawings of Pirro Ligorio, who had
entered the service of Ippolito d’Este
in 1549. Ligorio was the first to
recognise the existence of an axis from
the rotunda in the upper palace as far
as the propylon of the lower south
wall. Like Ligorio, Palladio was
convinced that this was not a sanctu-
ary but a forum, made up of various
squares, arranged on different levels
and linked by stairs and ramps. The
theory claiming the inferior complex
and the sanctuary were grouped in a
single religious centre persisted for a
long time, but today we know that
they should be more appropriately
separated into two elements: the lower
square and its two annexes in the
present-day area of Piazza Regina
Margherita correspond to the forum,
whereas the Sanctuary of Fortune only
starts from the lateral ramps leading up
to the terrace with exedras.
Cat. 186 shows a pen drawing
dating from 1550-1560. This elevation
should be interpreted together with
riba ix/1, showing the corresponding
plan, including second thoughts and
erasures, which explain many of the
features on cat. 186. Here, the basilica
mentioned by Ligorio at the foot of
the complex is reduced to a narrow
hall with no external colonnade. The
square of the ‘lower forum’ is flanked,
as also suggested by Ligorio, by two
buildings with a tetrastyle façade and
pediment, anticipating Palladio’s large
churches in Venice. The nine arches,
each surmounting a straight entabla-
ture, set the rhythm in the rear part of
this first square. Two converging stairs
with three flights then lead to an axial
stairs providing access to the square
with the exedras and, therefore, to the 366
 ‘upper forum’. This forum originally
had a portico on three sides but it was
later eliminated (in the plan on ix/1)
along the lateral walls. Its pedimented
façade was also erased (on cat. 186),
but traces were left on the colonnade
of the rear wall. A broad semicircular
grand stairway crowned by a colon-
nade, on an axial position in the centre
of the north portico, leads to a large,
vaulted semicircular niche; here Pal-
ladio departs from the interpretation
of Ligorio, who presumed there was a
round temple at the top of the
composition.
The pen drawing on cat. 185 also
dates from 1550-1560. Paolo Fancelli
has associated it again with the Prae-
nestine series, after it had long been
linked to the Sanctuary of Hercules at
Tivoli or the Forum of Trajan in
Rome. In fact it shows an imaginary
[186.]
367
view of the Forum Praenestinum,
completely reconstructed in elevation
and with a plan based on the façade of
the lower square. Integrating these two
images makes interpretation of the
sheet more difficult, but the extent of
the elaboration and its precise dimen-
sions suggest it is a preparatory
drawing for a publication, which
Palladio unfortunately never com-
pleted. This fine drawing should not
be separated from riba ix/8, showing
a plan of the upper part and evidently
made during the same stage of
Palladio’s thinking. The ‘lower forum’,
made up of a rectangular square 338
piedi long, is divided into three sectors
by colonnades arranged on both sides
of the central wall; the lateral buildings
(templa?) in the previous version have
been replaced by a temple in a
dominant axial position, situated on
the terrace with exedras, reached by
two semicircular side stairways and a
central double flight of steps. The two
monumental exedras – 192 piedi apart
– have three orders of superimposed
columns, reminiscent of actual
theatres. Each has the same width as
the lateral sectors of the lower square.
The hexastyle prostyle temple itself has
a podium with frontal stairs and a
pediment ornamented with acroteria.
The temple columns (32.5 piedi high)
and cella (95 × 35 piedi) reflect a desire
to ‘monumentalise’ without taking
into account the real dimensions of the
site, and was probably inspired by
recent progress in knowledge about
antiquities of Latium and Rome.
Guillaume Philandrier, in the 1552
edition of his Annotations, had
suggested that the Temple of Fortune
at Palestrina should be searched for
under the cathedral. Moreover,
Palladio knew that various Roman
churches, such as Santi Cosma e
Damiano, had been built over pagan
religious edifices. The façade of his
temple is similar to that of the Temple
of the Dioscuri in Naples, as published
in the Quattro Libri (iv, 24). This
temple also appears in other idealised
versions of the same ‘forum’, such as
that on riba ix/6. Cat. 185, on the
other hand, is the only drawing to
propose at the top of the composition
an imposing round domed building
with four quadrangular hexastyle
porticoes. The plan of this unusual
construction is shown on riba ix/8.
The similarity with solutions adopted
in some of the main Palladian villas is
surprising and has often been noted
(Villa Trissino at Meledo, cat. 187; and
the Villa Rotonda, cat. 183). We can
 only speculate on the use Palladio had
in mind for this building. A recent
suggestion that it was a simple bel-
vedere, one of those specole which
Palladio saw as a separate monumental
category, is not convincing. Given the
size and position of the building, this
idea would appear to be particularly
reductive. We would rather maintain
its religious significance, without being
able to specify to which God or gods it
was dedicated, especially when we
consider that the lower temple is
undoubtedly the Temple of Fortune.
This partly enigmatic drawing is
evidence of the experimental nature of
such reconstructions which, without
completely contradicting the archaeo-
logical facts, enabled Palladio to make
potent original inventions.
Literature: Zorzi 1951, pp. 145-152;
Zorzi 1959, pp. 88-89; Spielmann
1966, pp. 153 ff.; Burns 1973, p. 143;
Fancelli 1974; Coarelli 1987, pp. 35-84;
Rakob 1989, pp. 87-113; Merz 2001,
pp. 69-82; Ranaldi 2001, pp. 77-122.
pierre gros
187. Renato Cevese (designer);
Andrej Soltan (draftsman);
Ballico-Officina Modellisti sas
(model makers)
Model of Villa Trissino at Meledo,
according to the Quattro Libri
(II, p. 60)
1972-1973
Lime and beech wood with porcelain
biscuit details
Height 110 cm; length 472.5 cm;
width 444.5 cm
Scale: 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
The plate of the villa which Palladio
indicates as ‘begun’ for the brothers
[187.]
Francesco and Ludovico Trissino is one
of his most striking designs. The house
resembles the Rotonda (cat. 183) in its
square core, but has lateral extensions,
each with two rooms and an inset
loggia: increased accommodation to
house the two brothers. Placed on a low
hill now occupied by a church, the
scheme derives from Palladio’s
reconstructions of Palestrina (cats 185-
186) and the Verona theatre (cat. 125)
with a domed building crowning an
extended composition of straight and
curving colonnades, which, with high
podium and steps, evoke ancient
theatres. The lower colonnades, Palladio
writes, are to house farm functions.
Payments of 1553-1554 mention limited
work in the farmyard, where by the later
1570s two dovecote towers had been
built, one with attached barns. If
Palladio was responsible for anything in
the villa, however, it was probably only
the handsome rusticated farmyard
portal in the courtyard wall towards the
south, and the rusticated stonework at
river level of the surviving dovecote
tower. Otherwise the project is a
characteristic Palladian exercise (as in his
Villa Thiene and Villa Repeta plates): he
integrates meagre on-site achievements
into a grand scheme, which most
readers would never know was a vision
and not a built reality.
Literature: Palladio 1570, ii, p. 60;
Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, iii, pp.
12-13, pls iv-vi; Zorzi 1969, pp. 143-
151; Cevese 1971, pp. 70-79; Puppi
1973, pp. 385-388; Fancelli 1974, pp.
109-110; Kubelik 1974, pp. 449-451;
Puppi 1974, pp. 93-96; Cevese 1976;
Kubelik 1977, i, p. 195, no. 198; Zaupa
1990, pp. 145-163; Beltramini, Nante,
in Burns, Beltramini, Gaiani 1997;
Battilotti 1999, pp. 466-467; Battilotti
2005, pp. 463-464, cat. vi 493, p. 715
(with bibliography).
howard burns
188. Giovanni Antonio Canal,
called Canaletto (1697-1768)
Capriccio of Palladio’s design
for the bridge of Rialto,
with buildings from Vicenza
Before 1759
Oil on canvas
56 × 79 cm
Provenance: Francesco Algarotti;
1764, Bonomo Algarotti; 1776, his
daughter Maria Elisabetta Algarotti
Corniani, Venice; Antonia Aglietti,
widow of Lauro Marcantonio
Corniani, Venice (suggested in Puppi
1982a, pp. 73-74); Duchess Maria
Luigia of Parma; 1825, National
Gallery, Parma
Parma, Galleria Nazionale, inv. 284
In this view of the Grand Canal at
Rialto, the accurate representation of
the place, enlivened by the everyday
bustle of people and boats, dramatic-
ally contrasts with the invented elem-
ents inserted by the painter. Instead of
the actual bridge, Canaletto presents
the bridge designed by Palladio, as
recorded in the Quattro Libri (iii, p.
27) (cat. 99); the Basilica (section 8)
appears on the right side of the canal
and, on the left, directly on the canal,
the Palazzo Chiericati (section 9), two
buildings designed and built by the
architect in Vicenza. Intended to
startle, the result is a view of an ideal
Venice, as it could have been in the
sixteenth-century, had its extraordin-
arily beautiful and magnificent
buildings been made entirely of stone.
An important group of paintings in
Canaletto’s output featuring Venice
consists of capriccios or, to use the
painter’s own definition, ‘vedute
ideate’ (‘invented views’). Of these
works, a smaller group is characterised
by the addition of elements invented
or transposed from elsewhere. In this
case, examples of partially constructed
buildings and paper architecture by
Palladio have been presented within
368
 the context of a recognisable setting, in
order to fulfil a precise programmatic
purpose, namely, to suggest that the
buildings had actually been built. The
painting thus both stands as a kind of
redress for the failure, relative or
absolute, of the realisation of these
three projects and provides an op-
portunity to assess their respective
merits. The genre of the veduta was
adopted by Canaletto at the behest of
Consul Smith, who in 1743-1744
commissioned the artist to paint a
series of sovrapporte (overdoors) (cat.
84), which included Palladio’s design
for a bridge inserted across the Grand
Canal at Rialto. However, fifteen years
later, precedence for this new painting
type was claimed by the Italian Fran-
cesco Algarotti. In 1759, when he
commissioned Canaletto to paint this
‘veduta’ of Venice, he declared that he
[188.]
369
had invented ‘a new kind of painting
in which a real site is ornamented with
buildings taken here and there, or
simply imagined’.
Unlike the paintings made for
Consul Smith, which had already left
Venice in 1763, the painting owned by
Algarotti remained in the city until the
death of his brother Bonomo (1776), if
not later. There are at least four auto-
graph versions by Canaletto (establish-
ing which of them is the prototype
remains unresolved and controversial),
testifying to the popularity of the
subject. The fact that the letter illus-
trating the details of the programme
was published as early as 1764-1765
immediately made this painting very
special. The joint product of the
invention of a celebrated man of letters
and the skills of an equally celebrated
painter, it presented – through a
convincing image – a world in which 436, letter no. xxiii; Haskell 1963, part
Neo-Palladian architecture was already 3, cap. xiv; Rossi 1969, pp. 7-15;
built. The importance of Canaletto’s Cevese 1973, p. 203, cat. 7; Barcham
work was clear at the time, if we 1977, pp. 383-393; Barcham 1977a, pp.
consider that Bertotti Scamozzi (1776- 142 ff.; Puppi 1980c, p. 123, cat. 99;
1783, iv, p. 78, note 6) already men- Corboz 1985; Puppi, Romanelli 1985,
tioned it when describing Palladio’s pp. 71-75, 76, cat. 2.12; Delneri 1986,
design for the bridge. Moreover, it has pp. 70-72; Puppi 1986, pp. 209-222;
been equally significant for those Corboz 1988, pp. 36-61; Corboz 1991,
present-day architects who have re- pp. 15-27; Links 1994, pp. 151-154, fig.
flected on the possible meanings of 127; Oechslin 2006, pp. 45-47.
Palladio’s design (Rossi 1969).
susanna pasquali
Literature: On the work: Puppi 1982a,
pp. 71-75, cat. 102 (wih bibliography);
Constable, Links 1989, ii, pp. 436-438,
no. 458a (variations, nos. 458, 458b,
458c). On the subject: Algarotti 1764-
1765, vi, pp. 74 ff.; Algarotti 1776, p.
iv; Bertotti Scamozzi 1776-1783, iv
(1783), p. 78 note 6; Bottari, Ticozzi
1822, appendix to vol. vii, pp. 427-
PrimaPart
parte
III
 Howard Burns
An eternal contemporary
Palladio’s career and the publication of the Quattro Libri
represent the first, crucial part of a soaring trajectory of
architectural change, which by the late eighteenth century
was to reach all of Europe, and beyond. Palladio was not by
any means entirely responsible for the development and
diffusion of new architectural forms and a new architectural
culture, but much of it went under his name: the name was
memorable, and recalled Antiquity; he had published a
readable, usable book, which set out sensible principles and
proposed imitable designs, and at the same time transmitted
in its plates a knowledge of ancient buildings which for the
next three centuries every architect and connoisseur
considered as fundamental.1
The story of Palladio’s influence – real and imagined – is
long and complicated. Many attempts have been made to
tell the story, or at least parts of it.2 The theme was the
subject of two major exhibitions organised by the Centro
Palladio in Vicenza.3 It is a history which needs visiting
again, but in Vicenza and London in the year of Palladio’s
quincentenary our stage was too small to resuscitate both the
great Palladio himself and all his vast progeny. We also felt
that it was above all important to look at Palladio again, with
the help of the vast scholarly output of the last thirty years,
examining him in his own terms and in his own context,
disentangling him and his works from the buildings of the
many generations of architects who had sheltered under his
pedimented porticoes.
Palladio cannot, however, be entirely separated from Pal-
1. Giacomo
ladianism. Daniele Barbaro (section 12) already saw the
Quarenghi, View
of Pavlovsk, detail
power and importance of his message, not only for the
of cat. 199. Bergamo,
Collezione present, but also for the future: Palladio, he writes, had
Piervaleriano
Angelini constructed ‘many superb Buildings in his native city, and
elsewhere, which rival the ancients, illuminate the moderns,
and will appear marvellous to future generations.’4 Palladio
himself wrote and built almost more for tomorrow than for
today. For this reason we have included a final section in this
exhibition in which we introduce some of the principal
architects who developed their architecture on the basis of
Palladio’s achievement, not so much by copying his works
and engravings, as by establishing a dialogue with his ideas
and language, adapting it to different climates and situations.
The architects who appear briefly here – Scamozzi (section
35), Jones (section 36), Burlington (section 37), Cameron and
Quarenghi (section 38), Jefferson (section 39) and Le
Corbusier (section 40) – knew Palladio’s book, and all of
them (except Jefferson) had seen his buildings. They were all
great architects who transformed the architecture of the
countries in which they worked, and in Le Corbusier’s case,
of the world.
Palladio’s impact in England, Russia and America was
partly a matter of chance. It depended on the personal
history and personality of Inigo Jones (cat. 191), and his
success in establishing contacts with the Earl of Arundel, the
English Royal Court, and the former English Ambassador in
Venice, Sir Henry Wotton (1568-1639).5 Wotton, a witty and
cultivated admirer of Palladio (and author of the first book
in English introducing the new architectural culture) had
apparently obtained some of Palladio’s drawings before Jones
acquired his own important collection.6 And perhaps if
Jones, who met and conversed with Scamozzi in Vicenza,
had thought better of him, he would, like the Dutch in the
seventeenth century, have preferred Scamozzi to Palladio.7
Burlington too, though directed towards Palladio by his
reading and by his early architectural mentor Colen 372
 [2.]
2. Villa Pisani, called
La Rocca, Lonigo,
Campbell (1676-1729), was also exceptionally fortunate in
Vicenza
managing to acquire a large collection of Palladio drawings
3. Banqueting House,
Whitehall, London in Italy (including the Roman bath drawings) and then in
England to purchase from John Talman most of Jones’s
Palladio drawings.8 Giacomo Quarenghi attributes his
encounter with Palladio to luck: ‘Providence would have it
that a Palladio in one of the best editions should fall into my
hands: You will never believe the impression which such a
book made on me’. This chance discovery changed his
architecture, and his life.9
the contexts
Palladio’s success however was not just a matter of chance. It
was the result of what his book and his architecture had to
offer, and of an increasing demand for new buildings, linked
to economic and population growth in northern Europe,
and the social changes which went with it. Alberti had
reinvented architecture – the science and art of architecture
– in fifteenth-century Italy. His recovery and updating of a
whole sector of ancient culture inspired the work of the great
Italian architects of the sixteenth-century, from Bramante
onwards, opening the great age of architecture. Architecture
became an instrument for enhancing the prestige and goals
of individuals, institutions and rulers, for rebuilding cities
and rehousing not only great nobles but new classes of
wealthy merchants and landowners. The language and
methods of architecture became familiar, not only to
architects, but to their employers and a wide urban ‘public
opinion’, increasingly informed by way of architectural
books. The Florentine diarist and pharmacist Luca Landucci
(1436-1516) is an early representative of a growing body of
[3.]
‘middle-class’ individuals who admired, criticised or
commented on new buildings.10 They did so at home; they
also, like Montaigne or the English traveller Coryat, visited
and described buildings when travelling abroad.11 And
already in 1551 the writer Ringhieri prepared ladies for
intellectual discussions about architectural matters.12 In the
fifteenth century Alberti had to resort to the language of
classical literary criticism to find ways of discussing archi-
tecture; a century later writers used architectural analogies
when discussing literature. Architecture, with its concern for
structure and layout, wholes and parts, provided metaphors
and analogies in many fields, while its ‘plans’ and ‘designs’
overlapped, in terminology and context, with the ‘projects’
of rulers, politicians and expansionist merchants.
This new architectural culture developed in Italy and
moved northwards, as well as into Spain and Portugal, and
from these great colonial powers to new worlds. By the later
decades of the sixteenth century it reached even England in
the form of travellers’ accounts, histories, Protestant Italian
émigrés (like Horatio Pallavicino) and above all Italian,
French and Flemish books.13 Palladio’s plans were scrutinised
and quoted by Robert Smythson (c. 1535-1614) even before it
was conceivable that white and essentially simple façades
should rise above the green trees and fields of English
country estates.14
In England (and also in Holland, once the new state had
consolidated its position after 1628), a large new class of rich
merchants and ‘gentry’ emerged, ever better educated, and
determined to assert status by building in a new, less
extravagant, more commodious, regular and also safer way as
witnessed in the replacement, as Palladio had done, of beam
roofs with vaults. 374

[4.] [5.]
Palladio’s houses, especially his villas were relevant to
these new country house owners, who would have found
Palladio’s reference to his patrons as ‘gentlemen’ appropriate
and congenial. Though in England the Civil War between
King and Parliament slowed developments, what Inigo Jones
had launched as a style for the King, the Queen and their
courtiers, became more widely diffused.15 Colen Campbell,
Lord Burlington and William Kent in the first half of the
eighteenth century reinforced the new architecture, giving it
a national character by invoking not only Palladio but also
his English alter ego Inigo Jones. They also enthroned the
Palladian style as the only one appropriate for great noble-
men, like Burlington himself, or for successful politicians
and very rich merchants. Burlington effected his archi-
tectural revolution through his social prominence, the
intensity of his convictions and the quality of his own
designs, as well as through the publications he sponsored:
Isaac Ware’s fine translation of Palladio’s Quattro Libri
(1738); his own edition of Palladio’s drawings of the Roman
baths (almost certainly the first facsimile publication of a
group of architectural drawings);16 and William Kent’s
publication of The Designs of Inigo Jones (1727).17 His cause
was also eloquently sustained by his friend the poet
Alexander Pope (1688-1744) in his An Epistle to Lord
Burlington.18
However Burlington, despite his wealth and standing,
was a figure on the fringes of power, and not a member of
the inner ruling circle. In this he differs from the great
advocates of Palladian innovation in the new America and
in the new Westernising Russia. Thomas Jefferson (1743-
1826) was one of the founders of the United States and its
375 third president. He was also initially (though his works were
4. Andrea Palladio,
Reconstruction
of the Egyptian
Hall, woodcut
reproduced in
I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
(Venice 1570, II, p. 42)
5. Banqueting
House, Whitehall,
London, interior
few and very personal) the greatest architect of the newly
founded Republic. He transformed the often ingenuous
model-book Palladianism of colonial America, through his
reading and direct knowledge of French architecture and of
modern techniques and conveniences, establishing at his
own house, Monticello (Virginia) (figs 39.1-4) and at the
University of Virginia in Richmond models for the
country’s new private and public architecture. In later
eighteenth-century Russia, architectural innovation also
came from the top, as it had earlier done under Peter the
Great. An exceptionally intelligent and dynamic ruler,
Catherine ii (Empress, 1762-1796), after experimenting
with German and French architects, and a great Russian
architect, formed in Italy, Vasily Bazhenov (1737/1738-
1799), opted for the Palladian style. It was introduced by
Giacomo Quarenghi (1744-1817) and Charles Cameron
(1745-1812), pupil of Isaac Ware, and author of the Baths of
the Romans explained and illustrated (1772).19 Cameron was
also linked stylistically, and probably personally (perhaps
because of his ultimately Scottish origin), with one of the
greatest architectural personalities of the second half of the
century, Robert Adam (1728-1792). Catherine, unlike
Jefferson, was not herself an architect, but she knew what
she wanted. As her quick sketches of plans preserved among
Quarenghi’s drawings in Bergamo show, she was perfectly
capable of expressing her ideas with a pencil.20 She made the
ultimate decisions; it was her flair and insight which
allowed her instantly to seize the Neo-Palladian moment
(marked above all by the appearance of Ottavio Bertotti
Scamozzi’s monumental Le fabbriche e I disegni di Andrea
Palladio (1776-1783): Cameron arrived in Russia in 1779,
Quarenghi in 1780.

6. Chiswick House,
Middlesex, front
Palladianism gave Catherine, and the modern European
façade
Russia that she strove so hard to create, just the architecture
it required: rational, universal, not associated with any
particular country or régime, inspired by antiquity, but also
adaptable to the Russian climate, and realisable, if need be,
in wood. In the hands of a brilliant, but industrious and
systematic designer like Quarenghi, the Palladian
inheritance, now enriched and documented by Burlington’s
contribution and Bertotti’s massive tomes, could provide
solutions to all the building types which the new, expanding
Russia needed in ever greater numbers: not simply Imperial
residences (cat. 197) or pleasure buildings like Cameron’s
wonderful one-off creations (cat. 198), but town and
country houses (for a nobility free, after 1762, to live
permanently on their estates),21 schools and colleges,
theatres, banks, institutes of learning (fig. 13), hospitals,
barracks and prisons. The character of Palladio’s architecture,
in which buildings fall into typological groupings and are
‘assembled’ on the drawing board from standard
components, was intelligently exploited by Quarenghi and
his collaborators to provide for functions that Palladio
himself had not even imagined.
the architects
Of all the dialogues with Palladio the most prickly (but not
therefore less intense) was that of the Vicentine Vincenzo
Scamozzi (1548-1616). Forty years younger than the great
architect, he must have known him, and despite playing
down Palladio’s importance in his own treatise (1615), and
his sharp criticisms of the elder architect reported by Inigo
Jones, Scamozzi probably had access to Palladio’s ideas and
[6.]
even his drawings in the 1570s. As Barbieri points out below
(section 35), Scamozzi, like Palladio’s sons Orazio, Leonida
and Silla, was well educated, and his approach, as revealed in
his treatise was encyclopaedic, based on deep study and
methodical note taking, resulting in a vision which is both
more comparative, and more rigidly systematic than
Palladio’s. His masterpiece of the 1570s, the Rocca Pisani
(cats 189-190), designed when Palladio was the leading
architect of Vicenza and Venice, is a deliberate attempt to
outdo Palladio’s Villa Rotonda (cat. 183). Scamozzi, at least
on its interior, fully succeeds in designing an architectural
space which has no parallel in his predecessors’ work: the
domed central hall (fig. 2) is spatially and visually connected
with the rooms in the corners of the building, instead of
being isolated from them as in the Rotonda. Its site is also
higher and the view more commanding than that of the
Rotonda. Scamozzi constantly returns to Palladio’s works,
executed and unexecuted, taking ideas from them, but also
seeking to achieve effects which Palladio had not been able
to realise. Thus, to take only one example, at his Palazzo
Trissino on the Corso in Vicenza (now the city hall) the
square courtyard, with loggias on four sides implements
Palladio’s unexecuted design for Palazzo della Torre (Quattro
Libri, ii, p. 76). At the same time Scamozzi creates a
colonnaded portico at the street level of the façade, thinking
certainly of Palazzo Chiericati (section 9), but also of
Palladio’s plate of Palazzo Thiene (cat. 20), showing a
projecting central wing giving on to the same street as that
on which Palazzo Trissino stands. In the portico of Palazzo
Trissino, Scamozzi puts this idea into execution, advertising
the presence of the great palace to passers-by, long before
they stand in front of its façade. 376
 [7.]
Scamozzi had little choice but to maintain the basic forms
and language of Palladio’s architecture: it was what was
required locally, and even Scamozzi himself must have
accepted Palladio’s style as constituting a norm and point of
departure. At most he could ‘vary’, making minor changes to
the orders or to room layouts. Scamozzi is Palladio’s talented
and only slightly rebellious immediate heir; he finished several
of the older architect’s buildings in Vicenza, and became
intimate with Palladio’s leading friends in Venice, like
Marcantonio Barbaro (see section 12 and cat. 119) and
Giacomo Contarini. Through his publication, Idea, he
provided the main inspiration for Dutch classicising
architecture.22 His role in the development of English
Palladianism was also great, for his discussions with Jones
offered the English architect the possibility of learning much
about Palladio and about architecture, which he could never
have found in books. And the critical character of Scamozzi’s
comments, and the differences of his views and buildings from
those of Palladio allowed Jones to compare contrasting
positions, and make up his own mind as to which was
preferable.23
Scamozzi probably made the most notable contribution
to the development of Palladian architecture in England: it
is likely (but not documented) that it was he who sold
Palladio’s drawings to Inigo Jones (section 36) during the
latter’s visits to Vicenza in 1613-1614. In 1614 Jones returned
to England, enriched by his possession of dozens of Palladio’s
drawings, and by having ‘obsearved’ [sic] many of Palladio’s
works24, as well as the buildings Palladio had studied in
Rome. His Palladio drawings influenced his drawing style
and nourished his ideas, as they did for successive
377 generations of English architects. Their influence can be
[8.]
clearly seen, for instance, in his studies for the Banqueting 7. Chiswick House,
Middlesex, rear
House (cats 193-194). It is striking that while Jones often façade
8. Andrea Palladio,
densely annotated his architectural books, he never once design of a villa for
two brothers (Villa
made a note or a sketch on any Palladio drawing, even on a Thiene at Quinto?).
London, RIBA XVII/5r
blank side of a sheet: a testimony to the respect in which he
held them.
Jones never simply photocopied Palladio, at least after his
early designs for the New Exchange and the tower of old St.
Paul’s: in the latter the Basilica loggias appear rather absurdly
at the top of the massive structure.25 He often made use of
motifs taken from Scamozzi, like the serliana window, used
at both the Queen’s House and the Queen’s Chapel at St.
James.26 Jones had a sophisticated attitude towards imitation,
and clearly agreed (if in nothing else) with his partner in the
creation of court masques, the great Ben Jonson (1572-1637),
that ‘One, though he be excellent, and the chief, is not to be
imitated alone. For never no imitator, ever grew up to his
author [i.e. preferred model]’.27 Thus while Jones imitated
Scamozzi and others, ‘the chief’ for him, the master of his
ideas and his approach to design, remained Palladio. From
Palladio he learned his attention to the antique, his respect
for ancient typologies, his sense for the relation between the
design of individual details and the whole building, his skill
in creating spaces.
From Palladio too he learned his flexibility, his realisation
that site, materials and the requisites of the commission will
sometimes make it necessary to depart from even the best
rules and the most admired models. Jones constantly had to
face new problems for which Palladio’s buildings and
drawings could suggest only partial answers. Thus the
Banqueting House, part of the royal palace of Whitehall (fig.
3), but a separate structure, did not have the precise
9. Chiswick House,
Middlesex, window
characteristics of either a Palladio palace or villa. Like a villa,
on the façade
it had a low service floor below. Jones however needed to
present the structure as a palatial building, with orders
applied across the whole façade. Jones does not try to fit an
existing Palladio design to his building, though Palladio,
above all in his designs for Palazzo Porto (section 7), was of
help in finding ways to articulate the façade and create a
central emphasis.28 The interior (fig. 5), a single great hall, 55
ft wide, 55 ft high and 110 ft long, with a coffered ceiling
decorated with Rubens’s famous paintings, is a realisation of
a Palladian typology – that of the Egyptian Hall – which
Palladio himself never had the opportunity to build. Palladio
describes such halls, following Vitruvius, as of ‘a marvellous
size, both because of the decoration with columns, and
because of their height ... they must have been very conveni-
ent when celebrations or banquets were held.’29 Jones clearly
paid great attention to this passage, and registered the
appropriateness of the type for a Banqueting House. His
interior resembles Palladio’s plate (fig. 4): the only
substantial difference is that the columns become half
columns, and therefore recall those of Palladio’s Corinthian
Hall (Quattro Libri, ii, pp. 38-39). Moreover, the gallery
runs round the inside, not the outside of the building. Jones
also changes the order from Corinthian (above and below),
to Ionic below and Composite above, thereby using the same
[9.] orders on both interior and exterior, as he felt one should
do.30 Despite these changes the overall effect is close to
Palladio’s idea.
Jones’s method at the Banqueting House resembles
Palladio’s own: identification of an appropriate Vitruvian
typology, adaptation of this to the circumstances with some
necessary modifications, flexibility regarding the choice of 378
 orders, close attention to preferred models (for Jones, 10. Pavlovsk Palace,
St. Petersburg, Ionic
Palladio’s works and designs), but no literal copying either of window

the overall design or the details of his sources. In this, even

more than Scamozzi, Jones shows himself to be Palladio’s
most direct and intelligent heir.
One hundred years later, Lord Burlington (1694-1753)
sought to re-establish the good architecture of Palladio and
Jones, after (to his mind) the arbitrary excesses of Wren,
Vanbrugh and Hawksmoor. He was further from Palladio in
time and in attitude and he did not, unlike Jones, have the
possibility of conversing with those who had known
Palladio. Burlington is eclectic, but always committed to a
classicism which is defined by antiquity and by the works of
Palladio, and to a lesser extent by those of Scamozzi, Jones
and Webb. He also takes account of recent French
classicism, and of French advances in domestic planning.
Unlike the Banqueting House interior, his villa at Chiswick
could never be mistaken for a work of Palladio, even though
an early Palladio design for a villa in his possession (riba
xvii/5r; fig. 8) served as the basis for the rear elevation (fig.
7);31 the main façade (fig. 6) is obviously indebted to the
Villa Foscari (fig. 13.6). Scamozzi’s Rocca Pisani inspires the
octagonal dome; the incredibly rich and carefully executed
all’antica details (the portico order is meticulously copied
from that of the Temple of Mars Ultor (cat. 147) in the
Forum of Augustus, Quattro Libri, iv, p. 20), would have [10.]

seemed out of place and even extravagant on a Palladio villa.

This is not to say that Chiswick is a failure. On the contrary
it is a brilliant creation, where Burlington presents a quite
new aspect of Palladio on the rear façade, while managing to
fuse his sources of inspiration into a unified design, different
379 from Palladio, but always under his benign tutelage. The
[11.] [12.]
11. Tsarskoye Selo,
Ionic gallery
sequence of internal spaces is effective, as is Burlington’s
12. Pavlovsk Palace,
attempt to create a new all’antica style of interior decoration,
St. Petersburg
on the basis of suggestions offered by Jones and Renaissance
decorative drawings in his own collection, rather than by
Palladio’s plates, which had served Jones so well in the
Banqueting House interior.32 These experiments, which
predate the discoveries at Pompeii, have a particular
importance, as they opened the way towards the later
innovations of Robert Adam in Britain and hence of Charles
Cameron in Russia.
Burlington at Chiswick shows the capacity to control –
aesthetically and in terms of high quality execution – a
complicated, varied, subtle building. The ornament is rich,
but is kept in place, and does not distract from the overall
design. The chimneys, in the form of obelisks, for which an
autograph sketch survives (cat. 196) are a brilliant
invention. They revive an idea present in a Serlio
illustration, where obelisks frame a dome; in sixteenth-
century Italy chimney stacks in the form of obelisks were
also used.33 They are in keeping with the classicising
character of the design; they also have the important visual
function of framing the dome and stabilising the frontal
appearance of the building.
At Chiswick Burlington fully establishes his architectural
skill and inventiveness. In other works he displays equal
originality and the capacity to put into practice ideas and
aspects of Palladio which had till then been largely
overlooked: his simpler designs, where columns or pilasters
are lacking;34 Palladio’s reconstructions of ancient public
buildings and public spaces, with their extensive interior and
exterior colonnades; his drawings of the Roman baths (cats
138-139, 141) which Burlington had acquired in Italy and
subsequently published.35 This ‘thermal Palladianism’ of
Burlington, combined with a more rigorously Palladian
version of the interior of Jones’s Banqueting House, was
unveiled at the York Assembly Rooms (1730). Through the
latter building, and the publication of Palladio’s bath recon-
structions this aspect of Burlington’s (and Palladio’s)
architecture was integrated into the styles of Cameron and
Quarenghi (cat. 197).
Burlington is much more than a very talented amateur,
who lavished time and money on his own house, Chiswick.36
He was a great, inventive architect, who perceived and put
into practice aspects of Palladio’s imagination which the
architect himself had never been able to convert into brick
and stone. And these aspects influenced Robert Adam,
French classicism of the second half of the century as well as
Cameron and Quarenghi.
Dmitrij Shvidkovsky has well characterised the work
and architectural personality of Charles Cameron (1745-
1812): an architecture which is personal in conception,
private in its destination (above all for Catherine herself ),
imbued with admiration of the antique and of Palladio,
but also of other Italian Cinquecento architects
(principally Giulio Romano).37 Cameron also displays a
close familiarity with the work of Robert Adam, which
served him as inspiration both at Pavlosk (cats 198-199)
and in the Agate Pavilion at Tsarskoye Selo.38 His is also an
architecture of atmospheres, allusions, emotions, which
though it makes use of standard classical or Palladian
elements, is inventive and almost even eccentric in its
personal crafting of details: for instance the Ionic windows
(fig. 10), freely inspired by those of Palazzo Thiene (cat.
22), at the sides of the Pavlosk Palace. The palace itself 380

[13.]
constitutes a personal re-reading of the theme of the
Palladio villa, organised around a domed central space,
with quadrant colonnades at its sides (cat. 198).
Quarenghi’s architecture is very different. Most of its
elements (it is an architecture built from standard elements)
come from Palladio, rather than directly from the antique.
Quarenghi knew how to provide for the private sphere, as in
the elegant Music Pavilion in the grounds at Tsarskoye Selo,
or for the Court, as in his fine theatre, inspired by the Teatro
Olimpico, in the Hermitage. Quarenghi, however, was able
to address all the architectural needs of the new, developing
Russia. He succeeded in ‘stretching’ and enlarging Palladio’s
villa types, without destroying the basic unity or spirit of the
design. He does so, for instance, in his building for the
Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburg (1783-1787; a widened
version of the Palladian porticoed villa) (fig. 13). At the State
Bank at St. Petersburg (1783-1790) he also employs an
enlarged villa-like layout, with a central residence for the
director, in the place of the owner’s house, while the large
store rooms for copper coins are integrated into the design
in the interior of a huge hemicycle behind the house,
inspired by the baths of Trajan and Diocletian, and by the
semicircular spaces which Palladio inserted in front of the
Villa Godi and the Villa Barbaro at Maser (section 12).
Sometimes, as at the Alexander Palace (fig. 14 and cat. 197),
and in the colonnade added to the Anichkov Palace at St.
Petersburg (1803-1805), Quarenghi introduces airy and
beautiful colonnades and porticoes (fig. 15). His deep
understanding of Palladio’s architecture permeates the whole
project, from the features taken from the Roman baths to
the placing of arches at the ends of porticoes. Even his
381 presentation of the project, with a series of sections and
13. Academy
of the Sciences,
St. Petersburg
elevations (in this case arranged around the plan) is inspired
by Palladio’s Roman bath drawings, which he would have
known from the publications of Burlington and Cameron.
At the same time the Alexander Palace considered as a whole
has no direct model in Palladio’s work.
Quarenghi was a hard worker, kept to his task by
Catherine. He employed a limited vocabulary of Palladian
types, which aided him – as it had Palladio – in the pro-
duction of a very large number of projects. But like Palladio,
he also had a marked artistic sensibility: he never makes a
visually false move, even in the design of details. His creativ-
ity, humour, artistic talent and even desire to provoke
(mildly) emerge in his wonderful figural additions to many
of his views and presentation drawings: the carriages arriving
under the portico, the little groups gathered under the
colonnades or in gardens (fig. 1 and cat. 199). He takes
pleasure in the surprising use of a Doric frieze over Ionic
columns at the Anichkov Palace, for which he naturally finds
antique precedents.39 He is equally provocative when he
chooses to be painted (in the portrait now in the City Hall
in Bergamo) with a folio volume on the table at his side: not
palladio or vitruvius, on the spine, but shakespeare, as
if to say that in the end it is not rules which matter for the
architect, but poetry and emotion.
still a contemporary?
Cameron and Quarenghi, and their follower in Russia Karl
Rossi (1775-1849) are perhaps the last great Palladians, in a
tradition often passed directly from architect to architect.
Neo-classicism, and the passion for Greek architecture
began to command the architectural scene. Even the Eng-
 [14.]
14. Alexander Palace,
Tsarskoye Selo
lish classicising architect Charles Barry (1795-1860) begins
to shows a certain boredom with Palladio’s buildings in his
Italian sketchbooks, and favours the less predictable and
familiar architecture of the period before Palladio.40
Quarenghi, Karl Rossi and their Imperial employers saw
the Palladian style as an instrument of modernisation and
urban development. Essentially Ruskin would have agreed
with them, but as he detested all forms of standardisation
and regimentation of labour, Palladio and his con-
temporaries and followers were ultimately responsible in his
eyes for enormous damage both to society and to archi-
tecture. Their impact, for Ruskin (1819-1900), was even
more devastating because of their genius and imagination.
Palladio, however, is an antagonist whom Ruskin decides
not to confront directly (perhaps for fear of succumbing to
the power of his creations?) but instead to oppose him
indirectly through the detailed description of the marvels of
pre-Renaissance architecture in Venice.41
Palladio continued to be studied in architecture schools,
and exercised a considerable influence on public architecture
(for instance in Russia and the United States) well into the
twentieth century. A significant dialogue is that between Le
Corbusier (1887-1965) and the Vicentine architect. Le
Corbusier had visited Vicenza and sketched Palladio’s build-
ings with his usual deft, penetrating architectural intelli-
gence (cat. 201). The great modern architect cannot be
termed an imitator of Palladio. But there is no doubt that he
must have measured himself against the greatest architect-
writer of the sixteenth century, the great villa designer who
by formulating rules for proportion and by publishing his
works determined the architectural developments of the next
two centuries. Le Corbusier did not imitate Palladio’s forms,
as Jones or Quarenghi had done, but the shape of his own
achievement – the desire to be for modern times what Pal-
ladio had been in his own time – was certainly reinforced by
his awareness of his great predecessor.
And Palladio today? The potential relevance of Palladio
today should be clear from this hurried history of the
dialogues between the author of the Quattro Libri and some
of the leading innovators in the centuries after his death.42 If
architecture is to recover even a fraction of the importance it
had – in the eyes of the wider public and not just among
practising architects – from Palladio’s times to the age of
Ruskin, it is necessary to establish points of reference and to
encourage a familiarity with classic works. Every art needs its
classics: known, visited and re-visited, not the enemies of the
new, but the soil in which innovation and reflection can
grow, starting from a common patrimony. There can be no
Architecture, no architectural criteria, and no architectural
progress, if certain buildings, books and architects are not
familiar. Palladio, because of the quality of his production
and the clarity of his thought, potentially provides such a
point of reference.43 For centuries he has been the architect’s
architect – their eternal contemporary – read, observed,
imitated or criticised. Today, with our environment and
therefore our whole way of life at risk, with the cities and the
buildings where we live and work often unsatisfactory or
actually repellent, we may not need Palladio’s capitals or his
ideas about the Roman house, but we still need his company,
still need to enlist him as our contemporary.
1
The accuracy of Palladio’s plates of antiquities was first challenged here and there by Inigo
Jones in the marginal notes in his copy of the Quattro Libri (cat. 192). Criticisms, however, 382
 [15.]

became detailed and substantiated in Desgodetz 1682: see Mignot 2000, p. 113. 27
Ben Jonson, Discoveries, in Jonson 1996, p. 401. 15. Imperial Cabinet,
2
Wittkower 1974; Tavernor 1992; Oechslin 2006; see also Harris 1994; Bracker 1997; 28
Perhaps Jones knew a now lost elevation, similar to that in Vicenza for the Palazzo Anichkov Palace,
St. Petersburg
Anderson 2007; Worsley 2007; and, on Russia, Shvidkovsky 2007, pp. 229 ff. Piovene façade (cat. 149), where the rusticated water level basement, rendered necessary by
3
Palladio: la sua eredità nel mondo 1980; Beltramini, Burns, Forster, Oechslin, Thoenes the presence of the river, is much lower than that of his normal palace façades, with high
1999. vaulted living rooms present on the ground floor.
4
Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro) 1556, p. 40: ‘molti superbi Edificij ne la patria sua, & altrove, che 29
Quattro Libri, ii, pp. 41-42: the halls, Palladio writes, were of ‘una grandezza mirabile sì
contendono con gli antichi, danno lume a moderni, e daran meraviglia a quelli che per l’ornamento delle colonne, si ancho per la sua altezza... e dovevano riuscir molto
verranno’. commode quando vi si facevano feste, ò conviti.’ The oeci aegyptii are discussed by
5
On Arundel: Hervey 1921; Howarth 1985; see also Newman 1980; Howarth 1985a; Peacock Vitruvius 6,3, 8-9: see the commentary in Vitruvio (ed. Gros) 1997, pp. 937-941,
1986; White 1995; Fletcher 1996; Jaffé 1996; Howarth 2002; Chaney 2003; Gilman 2003; accompanied by a section of the oecus aegyptius of the Casa dell’ Atrio at Ercolano; for
Angelicoussis 2004; Howarth 2006. On Jones himself see for a recent summary and Barbaro’s translation and commentary see Vitruvio (ed. Barbaro) 1556, pp. 174-175. In the
bibliography: Colvin 2008 (indispensable also for Burlington and all the British architects Quattro Libri, i, pp. 41-42, Palladio returns to the theme, and offers a plan and section of
mentioned here); see also Summerson 1966; Harris, Higgott 1989; Newman 2004; the Egyptian Hall, which was not illustrated in the 1556 Vitruvius. The Egyptian Hall also
Anderson 2007; Worsley 2007. On Jones’s annotations and his architectural theory: influenced the great central hall of Van Campen’s Town Hall in Amsterdam.
Newman 1980; Newman 1988; Newman 1992; Higgott 1992. 30
Jones criticises Scamozzi for employing an Ionic order at ground level on the façade of
6
This appears from Jones’s notes on plates of the Quattro Libri, where Jones indicates Palazzo Trissino, but a Doric one at the same level in the courtyard: see Burns 2006-2007,
Wotton as owning the drawing for the plate: see Allsopp, 1, 1970, notes on Quattro Libri, p. 218; Jones writes of Palazzo Trissino (Allsopp 1970, i, p. 2): ‘Thear [in Vicenza] a great
i, pp. 12, 30, 36, 50; iii, p. 33; iv, p. 29. For Wotton see: Wotton 1624; van Eck 1988; Harris, Pallas begon by Scamzio but ye order wthin agreith not wth that without wch is an Ionicke
Savage 1990, pp. 499-503; Burns, in Beltramini, Burns, Forster, Oechslin, Thoenes 1999, Portico that within is Dorricke and lower.’
pp. 62-63, cat. 7; also Pearsall Smith 1966; Mitchell 1994; Ord 2007. 31
On the drawing, see Burns, in Beltramini, Burns, Forster, Oechslin, Thoenes 1999, pp.
7
Burns 2006-2007; Ottenheym 2006-2007. 56-57.
8
Harris 1994, p. 66. 32
Harris 1994, pp. 119-129, 160-161.
9
Letter to Luigi Marchesi (a fascinating brief autobiography) of 1 March 1785, in Zanella 33
Serlio 1537, fol. lviii.
1988, p. 72, quoted in Burns 2003, p. 486: ‘la Provvidenza volle che mi capitasse 34
Sicca 1990.
casualmente alle mani un Palladio delle migliori edizioni. Lei non potrà mai credere l’ 35
See note 16, above.
impressione che fece in me un tal libro.’ 36
It is interesting to note the remarks of the elderly Sara, Duchess of Marlborough, an
10
Landucci 1969. experienced building patron: ‘Surely’ she wrote to her grand-daughter, ‘my Lord
11
Coryat 1905 (1611). Burlington must be a very odd man, to bring a great fortune of his own into difficulties by
12
Ringhieri 1551; Burns 2000e. this passion of building, and not only so, but to give himself the trouble of building for
13
See for instance, L. Stone, Sir Horatio Pallavicino, Oxford, 1956, and the descriptions of others’ (quoted by Burns 1999b, p. 48).
Italian cities and buildings in Thomas 1549. 37
Shvidkovsky 1996.
14
Girouard 1983. 38
Burns 2003, pp. 484-485.
15
Mowl, Earnshaw 1995. 39
Burns 2003, p. 491.
16
Burlington 1730: for the volume and its probable true date (1736-1740), see: Harris, 40
Burns 1999b, p. 49; Burns, in Beltramini, Burns, Forster, Oechslin, Thoenes 1999, pp.
Savage 1990, pp. 348-352; Beasley, in Middleton, Beasley, Savage 1998, pp. 195-198, cat. 52. 223-224.
For the copy, with Burlington’s autograph dedication to Doge Pietro Grimani, dated 1746, 41
John Ruskin, The Stones of Venice (3 vols, 1851-1853), i, 1, sections 36-39.
see Pasquali, in Beltramini, Burns, Forster, Oechslin, Thoenes 1999, p. 142; Fara, Tovo 42
To this list, of course, others should be added, including even those whom strict
2001, pp. 62-65, cat. 41. Palladians had seen as antagonists: Borromini, Hawksmoor, Ledoux.
17
Harris, Savage 1990, pp. 247-252; Middleton, in Middleton, Beasley, Savage 1998, pp. 135- 43
His works and writings still provide a focus for the discussion of fundamentals: relations
136. between structural design, function and appearance, i.e. the Vitruvian triad; relations
18
Pope 1993, pp. 242-250. between part and whole; the role of decoration and the design of detail; the tension
19
The book is a new edition of the contents of Burlington 1730, transformed by the between standardisation and conceptual (or today actual) prefabrication of parts; the role
addition of much scholarly information concerning the Roman baths: see Harris, Savage of imitation and allusion; the character and usefulness of typologies. The list could
1990, pp. 136-139; Beasley, in Middleton, Beasley, Savage 1998, pp. 41-44, cat. 9. continue.
20
Giacomo Quarenghi 1994, pp. 54-58, cats 39-44.
21
De Madariaga 2002, pp. 88-89.
22
Ottenheym 2006-2007 (with bibliography).
23
On Jones and Scamozzi see Burns 2006-2007; Worsley 2007.
24
Allsopp 1970, i, p. 25, referring to the Convento della Carità (Quattro Libri, ii, p. 30):
‘Sonday ye 10 Aug. I obsearved this buildin againe.’
25
Harris, Higgott 1989, pp. 36-39.
383 26
Burns 2006-2007; Worsley 2006-2007.
 Vincenzo Scamozzi (1548-1616)
35. Franco Barbieri
Vincenzo Scamozzi was born in 1548,
the son of Giandomenico di Vin-
cenzo, who had moved as a child to
Vicenza from his native Arigna Sopra
Ponte di Valtellina. Having become
an expert auditor of buildings and
land, as well as a modest architect for
merchant bourgeois patrons, Giando-
menico mainly referred to Sebastiano
Serlio’s Regole, and especially the
Fourth Book, dedicated to explaining
the orders and norms of sound
building. Thanks to sufficient eco-
nomic resources, Giandomenico
avoided his son having to go through
the humiliating craft apprenticeship
bound to a patron, unlike Andrea di
Pietro, who changed his name to
Palladio as a consequence. Ever mind-
ful of his father’s Serlian teachings,
Vincenzo could also draw on the vast
Humanist culture of a seminary
school, while the intellectual guidance
of the Accademia Olimpica en-
couraged his natural rationalistic
leanings, possibly also influenced by
his Lombard origins. During his
extended Roman stay (1578-1580),
made possible by the family resources,
he studied mathematical disciplines
by attending the lectures of Clavius.
This may explain his subsequent
enthusiasm for scientism, spread by
the prestigious presence of Galileo in
the nearby University of Padua.
From his youth, Scamozzi must
have obviously been aware of the
changing times. Due to the worsening
economic situation combined with
the impact of the Counter-Re-
formation, the enthusiasm for the
renovatio urbis in a grandiloquent
Classicist key had lost momentum.
The trend had been set by leading
Vicentine notables, partly as a
reaction to Venetian rule, endured
rather than accepted. At the same
time, as a consequence of his training
and own particular mindset,
Vincenzo was becoming increasingly
convinced that the way out of the
impasse was to move on from the last
grandiose Palladian ‘inventions’, the
outcome of a basically futureless
poetic fancy (in palaces such as
Valmarana, Piovene, and Porto, or the
Loggia del Capitaniato, and even in
the Teatro Olimpico) to meditated
solutions, built on solid logical foun-
dations, validly produced through the
lucid elaboration of a theorem. For
this purpose, architecture had to be
rethought. It had to move on from the
exercise of free creativity to the
formulations of a science aiming to
reach its results ‘in the way math-
ematics and physics do’. Thus the
largest possible collection of empirical
data had to be considered, free from
any form of prejudice. This explains
Scamozzi’s passion, almost anxiety, to
deepen knowledge by extending the
field of experimentation. Describing
himself as a ‘citizen of the world’, he
indefatigably travelled the roads of
Central Europe to observe the
methods and forms of building
everywhere. He poured this ex-
perience into the hefty treatise en-
titled L’Idea della Architettura Univer-
sale (‘The Idea of Universal Archi-
tecture’), which he published, un-
fortunately incomplete, in 1615 in
limine vitae.
This kind of theoretical position
and its application in related everyday
building practice brings into focus the
relationship between Scamozzi and
Palladio, often written off as slavish
dependence and banal imitation or
even misinterpreted as deplorable,
bitter antagonism. But in fact Vin-
cenzo never fails to include Palladio
among the pantheon of artists, ‘highly
esteemed’ of the ‘best age’, beginning
with Bramante, who so admirably
wrote about architecture and had to be
credited with works ‘finished with such
perfection’. If anything, the only
reproach was that levelled at Palladio’s
loggias for the Basilica in Vicenza,
whose Doric arches were too low and
friezes too high. But without indulging
in any pointless polemics, he actually
carefully critically revised Palladio’s free
creative procedure together with the
consequent presentation, for posterity,
in the Quattro Libri (1570) of ideals,
almost abstract ‘models’, deliberately
stripped of any references to place and
time in the graphic layout of the page,
seen as an authentic tabula rasa.
Scamozzi’s ‘Idea’ was to replace
Palladio’s approach by bringing to-
gether a series of completely verifiable
‘solutions’, obtained through a cast-
iron coherent method taking into
account and distilling – according to
thorough scientific principles – all the
diverse indispensable factors in
building practice. Hence his plans,
elevations and sections, always accom-
panied by meticulous data, which
included detailed topographical and
urban or country planning infor-
mation, combined with exhaustive
descriptions. Scamozzi always included
dates, not only out of what we might
describe as an ‘historical-documentary’
scrupulousness, highly unusual at that
time, but as precious elements delib-
erately included for the purposes of de-
scribing – in an unexpected fore-
shadowing of modern historicist
requirements – the existential develop-
ment of man and artist.
His theoretical premises and
practical attitude encompassed the
implication for design of, for example,
buildings in which function prevails to
such an extent that orders are dispensed
with to reveal bare walls, enlivened only
by the rhythm of the openings;
buildings joined up round quadrilateral
courtyards, the physical and conceptual
centre of gravity of the plan, with all
irregularities pushed to the sidelines;
and clear-cut contrasting lighting
effects. This approach would lend itself
easily to being spread, notably through
the more pragmatic world of Northern
Europe, the seats of Protestantism and
Anglo-Saxon empiricism. This inevit-
ably leads to a reconsideration of so-
called ‘Palladianism’, a term too generic,
in which the Scamozzian contribution
must be acknowledged as playing a
crucial clarifying role.
Literature: for a complete survey of
Scamozzi and related bibliographical
references, see Barbieri, Beltramini
2003; for updates, see Barbieri 2006-
2007, pp. 171-186.
189. Guido Beltramini (designer),
Ivan Simonato (model maker)
Model of Villa Pisani,
called La Rocca
2003
Bahia wood
Height 51 cm; length 105.5 cm;
width 77 cm
Scale 1:33
Vicenza, Centro Internazionale di
Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio
[Exhibited in London]
This detailed reproduction of the
structure of the Villa Rocca Pisani
enables us to go beyond the sole
presumption of a indebtedness to
Palladian influences and to identify
those of Giovanni Maria Falconetto and
Sebastiano Serlio. The model reveals
how the architectural discourse seems to
be played out between the square
perimeter and the tension of the
exceptionally dynamic central space,
enlivened by the large niches and the
ribbing of the dome rising up to the
oculus. Furthermore, its direct contact
with the landscape is achieved through
the inclusion of the loggia and broad
serliana windows. Practical ‘solutions’ 384
 complete the Rocca in functional terms
and at the same time succeed un-
conditionally in the comparison with
the ideal ‘invention’ of Palladio’s
Rotonda.
Literature: Fara, Tovo 2001, pp. 226-
232; Barbieri, in Barbieri, Beltramini
2003, pp. 175-177, cat. 5b.
franco barbieri

Literature Beltramini, Burns 2005, pp.

320-321, cats. 72 (Barbieri) and 72a.

franco barbieri

190. Vincenzo Scamozzi (1548-1616)

Plan and elevation of Villa Pisani,
called La Rocca
1615
Woodcut on paper; from L’Idea della
Architettura Universale (Venice 1615),
Part i, Book iii, Chap. xiii, p. 273
Folio
340 × 238 mm
Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
Internazionale di Studi di Architettura
Andrea Palladio, cap c xvii 10 (1)
[Exhibited in Vicenza]
London, riba Library, Drawings
and Archives Collection, vos/215
[Exhibited in London]

This book is a rare and precious

example of the editio princeps of
Scamozzi’s treatise (Venice 1615). The
plate of the Rocca Pisana (Part i, bk. iii,
chap. xiii, p. 273) shows how Scamozzi,
unlike Palladio, does not present his
buildings as the architect intended them
to have been constructed, but indicates
with meticulous care the specific facts
about the building, from its exact
measurements to its precise orientation
(indicated by the presence of a wind
rose) and the disposition of the
immediately adjacent area. To this
information, he has added a detailed
description of the building and even
given an indication of its date which
situates it within a chronology of his
output, thus producing what is
385 tantamount to a final ‘executive project’.
[190.]
 Inigo Jones (1573-1652)
36. Charles Hind
Inigo Jones (1573-1652) was tradition-
ally seen as a close follower of Andrea
Palladio. Recent studies have con-
firmed a growing appreciation of his
eclectic approach to design, drawing as
it did on Scamozzi, on French sources
and on direct observation from the
antique at least as much as on Palladio.
His extensive library included most of
the important recent treatises on
architecture and design.
Jones trained first as an artist and
then established his reputation at the
Court of King James i as a designer of
masques. He may have travelled in
Italy with the younger brother of the
Earl of Rutland between 1598 and
1603 and he was certainly called a
‘great traveller’ as early as 1605. He
consequently had a unique awareness
(for an English designer) of aesthetic
developments on the Continent.
Jones’s emergence as the first true
English architect followed his visit to
France, Germany and Italy with the
Earl of Arundel in 1613-1614, a
journey that changed the course of
English architecture. He immersed
himself in a close study of the work of
Palladio and his contemporaries, as
well as Palladio’s sources in Rome and
elsewhere.
Although Sir Henry Wotton, who
had been the British Envoy to Venice,
had almost certainly given him before
1613 some studies for the plates of the
Quattro Libri, Jones bought or was
given a treasure trove of Palladio’s
drawings by Palladio’s son Silla and by
Vincenzo Scamozzi (cats 189-190). It is
no exaggeration to claim that the
Palladian Revival in Britain of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
was founded on the knowledge of
these drawings in successive British
collections by three generations of
architects, at least as much, if not
more, than of copies of the Quattro
Libri. Although Jones constantly
referred to them, he did not use them
as a source of motifs to copy, unlike
Lord Burlington and his circle (section
37), but as an inspiration in developing
his own view of classical architecture.
His close study of the drawings
certainly completely changed his
drawing style, which was modelled on
Palladio’s after 1614.
On his return to England, Jones
was appointed to the Surveyorship of
the King’s Works, a position that he
used to make himself the arbiter of
architectural taste in England until the
Civil War broke out in 1642. The
Office of the King’s Works was
responsible for all building and
redecoration required by the Court, so
Jones had little time for freelance
design for courtiers, although his
advice was constantly sought. Of his
forty-seven proven authentic works,
only eight are known to survive,
including one church monument, the
key ones being the Banqueting House
in Whitehall (1619-1622; cats 193-194)
and the Queen’s House, Greenwich
(1631 onwards). Although Jones’s
ambitions were hampered by the
Court’s uncertain finances, his influ-
ence was widespread. The requirement
that he be consulted over the Earl of
Bedford’s proposed redevelopment of
his Covent Garden property meant
that, although the detailed design
work was done by Isaac de Caux (fl.
1623-c. 1656), Jones was responsible
for introducing continental town
planning to England and for the plan
of the typical London terrace house,
still in active use four centuries later.
The arrangement of houses over
arcades derives from the Grand Duke
of Tuscany’s piazza in Livorno (begun
1589) and Henry iv’s Place Royale
(now Place des Vosges) in Paris (begun
1605) but the result was uniquely
Jones’s.
The Banqueting House is only a
fragment of Jones’s greatest unbuilt
project, the rebuilding of Whitehall
Palace. When the existing banqueting
house at Whitehall was burned down
in 1619, Jones initially planned for a
straightforward replacement on the
same site, which would simply be the
most modern in a series of piecemeal
adaptations and rebuildings of the
ramshackle old Tudor palace. By the
time it was completed in 1622, he
almost certainly envisaged it as the
first part of a grand classical rebuilding
of the entire palace. Although our
knowledge of his plans is confined to
drawings of the later 1630s by his
pupil and assistant John Webb (1611-
1672; cat. 66) at a time when the
growing antagonism between the
Court and the City of London meant
that there was little prospect of the
palace being built, Jones drew on
Palladio and Scamozzi as well as his
knowledge of the Louvre (which he
had seen) and the Escorial (which he
knew from prints).
Although the effect has been lost
through the refacing of the entire
façade in Portland stone in the nine-
teenth century, Jones had begun
exploring the effects of polychromy
expressed in Palladio’s later work, such
as the Loggia del Capitaniato in
Vicenza (see p. 204). Originally the
exterior had a brown ironstone base-
ment, paler yellow Ketton stone walls
and white Portland stone details.
Jones’s greatest lost project was his
classical re-casing (1631-1642) of the
exterior of the great medieval cath-
edral of St. Paul’s, destroyed in the
Great Fire of London in 1666. Here
again, Jones displayed his eclectic use
of sources but synthesised them into
something uniquely his own. Jones
completely rethought the Roman-
esque transepts and nave. His main
inspiration was the architecture of
ancient Rome. The heavy rustication
comes from Palladio’s woodcuts of the
Baths of Diocletian (cat. 26) and the
cornice brackets from the Pantheon.
The giant West Portico was based on
the Temple of Venus in Rome with
details from the Temple of Antoninus
and Faustina. No portico of its size
had been built north of the Alps since
Antiquity. Here Jones had outdone his
Italian masters.
191. Anthony Van Dyck (1599-1641)
Portrait of Inigo Jones
c. 1640
Pencil
242 × 198 mm
Chatsworth, The Trustees
of the Chatsworth Settlement,
1002 A
As part of his series of great men
entitled Iconographiae (1640), Van
Dyck portrays Inigo Jones as a
courtier, a wise gentleman: that is, as
Jones himself wished to be seen. Little
is known of Jones’s early origins. He
was born in London, the son of a cloth
worker also named Inigo, and while
there has been much speculation
about Jones’s religious affiliation and
sexual orientation, these are relatively
minor issues compared to the one that
Jones himself certainly cared much
more about: his status within the court
as an educated professional with a
privileged knowledge of art,
architecture, theatre, and their uses for
political ends. In this Jones should be
seen as a typical member of the
professional classes that fought for
prominence within the court – Jones’s
ongoing struggles with the poet Ben
Jonson (1572-1637), were as much
about their own relative status in the
court hierarchy as about any abstract
questions on the importance of the
visual over the literary arts.
In this portrait drawing, Jones holds 386
 [191.]

387
a piece of paper, presumably an
example of one of his own archi-
tectural or masque designs, much as in
Titian’s portrait of the architect Giulio
Romano (cat. 15) or Scamozzi’s
portrait on the title page of his book,
L’Idea della Architettura Universale
(1615). Jones certainly identified with
the portrayal of the architect as a man
of letters and status that he under-
stood through his reading of Palladio’s
treatise. The first mention of Jones is
as a traveller learned in languages. We
also know that he first travelled abroad
in the company of Francis Manners,
Lord Roos, as an artistic advisor, and
then later in 1613-1614 with Thomas
Howard, Earl of Arundel, in much the
same role. It was common for young
men to be accompanied by tutors,
who would give advice on what was to
be seen and read abroad. In later years
Jones’s job did not change dramatic-
ally; through his own careful reading
of Palladio and a very wide range of
treatises on art and architecture,
science and mathematics, history,
philosophy and rhetoric, Jones advised
members of the early Stuart court on
all aspects of art and its varied
meanings. First in the service of Prince
Henry, son of James I and Anne of
Denmark, and then for other
members of the royal household, Jones
had a wide variety of jobs as the
designer of masques and festivals as
well as designing architecture and
advising on the purchase of pictures.
Jones’s collection of books was at the
centre of his self-education and pro-
fessional position as a ready reference
and constant source of textual
authority.
Literature: Anderson 1995; Anderson,
also in Beltramini, Burns, Forster,
Oechslin, Thoenes 1999, pp. 59-60,
cat. 4.
christy anderson
192. Inigo Jones (1573-1652)
Handwritten annotations
In: ‘I Quattro Libri/
Dell’Architettura/ Di Andrea
Palladio./ Ne’ quali, dopo un breve
Trattato de’ cinque ordi-/
ni, & di quelli avertimenti, che
sono più/ necessarij nel fabricare;/
Si Tratta Delle Case Private,/ delle
Vie, de i Ponti, delle Piazze,/ de i
Xisti & de’ Tempij./ Con Privilegi./
[Printer’s mark]/ In Venetia,/
Appresso [printed by] Bartolomeo/
Carampello./ 1601.’
Folio
323 × 232 mm
Oxford, The Provost and Fellows
of Worcester College
[Exhibited in London]
Inigo Jones’s visit to Italy in 1613-1614 194. Inigo Jones (1573-1652)
was the turning point in his life as he Elevation of the penultimate
evolved from a stage designer who design for the Banqueting House,
dabbled in architecture into an Whitehall, London
architect. It is known from the dated Pen and brown ink with grey wash,
annotations in this copy of the over scorelines and some graphite
Quattro Libri that he visited many of 366 × 437 mm
Palladio’s buildings, comparing the Chatsworth, The Trustees
woodcuts with the built structures, of the Chatsworth Settlement,
drawing details not shown in the book Whitehall album no. 53
and making observations (both
favourable and critical) on what he This design shows Jones moving
saw. On 14 August 1614, Jones visited towards his final solution, which was a
the Palazzo Thiene, in Vicenza, begun building that drew greatly on Pal-
to the designs of Giulio Romano in ladio’s vocabulary but was very much
1542 and continued (but the designs Jones’s own, rather than a derivative of
adapted) by Palladio (section 4). Palladio. It is more compact than the
Palladio did not mention Giulio earlier design, much tauter, and more
Romano’s involvement in his Quattro heavily ornamented, with a rusticated
Libri but Jones does (annotation p. 12, basement, swags and drops indicated
bottom right), and on another page he around the windows on the top range
noted Scamozzi’s confirmation of the of windows and sculpture on the
dual authorship. pediments over the three central bays
on the middle range. Jones’s thinking
Literature: Harris, Orgel, Strong 1973, evolves whilst he draws and he decides
pp. 64-65, no. 86; Beltramini, Burns, to reduce the emphasis created by the
Forster, Oechslin, Thoenes 1999, pp. central pediment, eliminating it by
60-61, cat. 5; Anderson 2007, pp. 99- drawing the balustrade over it. The
104, pls 38-40; Worsley 2007, pp. 19- design that he completed in 1622 was
22, pl. 20. a rich and detailed façade that worked
as an independent building but which
charles hind could have looked equally well as a
part of a larger, rebuilt palace.
193. Inigo Jones (1573-1652) Literature: Summerson 1966, pp. 50-
Plan and elevation of the first 57, pl. 17; Harris, Orgel, Strong 1973,
scheme for the Banqueting pp. 117-121, no. 212; Harris, Higgott
House, Whitehall, London 1989, pp. 108-123, cat. 34.
Pen and brown ink with brown wash,
over scorelines charles hind
574 × 438 mm
Chatsworth, The Trustees
of the Chatsworth Settlement,
Whitehall album no. 52
The plan of this drawing is puzzling as
it shows no means of reaching the
piano nobile apart from, one assumes,
the small openings to left and right
that would have connected to the old
palace. The room is a single great
space for masques, with a niche for the
throne that would be placed there on
state occasions. It is an amalgamation
of elements from Scamozzi’s Palazzo
Trissino, Vicenza, and two plates from
Palladio’s Quattro Libri (ii, pp. 71-72),
refined and re-proportioned. The
façade is broader and the effect is
much calmer and more serene than
the sources might suggest.
Literature: Summerson 1966, pp. 50-
57; Harris, Orgel, Strong 1973, pp.
117-121, no. 210; Harris, Higgott 1989,
pp. 108-123, cat. 33; Beltramini, Burns,
Forster, Oechslin, Thoenes 1999, pp.
132-133, cat. 20.
charles hind
388
 [192.]

389
[193.]

390
 [194.]

391
 Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington (1694-1753)
37. Charles Hind
Lord Burlington was the most
important of the amateur architects
who held a dominant position in
English architecture in the early
eighteenth century. He became ser-
iously interested in architecture in
1716, at the age of twenty-two, and
designed his first building the
following year. In 1719 during his
second visit to Italy, he made careful
notes on the detailing of several of
Palladio’s buildings in a copy of the
Quattro Libri. It was during this tour
that he purchased, probably in Venice,
a large group of Palladio’s studies and
reconstructions of Roman buildings.
The following year, he purchased from
John Talman most of the Palladio
drawings that had been acquired by
Inigo Jones (cats 192-94) in 1614,
together with a huge group by Jones
himself and his pupil John Webb (cat.
66). Burlington’s collections passed
through marriage into the hands of
the Dukes of Devonshire at Chats-
worth until the eighth Duke gave the
vast majority of the Palladio, Jones
and Webb drawings to the Royal
Institute of British Architects in 1894.
Burlington was opposed to what he
saw as the corrupted taste of Wren,
Vanbrugh and Hawksmoor and the
English Baroque school. He hoped to
restore architecture to the position it
had held in England under Inigo Jones
a century earlier. As Howard Colvin
encapsulated it, ‘Burlington’s mission
was to reinstate in Augustan England
the canons of Roman architecture as
described by Vitruvius, exemplified by
its surviving remains, and practised by
Palladio, Scamozzi and Jones.’ Lacking
the knowledge brought by the study of
antique buildings to Palladio and
Jones, Burlington had to rely on his
collection of drawings and Palladio’s
woodcuts to provide sources. Al-
though he was far from being a slavish
follower of precedent, there was a
tendency in Burlington’s Palladianism
to fall back on a tried and tested
repertoire of motifs, such as the
tripartite window from the Baths of
Diocletian, the close-set columns of
Palladio’s Egyptian Hall and the
coffered vaults of the Roman temples.
His larger buildings tended not to be
organic wholes but an assemblage of
smaller units, each of which could be
extracted to work in visual terms on its
own. The effect could occasionally be
monotonous.
This is not intended to denigrate
Burlington’s achievement. An aware-
ness of classical order and proportion
trickled down through society through
the publications he sponsored, such as
an English translation of the Quattro
Libri and engravings of the work of
Inigo Jones, and through the work of
his followers, many of whom he
succeeded in placing in positions of
influence, such as the Office of the
King’s Works. A flood of cheap,
derivative commercial publications on
design brought Palladio and Jones to
the notice of the remotest provincial
patrons, builders and carpenters in
Britain and the North American
colonies.
Although a number of Burlington’s
protégés could be described as more
than competent, none had the genius
of William Kent (1685-1748), who was
in many ways the most effective and
inspired designer of the English
Palladian Revival. From 1719 until his
death, Kent was a fixture in the Earl’s
household. Trained as an artist,
though his work as a painter is
undistinguished, Kent’s years in Italy
had been spent looking at the work of
Giulio Romano and Raphael as much
as at Palladio’s. The official buildings
that he designed, such as the Old
Treasury, the Royal Mews and the
Horseguards in London, and private
houses, such as Holkham, Norfolk,
suffuse Baroque life into what can
sometimes be a dry Burlingtonian
Palladianism.
Particularly influential was Burling-
ton’s own villa at Chiswick (c. 1725-
1729; cats 195-196). It was designed as
an adjunct to a Jacobean building, a
more or less self-contained wing to
house Burlington’s collections of
paintings, sculpture, books, drawings
and manuscripts. Often described as a
version of Palladio’s Villa Rotonda, it is
actually closer to Scamozzi’s Villa Rocca
Pisani (cats 189-190), with a plan
influenced by Roman baths (cats 26,
109, 138-141). Rooms are round,
octagonal, square and rectangular, and
varied with apses or niches; Burling-
ton’s collection of Palladio’s drawings
and reconstructions of Roman baths
provided a ready source.
Two aspects of Burlington’s promo-
tion of Palladio must be emphasised.
First, the presence of Palladio’s draw-
ings in England was key to the
Palladian Revival, both Jones’s original
collection and Burlington’s later add-
ition of the Roman material. Few
British architects before the early
nineteenth century saw Palladio’s
actual buildings and then they tended
to be rather critical and a little
disappointed. The accidental nature of
what survived, together with Palladio’s
somewhat idealised versions of his
buildings illustrated in the Quattro
Libri was more influential than the
built reality. Second, the Palladian
Revivalists were very choosy about
what of Palladio they imitated. They
ignored his churches, to a large extent
his palaces and all his later and more
Mannerist work, such as the Loggia del
Capitaniato and the Palazzo Porto
Breganze. They also ignored much of
his interior decoration, and Vincenzo
Scamozzi and Inigo Jones can lay claim
to a large portion of the credit for what
is now generically branded Palladian.
195. Henry Flitcroft (1697-1769)
Elevation of the entrance front,
Chiswick House, Middlesex
Pen and grey wash
330 × 644 mm
Chatsworth, The Trustees of the
Chatsworth Settlement, Burlington
architectural drawings, no. A 6
[Boyle (8) 10]
Henry Flitcroft’s professional life
began as a draftsman working for Lord
Burlington. Through Burlington’s in-
fluence he procured a post in the
Office of the King’s Works and he
developed a solid reputation as a
sound, if not very inspired, orthodox
Palladian architect. This drawing was
prepared for an engraving of the villa
at Chiswick included in William
Kent’s The Designs of Inigo Jones
(1727). Burlington’s design for
Chiswick is an amalgamation of elem-
ents derived from villas by Palladio
(particularly the Villa Rotonda; cat.
183) and Scamozzi (Villa Rocca Pisani,
cats 189-190; and the Villa Molin),
while the columns of the portico are
copied from the Temple of Jupiter
Stator in Rome, measured and
illustrated by Palladio.
Literature: Apollo of the Arts 1973, p.
37, no. 30; Worsley 1995, pp. 110-113;
Beltramini, Burns, Forster, Oechslin,
Thoenes 1999, pp. 143-145, cat. 36e
(fig.).
charles hind
392
 196. Richard Boyle,
Earl of Burlington (1694-153)
Preliminary elevation for the
placing of the chimney shafts,
Chiswick House, Middlesex
Pen, wash and some pencil
80 × 180 mm
Chatsworth, The Trustees
of the Chatsworth Settlement,
Album 26A, no. 35

Only one of Palladio’s buildings

provided a model for an architectural
treatment of chimney shafts: the Villa
Foscari, ‘La Malcontenta’ (section 12).
This design, however, is firmly in the
Venetian tradition with a bulbous cap
to prevent the escape of sparks, but to
English eyes, it was an unsuitable
exemplar. Burlington therefore turned
to Vincenzo Scamozzi for inspiration
and adopted the obelisk shafts shown
on a seventeenth-century drawing that
he owned depicting Scamozzi’s Palazzo
Trissino, Vicenza. They were not a
practical success, probably because
they did not have an adequate
draught, so they were replaced with
conventional stacks c. 1735. Burling-
[195.] ton’s original design was reinstated in
the restoration of Chiswick (1956-
1957).

Literature: Barnard, Clark 1995, pp.

27-30; Beltramini, Burns, Forster,
Oechslin, Thoenes 1999, pp. 143-145,
cat. 36g (fig.).

charles hind

393
[196.]
 Giacomo Quarenghi (1744-1817) and Charles Cameron (1746-1812)
38. Federica Rossi
Russia’s opening up to the West,
initiated by Peter i (1672-1725), meant
that acquiring Western building
techniques became a state programme.
In 1709 the recommendations in
Palladio’s Quattro Libri, Book i, on
how to build on marshy land were
translated and included in the Russian
version of Vignola’s treatise (Regola
delle cinque ordini d’architettura,
1562), since they were deemed to be
useful in the construction of St.
Petersburg, the new Russian capital,
built on reclaimed marshland. Under
Peter i, knowledge of Palladio’s work
was only functional and fragmentary,
although the spread of Palladianism in
the Netherlands and Britain, countries
visited by the emperor, had not gone
unnoticed. In fact Peter figures among
the subscribers to Giacomo Leoni’s
English edition of the Quattro Libri
(1716-1720).
Prince Dolgorukov and Peter
Yeropkin, two pensionnaires sent by
Peter to Italy to study art and archi-
tecture, were the first to discover and
attempt to emulate the Quattro Libri.
In 1699 Dolgorukov wrote a book on
‘civil architecture’, a compendium of
Palladio, Vitruvius and Vignola, with
personal adaptations to Russian build-
ing practice, while Yeropkin began the
first Russian translation of the Quattro
Libri. Neither work, however, got be-
yond the manuscript stage, and both
had little impact on a building scene
dominated by the Baroque.
Only after Catherine ii (1729-1796)
had been in power for almost twenty
years did Palladianism really take hold.
The empress was an exceptional
patron who, also through architecture,
modernised the country. In the 1760s,
driven by a passionate interest in the
antique and her careful readings of
architectural treatises by Piranesi and
Dandré-Bardon, she envisioned build-
ing ‘une rapsodie greque ou romaine
pareille’ for the Imperial residence at
Tsarskoye Selo near St. Petersburg
(Sirio 1876, xvii, pp. 198-199), and at
the same time declared her passion for
Shakespeare and English gardens.
Dissatisfied with her French
advisors, the empress placed all her
trust in the Scottish architect Charles
Cameron, a student of Isaac Ware,
who was present at the Russian court
from 1779. Cameron was deeply
knowledgeable about the antique, and
in his book The Baths of the Romans
(1772), he commented and updated
Lord Burlington’s edition of Palladio’s
drawings of the baths, adding his own
discoveries about the Domus Aurea.
As Howard Burns (2003, p. 476)
notes, ‘the book itself reveals the two
pillars of his [Cameron’s] architectural
culture – Palladio and the study of the
antique’. Cameron, who had learned
from the Adam brothers’ recent re-
elaboration of Palladio’s language, only
worked for the Court in two resi-
dences near St. Petersburg: Tsarskoye
Selo and Pavlovsk. At the former he
created, as Dmitrij Shvidkovsky
(2008) writes, ‘a classical ideal city, a
concrete image of the prosperity of the
empire’. In 1779 by elegantly re-
working motifs from Pompeii and the
Domus Aurea, Cameron brought back
to life the antique in the interiors of
Catherine’s palace and began the
cathedral for the model town of
Sophia, conceived on the edge of the
palace grounds. In 1779 he also began
work on the Cold Baths, modelled on
the thermae of Hadrian’s Villa, but
citing Robert Adam in the façade. In
1784 he created a stunning two-storey
gallery: the rusticated lower order
contrasts with the light upper Ionic
order, whose capitals are borrowed
from the Erechtheum. As Howard
Burns (2003, p. 481) has pointed out,
the proportions of the plans of these
two buildings are borrowed from
Robert Castell’s engraving of the Villa
Laurentium (1728).
At Pavlovsk (cats 198-199), the
Grand Duke Paul’s residence from
1781 to 1786, Cameron built the first
eighteenth-century Russian Palladian
villa, destined to become the best-
known and most imitated. The central
domed body with a round sala, as in
Palladio’s Villa Rotonda (cat. 183), is
joined to the two wings by colon-
nades, echoing the solutions adopted
at Kedleston.
The most important figure for the
spread of the Palladian inheritance in
Russia, however, was Giacomo Qua-
renghi from Bergamo, who arrived in
the country in 1780, a year after
Cameron. Quarenghi had studied
Palladio at Vicenza and wrote that
purchasing the Quattro Libri had
marked a turning point in his career
(Zanella 1988, p. 77). Quarenghi was
to work in the service of the Court for
over thirty years and, unlike Cameron,
also built many buildings in Moscow,
St. Petersburg and the provinces for
the wealthy nobility. His influence was
enormous, partly because of the easily-
imitated, modular, schematic and
economic nature of his architecture.
These two erudite architects, how-
ever, chose different approaches to the
antique and to Palladio. Summarising,
we can say that Cameron had a
thorough knowledge of the antique
and the Adams’ work, whereas
Quarenghi referred more directly to
Palladio and sixteenth-century
architecture. As Dmitrij Shvidkovsky
(2008) notes, Quarenghi ‘did not
seek, like Cameron, to combine the
unusual with a passion for archaeology
but, on the contrary, tended to
“normalise” and “bring closer to the
mean” actual ancient examples, with
their individual features, on the basis
of the experience of the architects of
the Italian Renaissance’. For both
Quarenghi and Cameron, as for
Palladio, proportional rules and orders
were not absolute precepts.
Quarenghi, however, arguably referred
more to the French architecture of de
Wailly, Gondoin and Ledoux. Both
saw English Palladianism as an
indispensable reference point, as
demonstrated in the English Palace,
designed in 1781 by Quarenghi for the
Imperial residence at Peterhof, where
the English gardener James Meader
created a natural frame round the villa
– a clear-cut mass, enlivened by the
pronaos preceded by emphatic straight
stairs, as at Palladio’s Villa Emo. ‘The
quality of the palace is antique, the
ordonnance Palladian, the scale
Russian’, comments George H.
Hamilton (1975, p. 214) in describing
the palace, or villa writ large. This
aspect is characteristic of other
Russian buildings, where the scale is
significantly different from the
Palladian prototypes, whose formal
schemes had already been increased in
scale in English country houses.
However, both the English Palace
and Alexander Palace at Tsarskoye Selo
(cat. 197) also refer to Palladian recon-
structions of Roman baths and the
colonnades of the Palazzo Chiericati.
Many of Quarenghi’s buildings re-
semble those by contemporary
Russian architects, including Ivan
Starov and Nikolaj L’vov. The latter
was the first to publish a printed
translation of the Quattro Libri, in
which he indicates the Palladian rules
incompatible with the cold Russian
climate, mentioning the use of
chimneys and the size of the windows
(cat. 200). In keeping with local
practice, many Russian Palladian villas
were made of wood, the traditional
and more economic building material.
Although the first Palladian-style
models were unveiled at the Russian
court in 1780, episodic resistance 394
 [197.]

395
[198.] [200.]
meant that that their spread to the
rest of the country was not uniform.
Nonetheless, Quarenghi-style Pal-
ladianism was very useful for
standardised projects in new cities in
the provinces, begun by Catherine
and expanded under Alexander i
(1777-1825). Palladianism thus be-
came a common language throughout
Russia, a trend renewed and accentu-
ated by a second revival in the early
twentieth century.

Literature: Castell 1728; Sirio 1876;

Teleporovskij 1939; Grimm 1962; Cor-
boz 1971; Hamilton 1975; Piljavskij
1984; Zanella 1988, p. 77; Shvidkovsky
1996; Burns 2003; Navone, Tedeschi
2003; Pesenti 2003; Mezzanotte 2004;
Shvidkovsky 2007; Angelini, Navone,
Tedeschi 2008; Shvidkovsky 2008.

197. Giacomo Quarenghi (1744-1817)

Plan of the ground floor of
Alexander Palace with elevations
and sections
Illustrative drawing
[199.]
Before 1796
Pen and India ink, graphite, grey
watercolour, brush and ochre on laid
paper, glued to a black cardboard
support (525 × 755 mm)
490 × 653 mm
Notes on the drawing: in pencil,
lower left, ‘du Grand Duc Alexander
en Sarscoeselo’
Scale: 30 Russian tese = 192 mm
(1:333.37)
Bergamo, Biblioteca Civica,
‘Angelo Mai’, Album B, pl. 4

Catherine ii took a personal interest in

the education of her grandsons
Alexander and Constantine and
commissioned Quarenghi to design
their palaces: the palace for Alexander
was built at Tsarskoye Selo from 1792
to 1796, while Costantine’s was never 396
 begun due to the death of the empress
(1796). There are several projects for
both buildings. This presentation
drawing, with the elevations and
sections set round the plan, is trad-
itionally considered the drawing for
Alexander Palace, but shows similar-
ities with the final alternative for
Constantine’s palace, now in the
Brera, Milan.
The palace is given an ingenious
characteristic touch by the loggia on
the façade joining the wings to the
central block, strongly influenced by
Palladio’s interpretation of the Roman
baths (cats 26, 109, 138-141). Without
resorting to the usual Palladian
pronaos, Quarenghi uses very large
columns to confer majesty and light-
ness on the building, a kind of vast
one-storey villa. An original use of
columns is also found in his Imperial
Cabinet at the Anichkov Palace (fig.
15, p. 383).
Literature: Angelini 1957, fig. p. 117;
Disegni di Giacomo Quarenghi 1967,
pp. 79-80, cat. 35, fig. 35 (but the
drawing published refers to the one in
Bergamo, Accademia Carrara, 2094);
Piljavskij 1984, p. 363, cat. 47, fig.
336; Giacomo Quarenghi 1994, pp.
109-110, cat. 130.
federica rossi
198. Giacomo Quarenghi (1744-1817)
Elevation and ground floor plan
of Pavlovsk Palace, St. Petersburg
Early 1790s
Watermark: ‘Tramonin, 1791’; pen
and Indian ink, brush and grey
watercolour, graphite on laid paper
270 × 423 mm
Bergamo, Biblioteca Civica, ‘Angelo
Mai’, Album rilegato CV, pl. 46
[Not exhibited]
397
This palace near St. Petersburg,
commissioned from the Scottish
architect Charles Cameron by
Catherine ii for her son Paul, was the
first Palladian villa in Russia. From
1781 to 1786, Cameron renewed the
Palladian solutions thanks to his deep
first-hand knowledge of the antique
and the latest British developments,
especially the architecture of John and
Robert Adam. Not appreciated by the
owners, Cameron then handed over
the building while still under
construction to Vincenzo Brenna,
who completed it in 1796, intro-
ducing some major changes. On this
sheet, Giacomo Quarenghi (an
example of his copies and surveys of
ancient and modern buildings which
most impressed him, some of which
have been preserved), drew the plan
and main elevation before Brenna’s
intervention. This is not a copy of
Cameron’s design, but a schema-
tisation and simplification to be used
as a memo; the decorations of the
frieze and some of the solutions in the
plan are omitted.
Literature: Piljavskij 1984, p. 388, cat.
635; Giacomo Quarenghi 1994, p. 48,
cat. 31.
federica rossi
199. Giacomo Quarenghi (1744-1817)
View of Pavlovsk
c. 1786
Pen and polychrome watercolour
170 × 274 mm
Inscriptions: bottom left, ‘Vue
du pavillon de Madame la Grand
Duchesse à Paoloski’
History and ownership:
Luigi Angelini
Bergamo, Collection Piervaleriano
Angelini
Giacomo Quarenghi was not only an
architect but also a vedutista, having
initially studied painting in the wor-
kshop of Anton Raphael Mengs in
Rome. Here he shows the palace at Pa-
vlovsk, commissioned for the Grand
Duke Paul and designed by Charles
Cameron, as it appeared before the
changes made by Vincenzo Brenna,
Pietro Gonzaga and Karl Rossi (cat.
198): the watercolour can thus be da-
ted to around 1786. As was his wont,
Quarenghi shaded the foreground,
created a backdrop of trees and enli-
vened the scene with figures, while the
palace itself is described in all its ar-
chitectural detail. Clearly visible is the
original drum of the dome of the cen-
tral block with small columns, possi-
bly borrowed from the reconstructions
of Hadrian’s Mausoleum. The palace
and its grounds were the subject of
many paintings and drawings, inclu-
ding several other watercolours by
Quarenghi himself.
Literature: Piljavskij 1984, cat. 1009,
fig. 352.
federica rossi
200. Nikolaj L’vov (1753-1803)
Russian edition of I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura
N.A. L’vov, Četyre knigi palladievoj
architektury, v koich po kratkom
opisanii pjati Ordenov, govoritsja o
tom čto znat’ dolžno pri stroenii
častnyh domov, dorog, mostov,
ploščadej, ristališči, hramov.
Printed by I.K Šnor, St. Petersburg
1798
Folio
406 × 270 mm
Rome, Bibliotheca Hertziana, Max-
Planck-Institut fur Kunstgeschichte,
1960.329
Nikolaj L’vov, a noble, man of letters
and amateur architect, was the author
and editor of the first printed edition
in Russian of the Quattro Libri (1798),
or rather only the first book, dedicated
to orders. In fact L’vov died before he
was able to complete the translation
and publication of the other three
books, for which around 200
preparatory drawings have survived.
The bilingual text, accompanied by
elegant shaded plates (wash drawings)
and forty notes, is preceded by an
introduction and frontispiece, where
the author describes his mission:
Palladio was to become the spirit of
Russian architecture, a message which
is further emphasised by the architect’s
effigy being set beside that of St.
George and the two-headed eagle, the
symbols of Russia In the wake of
Vincenzo Scamozzi and Tommaso
Temanza, L’vov praises Palladio for
having adapted the language of
antique architecture to modern and
local requirements. To achieve the
same aim, the Russians would have to
adopt Palladio’s lesson, modern
French distribution of rooms and the
precise building technique of English
masons, bearing in mind that Western
rules had to be modified to suit the
Russian climate.
Literature: Braiceva, Budylina, Charla-
mova 1961, pp. 46-48; Medvedkova
2002; Medvedkova 2003; Rossi 2007.
federica rossi
 Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826)
39. Kurt W. Forster
Architecture and political power have
long been bedfellows. In the person of
Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), the
third president of the United States,
statesmanship and architecture entered
into a bond only the Enlightenment
ideal of individuality and talent could
produce. Highly educated and experi-
enced in matters of agriculture, indus-
try and the arts, Jefferson matched a
knack for practical invention with an
artist’s temperament and a scholar’s
curiosity. The son of a surveyor work-
ing in Virginia, Jefferson acquired
what knowledge he could by way of
books, instruments and experience
with building. Books in particular
proved indispensable to his studies,
and were often the sole source of fresh
information: he bought two London
editions of The Architecture of A. Pal-
ladio by James [Giacomo] Leoni (1715-
1720 and 1742), and also acquired
James Gibbs’s Rules for Drawing the
Several Parts of Architecture (London
1732).
When Jefferson began planning his
own estate on family property at
Shadwell, Virginia, his designs natur-
ally combined elements from several
sources. After the family house burned
down, he advanced work at Monti-
cello, moving temporarily into the
South Pavilion with his wife in 1772.
Widowed, Jefferson spent the years
1784-1789 in Paris as the U.S.
ambassador to France, residing in style
at the Hôtel de Langeac, designed by
Jean-F.T. Chalgrin, whose gardens he
appreciated even more than the
building itself. Strolling daily past the
Hôtel de Salm and visiting other
recent buildings, he absorbed a great
deal about architecture and fell in love
with ancient buildings, such as the
Maison Carrée in Nîmes. Jefferson
finally set out on a trip to Italy, chiefly
to study the architecture of his idol,
Andrea Palladio. As his quest was
aborted in Liguria, he never laid eyes
on a single example of Palladio’s
architecture, but this did not prevent
him from considering it his ‘bible’.
Nor did Palladio’s influence stifle his
fascination with recent technical
achievements, such as glass doors,
skylights, and thoroughly modern
patterns of the internal distribution of
spaces.
Work at Monticello never ceased
during Jefferson’s lifetime. He lovingly
borrowed its name from Palladio’s
description of the Villa Rotonda (cat.
183), and strove for a comparable ideal
without adhering to strict rules. In
1796 he began enlarging a modest
house and, although he served two
terms as president (1801-1809), its
transformation was substantially
complete when he resigned from
office. The Duc de la Rochefoucauld-
Liancourt, who visited Monticello in
June 1796, recalled that already
‘according to its first plan, [the house]
was infinitely superior to all other
houses in America, in point of taste
and convenience; but at that time Mr.
Jefferson had studied taste and the fine
arts in books only. His travels in
Europe have supplied him with
models; he has appropriated them to
his design’. Jefferson doubled the
nucleus of his first house, extending
the east and west sides by adding
porches and topping the house with
an octagonal sky-room.
As a classic example of an auto-
biographical house, Monticello was
not finished until its owner had drawn
his last breath; actually, not even
Jefferson’s passing concluded its story,
for his debts bankrupted the estate
and consigned it to a century of decay.
Only since the 1920s has the house
begun to be renovated by a private
foundation that keeps the property
accessible for the millions of tourists
who flock to it. Sadly, Monticello and
its grounds are now prissily perfected culture comparable to that of the
in a manner dear to aficionados of garden’ (Nichols 1978).
interior design.
While Jefferson undertook a good Literature: Adams 1976; Nichols 1978;
deal of other work as an architect, Nichols, Griswold 1978; Adams 1983;
ranging from projects for friends to McLaughlin 1988; Loi 1993; Stein
the founding and layout of the 1993; Shackelford 1995.
University of Virginia in 1817, Monti-
cello with its Palladian features never
ceased to claim his attention. In 1792,
using a pseudonym, he entered a
design based on Palladio’s Villa Ro-
tonda in the competition for the
design of the White House. He also
built a second house for himself at
Poplar Forest, near Lynchburg, Vir-
ginia (1806-1812), in which he
combined four octagonal rooms
grouped around a square top-lit
parlour. These two projects illustrate
how Jefferson managed to combine
his faith in Palladio with strong
English inflections, a penchant for
French modernity, and a mania for
modern ‘conveniences’. His eclectic
practice sprang from a belief in
perfectibility and practicality. But
Jefferson did not, by the same token,
forsake his concern for architectural
integrity, and to a degree, for building
as a speculative activity. Originally,
Monticello encompassed Jefferson’s
interest in native Americans, to whom
he dedicated the two-story entrance
hall. In time, it came to reveal, in its
every detail, his ideal of the house as a
private universe. This approach did
not stop at the porches: the entire hill
was shaped by an ascending series of
‘roundabouts’ and topped off by a U-
shaped elevated boardwalk. Pro-
foundly attached to his native land,
Jefferson established kitchen and
flower gardens as well as vineyards and
orchards within the symbolic topo-
graphy of his estate, confessing to the
painter Charles Wilson Peale in 1811:
‘No occupation is so delightful to me
as the culture of the earth, and no 398
 39.1-4. Monticello,
Charlottesville
(Virginia)

[39.1.] [39.2.]

[39.3.] [39.4.]

399
 Le Corbusier (1887-1965)
40. Kurt W. Forster
Charles-Edouard Jeanneret, otherwise
known as Le Corbusier, the architect
of Swiss origin and French nationality,
moved to Paris in 1917, where he
established a lasting friendship with a
compatriot, the Basel banker Raoul La
Roche. During his early, difficult years
in Paris, Le Corbusier was active as a
painter, pamphleteer and consultant
to La Roche in all matters pertaining
to art, and finally as architect of La
Roche’s residence cum private gallery
(the Villa La Roche in Paris).
Among Le Corbusier’s huge quan-
tity of drawings, texts and notes, the
Album he offered to his patron Raoul
La Roche as a New Year’s gift in 1924
stands out for several reasons. It
testifies, first of all, to a very special
rapport between client and architect,
and it covers a characteristically wide
range of pictorial and architectural
subjects. In addition to landscape
studies of the region of Geneva and
Venice, a portrait of Le Corbusier’s
friend and co-author Amédée Ozen-
fant and an elaborate series of Purist
still lifes lend substance to the
sketchbook. Studies on urbanism and
a few records of historical sites, such as
Hadrian’s Villa near Tivoli and
Palladian buildings in Vicenza, were
no doubt added to personalise the
album for its recipient. Acknow-
ledging the gift, La Roche wrote to Le
Corbusier: ‘Votre album est pour moi
du plus grand intérêt; d’abord il me
rappelle notre voyage à Venise et
Vicence dont j’ai gardé un si bon
souvenir; dans votre agréable et in-
téressante compagnie j’ai pu goûter
particulièrement bien les beautés du
paysage et les oeuvres d’art’ (‘Your
album is of the greatest interest to me;
firstly, it reminds me of our trip to
Venice and Vicenza, of which I have
such good memories; in your agree-
able and interesting company, I was
able particularly to relish the beauty of
the landscape and works of art’). cates a different approach to Palladio’s
In September 1922, La Roche and architecture than the academic-Classi-
his future architect drove to the cist interpretation.’
Veneto region before Le Corbusier
began to elaborate the plans for a Literature: Le Corbusier (1921-1922),
group of town houses in the Parisian 1996 edn; Rowe 1947, 1976 edn, pp.
suburb of Auteuil. Superimposing his 1-28; Forster 1979, pp. 131-153; Forster
memories of Pompeian houses that he 1998; Forster, also in Beltramini,
had studied closely during his voyage Burns, Forster, Oechslin, Thoenes
of 1911 onto the fresh impressions of 1999, p. 226, cat. 77.
Palladian houses, Le Corbusier experi-
mented with a ‘creative contamin-
ation’ of past and present. His sketches 201. Le Corbusier (CharIes-
are obviously hasty and fragmentary, Edouard Jeanneret) (1887-1965)
but they reveal a view of Palladio that Album La Roche
contrasts sharply with neo-classical 1921-1922
interpretations of his work. By Folio, with pencil sketches and notes
juxtaposing the ‘surprising asym- 240 × 320 mm (facsimile 1996)
metries’ of ancient houses and the Vicenza, Biblioteca del Centro
calculated order of Palladio’s canons, Internazionale di Studi
Le Corbusier prepared the way for the di Architettura Andrea Palladio,
remarkable series of Parisian residences c/2 lec ii
he designed during the 1920s. [Exhibited in Vicenza]
Long recognised as ‘inaugural
works’, the Villa La Roche-Jeanneret
and the Villa Stein at Garches articu-
late for the first time the Corbusian
order of architecture in all its intri-
cacies. Stanislaus von Moos, who
recently edited a facsimile of the
Album La Roche, characterises its
significance in the following manner:
‘The Album La Roche, however, reveals
a significant fact. In September 1922,
when Le Corbusier was in Venice and
Vicenza, he did not see Palladio as a
mentor of proportional rules. Rather,
he admired him as a master of
scenography on an urban scale and of
asymmetries and taut spatial trans-
parencies. Not surprisingly, the image
of Palladio’s Villa Rotonda which
actually appears in L’Esprit Nouveau
(even if only in 1924) is a raking view
with one side cut out and the dome
mutilated, almost stripping the
building of all Classicist elements. The
fact that his sketches and studies also
aimed to provide raking views indi- 400
 [201.]

401
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F. Vivian, Il Console Smith mercante e
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J.M. Vliegenthart-van der Valk Bou-
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 Ziefer 2006
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G. Zorzi, Le chiese e i ponti di Andrea
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Zorzi 1969
G. Zorzi, Le ville e i teatri di Andrea
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M. Zorzi, La libreria di San Marco.
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Zugni Tauro 1978
A.P. Zugni Tauro, ‘La presenza di
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261.
Zurli 1978
F. Zurli, ‘Relazione sui problemi
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Capitaniato’, in Bollettino del CISA
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271.

Zorzi 1949
G. Zorzi, ‘Ancora della vera origine e
della giovinezza di Andrea Palladio
secondo nuovi documenti’, in Arte
veneta, iii, 1949, pp. 140-152.

Zorzi 1951
G. Zorzi, ‘Il tempio della Fortuna
Primigenia di Palestrina nei disegni di
Andrea Palladio’, in Palladio, n.s., 1/4,
1951, pp. 145-152.

Zorzi 1954
G. Zorzi, ‘Progetti giovanili di Andrea
Palladio per palazzi e case in Venezia e
in terraferma’, in Palladio, n.s., 4, 3,
1954, pp. 105-121.

Zorzi 1958-1959
G.G. Zorzi, ‘Vita di Andrea Palladio
scritta da Paolo Gualdo’, in Saggi e
memorie di storia dell’arte, 2, 1958-
1959, pp. 91-104.

Zorzi 1959
G. Zorzi, I disegni delle antichità di
Andrea Palladio, Vicenza 1959.

Zorzi 1964
G. Zorzi, ‘Precisazioni su alcune opere
attribuite a Michele Sanmicheli’, in
Arte Lombarda, 9, 1964, pp. 94-112.

Zorzi 1965
G. Zorzi, Le opere pubbliche e i palazzi
privati di Andrea Palladio, Venice
1965.

Zorzi 1966
G. Zorzi, Le chiese e i ponti di Andrea
427 Palladio, Vicenza 1966.
Glossary of
architectural terms
and Italian words
Acroterium (pl. acroteria), a small
pedestal, for statues or other orna-
ments, placed on the apex and at the
basal angles of a pediment
Aedicule the surrounding of a door,
window or other apertures with col-
umns supporting an entablature or
pediment
All’antica ‘from the antique”; used
to refer to works of art that are in-
spired by ancient art and/or literature
Apparato effimero temporary
wooden and stucco architecture and
decorations (e.g. triumphal arches,
façades, statues, etc.), erected for the
entry of royalty or other high-
ranking figures into cities
Apse a vaulted recess usually at the
end of a chancel or chapel in
churches, also found in other
buildings (e.g. apsidal rooms, halls,
etc.)
Architrave the lowest of the three
main elements of an entablature;
also used to refer to the mouldings
or other elements framing a door or
a window
Archivolt the bands of ornamental
mouldings (or other elements) sur-
rounding an arched opening, corres-
ponding to the architrave in the case
of a rectangular opening; sometimes
used to refer to the intrados
Atrium originally an inner un-
covered court of a Roman house
surrounded by the roof; sub-
sequently also a covered entrance hall
Balustrade or baluster, a row of
short pillars supporting a rail (e.g.
surrounding a balcony)
Barrel Vault a continuous semi-
circular vaulted roof
Basilica in ancient Rome a large
meeting hall where politics were
discussed and business conducted;
subsequently a church divided into a
nave and two or more aisles
Barchessa (pl. barchesse) an out-
house on Veneto farms, usually for
storing hay; they were incorporated
by Palladio into his villas
Bay vertical division of the exterior
or interior of a building marked by
two columns, pilasters, fenestration,
units of vaulting, etc.
Bottega ‘workshop’ of craftsmen,
artists, etc.
Brolo a walled orchard in Veneto
farms or villas
Calle a narrow street or alley in
Venice
Campanile a bell tower
Cantoria an organ loft or area re-
served for the choir in a church
Capital the head of a column or
pillar
Caryatid statue of a female figure
used as a pillar or column
Chancel section at the east end of a
church containing the main altar and
reserved for the clergy and choir
Cavea the set of steps in an ancient
amphitheatre or theatre providing
seating for the spectators, divided
according to their social rank
Cavedio a small or very small court-
yard which mainly serves to provide
light or air to service rooms (derived
from the cavaedium an inner open-
air space in the Roman house)
Cella the central structure in a
church or temple (naos in Greek
temples)
Circumferentor a forerunner of the
modern theodolite
Composite one of the orders of
classical architecture, combining
features of the Ionic and Corinthian
orders
Corinthian one of the orders of
classical architecture, characterised
by a capital decorated with leafy
ornament
Cordonata an access ramp or
sloping road composed of transversal
ribs (cordoni), which are made with
stone or bricks; it has a similar form
and function to a flight of steps, but
also allows the transit of horses and
other animals
Cornice the projecting section at
the top of an entablature
Clypeus a large shield carried by
ancient Greek and Roman soldiers,
subsequently round bas-reliefs in a
medallion on sarcophagi and on
other elements known as clypeus
portraits
Dentil a small moulded square
block used in series on the underside
of a cornice
Doric one of the orders of classical
architecture characterised by a capital
without leafy ornaments; its frieze is
normally decorated with triglyphs
and metopes
Echinus similar to ovolo moulding
and found beneath the abacus of the
Doric capital or of the decorated
‘egg-and-dart’ pattern below the
Ionic capital
Entablature or trabeation, the upper
part (architrave, frieze and cornice)
of a classical order, consisting of the
whole horizontal section supported
by the columns or pillars
Entasis slight convex curve added to
classical columns to correct the
optical illusion of concavity which
would result if the sides were straight
Epsilon handwriting Palladio’s
early handwriting which features the
use of the letter epsilon (for an open
e), one of five new letters proposed
for the Italian alphabet by Gian-
giorgio Trissino in his Epistola (1524),
see cat. 164
Eustyle intercolumniation defined
by Vitruvius as being of the best
proportion, i.e. two and a half
diameters
Exedra in classical architecture a
curved or rectangular recess (often
with raised seats) in a wall surface,
more generally a niche or apsidal end
of a room
Extrados the upper curve of an arch
Fabbrica department responsible
for the upkeep and construction of
buildings; mainly used of St. Peter’s,
Rome, but also of other church or
public institutions
Frieze horizontal band, either plain
or decorated, along the centre of the
entablature; in a room, the section of
wall above the picture rail and under
the crown mouldings or cornice
Frons scaenae the elaborately
decorated fixed background scene on
a classical theatre stage
Gola moulding with particular
curvature used in cornices; gola
riversa or cyma reversa, a double
curvature moulding with the convex
portion uppermost
Half-column or engaged column, a
column embedded in a wall and
partly projecting from the surface
Impluvium a rectangular cistern set
at the centre of the atrium in a
Greek or Roman house, designed to
collect rainwater from the sur-
rounding roofs: also loosely used to
refer to an uncovered space in an
atrium
Impost a member of the wall,
usually formed of projecting bracket-
like mouldings, on which the arch
appears to rest
Initial ornamented first letter at the
beginning of a chapter or paragraph
Intercolumniation the spacing
between columns (measured at the
bottom of their shafts) in a colon-
nade; in the Vitruvian system
adopted by Renaissance architects
the spaces were measured in column
diameters and classified in various
standard proportions, such as the
eustyle
Intrados underside or inner curve of
an arch
Ionic one of the classical orders; its
capital is decorated by volutes
Isodomic type of masonry in which
blocks of equal length and thickness
are laid in courses, with each vertical
joint centred on the block below
Keystone central uppermost stone
in an arch, sometimes carved
Lintel a horizontal beam or stone
laid across the top of a door or
window
Lunette a semi-circular window or
any flat semicircular surface
Marmorino or terrazzetto, marble
plaster made by mixing lime and
marble dust
Metope square space between two
triglyphs in a Doric frieze
Minuto (pl. minuti) small unit of
measurement which varied from city
to city (see piede)
Modillion ornamental bracket used
in series to support the upper
member of a Corinthian or Com-
posite cornice
Moulding the contour giving to a
projecting member
Nymphaeum in ancient archi-
tecture a monument consecrated to
the nymphs, especially those of
springs; it was re-introduced by Re-
naissance architects as a model for
monumental fountains
Oculus circular window, usually at
the top of a dome 428
 Oeco (pl. oeci) from the Latin oecus,
the principal hall or salon in the
Roman house, in turn derived from
the Greek; Palladio uses the term as a
synonym for sala
Oncia the smallest unit of measure-
ment which varied from city to city
(see piede)
Orders the order are the classical
language of architecture, the five
main ones being Doric, Ionic and
Corinthian, all of Greek origin, and
the Tuscan and Composite, of
Roman origin; each has its own
typical proportions and decorative
details
Ospitalia guest quarters
Ovolo moulding a convex mould-
ing, usually a quarter of a circle
Palazzo a palace, but also a building
in general
Palmo (pl. palmi) ‘palm’ unit of
measurement which varied from city
to city
Pedestal in classical architecture the
base supporting a column or colon-
nade, more loosely the base for a
statue or any superstructure
Pediment a classical triangular or
segmental form on the front of a
building which creates the peak of
the roof; low-pitched gable above a
portico and a similar feature above
doors, windows, etc.
Pentimento (pl. pentimenti) ‘second
thoughts’ or change to a work of art
Peristyle a colonnade around either
the exterior of a building or an open
space (e.g. a courtyard)
Pertica or pertega unit of measure-
ment which varied from city to city
Piede (pl. piedi) ‘foot’, unit of
measurement which varied from city
to city (e.g. piede vicentino and piede
veneziano), also piede antico (‘ancient
foot’); the piede may be divided into
minuti, in turn divided into once
Piano nobile the principal living
floor in an Italian palace, usually on
the first storey
Pilaster square or rectangular pro-
jection that is designed to resemble a
column
Plinth the projecting base of a wall
or column pedestal
429
Podium a continuous base or Soffit the underside of any archi-
plinth supporting columns; the tectural element (e.g. of a staircase,
platform enclosing an arena in an arch, balcony)
ancient amphitheatre
Sovrapporta ‘overdoor’, a painting
Polyforate window a window conceived to be placed over a door;
divided by columns to form several often in a series
separate arched lights (also biforate,
triforate, etc.) String course a continuous hori-
zontal band in an exterior wall, at
Portego a portico, but in Venetian times projecting from it and usually
also the large central hall on the moulded
piano nobile
Tempietto ‘small temple’ as found
Portico columned porch attached to in ancient architecture but sub-
a building forming the entrance and sequently used for small churches or
centre-piece of the façade, found on chapels based on ancient models
temples, churches, houses, etc.; also a
colonnade Swag or festoon, a carved decor-
ation in the form of a chain (made of
Pronaos the vestibule or inner area fruit, flowers, leaves, etc.) tied with
of the portico of a Greek or Roman ribbons and ending in loops
theatre, often enclosed by side walls
and a row of columns in front Terrazzetto see marmorino
Propylon or propylaeum a free- Thermal window a large semi-
standing entrance or gateway to a circular window divided into three
temple or group of buildings lights by two vertical supports; also
known as a Diocletian window
Proto chief architect responsible for because of its use in the ancient
the upkeep and construction of Baths of Diocletian, Rome
buildings in the Venetian Republic
Tondo a circular window or work of
Pulvinated a cushion-shaped pat- art in a round form
tern with a convex profile, usually
used with reference to a frieze or Torus a large convex moulding of
entablature semicircular profile, e.g. at the base
of a column
Rustication masonry made of stone
blocks, often roughly hewn, or Transept one of the two arms of the
stucco decoration which creates the cross in a cruciform church
same effect; usually found on the
lower floors of buildings Trabeation and trabeated, see en-
tablature
Quincunx an arrangement of elem-
ents by fives in a square or a Triglyphs blocks with vertical
rectangle, one being placed at each grooves, alternating with the met-
corner and one in the middle opes in a Doric frieze
Tuscan Order one of the five archi- Volute a spiral scroll form in
tectural orders, combining elements classical architecture, usually on an
of the Doric and the Ionic, Ionic capital
introduced in the sixteenth-century
Italy
Sala (pl. sale) hall or room, but
especially the large principal living
room in a villa or palace
Serliana (pl. serliane) an archway or
window (also known as a ‘Palladian
window’ in English-speaking coun-
tries) consisting of a central arched bay
and two lower lateral openings sur-
mounted by straight entablatures;
when in a series the main elements, the
pillars and arches, can be kept constant
by varying the width of the lateral
apertures in order to achieve a more
regular and harmonious overall effect
(as in Palladio’s loggias of the Palazzo
della Ragione, Vicenza); so called
because first illustrated in Serlio’s Regole
generali di architetura... (1537)

Index
All references are to page
numbers; those in bold type
indicate catalogue entries,
and those in italic type
indicate illustrations in essays and
in introductions to sections.
Accademia del Disegno,
Florence 221, 226, 325
Accademia del Virtù 281
Accademia Olimpica, Vicenza
15, 244-246, 384
Adam, John 397
Adam, Robert 375, 380, 394,
397
Aelian (Aelianus Tacitus),
Tattica 344, 344, 345, 345,
346, 348-349, 350, 351
Alberti, Leon Battista 5, 15, 16,
22, 28, 102, 111, 121, 231, 258,
266
L’Architettura 284, 285
De re aedificatoria 44, 100,
288, 292, 332
Descrittione di tutta Italia 24
Humanism 261-262
importance of 374
influence on Palladio 276-278,
285
Ludi Matematici 288
on measurements 286-288, 289
orthogonal projection 303
on perspective 281
on the Ponte Elio, Rome 187
San Francesco, Rimini 82
San Sebastiano, Mantua 11,
130
on villas 100
Alessi, Gian Galeazzo 44, 221,
225
Alexander i, Tsar 396
Alexander Severus 294
Algarotti, Count Francesco 234,
369
Almerico, Paolo 105, 364, 366
Altdorfer, Albrecht, Battle of Iso
344
Ammannati, Bartolomeo 2, 123,
126
Benavides Court, Padua 5
Bridge of Santa Trinita,
Florence 187, 188
Amsterdam Town Hall 359,
364
Andrea da Venezia 23
Anet, Chateau of 220, 220, 221,
221, 222-223
Angaran(o), Giacomo 330, 331,
340
Angarano, Stefano, Relatione del
conte Stefano Angarano de la
guerra di Portogallo l’anno
1580 354-355
Anguissola, Spirito Pelo 360
Antonini, Floriano 306
Anzoli, Vincenzo, Map showing
the site of Villa Pagliarino,
Lanzè 104
Appian 350
Aretino, Pietro 31, 36, 201
Aristotle 33, 36, 244, 268
Arnaldi, Vincenzo 305-306
Arundel, Thomas Howard,
Earl of 372, 386, 388
Assisi, Temple of Minerva
199
Athens, Erechtheum 394
Aumale, Duc d’ 221
Aurelian, Emperor 141
Auteuil 400
Azapkapi, Mosque of Sokollu
238, 239
Bacci, Andrea 298
Badoer, Orso 34
Badoer family 10
Bagnaia 2
Bagnolo see Villa Pisani
Baldelli 352
Bandinelli, Baccio 39
Barbarano, Giulio 211
Barbarano, Marcantonio
218-220
Barbarano, Montano 208-212,
213
Barbarano, Valerio 28
Barbaro, Daniele 12, 14, 39, 57,
64, 107, 111, 156, 220, 358-359
Humanism 261-262
influence on Palladio 10, 300
on Palladio 269, 372
portrait of 118-121
La Pratica della perspettiva
123
and the Quattro Libri 14,
264-265, 328
translation of Vitruvius 10,
14, 116, 119-122, 149, 159,
226, 264-265, 276, 315, 322
Villa Barbaro 11, 114-116
visits Rome with Palladio 54
Barbaro, Francesco 242
Barbaro, Marcantonio 107, 223,
263, 358-359, 364, 377
ambassador to Ottoman
Empire 238, 239, 240, 241-242
portrait of 237, 240
and the Redentore 14, 228
and the Rialto bridge 184-186
and San Giorgio Maggiore
179
Tempietto Barbaro 129, 242
Villa Barbaro 11, 114
Barbaro family 10, 11, 228
Barry, Charles 382
Bartoli, Cosimo 15, 187, 188,
285, 288, 289, 325
Del modo di misurare
le distantie... 292
Bassano, Jacopo, Madonna
and Child, Saints Matthew,
Francesco, Lucia and the
Podestà Matteo Soranza,
his daughter Lucia and his
brother Francesco 266, 268
Bassano, Luigi 241
Bassano del Grappa, Brenta
bridge 260, 267
Bassi, Martino, Plan of Milan
Cathedral 327
bath complexes (Ottoman)
240-241
Bazhenov, Vasily 375
Bedford, Earl of 386
Belli, Elio 28, 39
Belli, Silvio de 289, 327
Belli, Valerio 2, 31, 33
Christ Washing the Feet
of the Disciples 36-39
Bembo, Bernardo 262
Bembo, Pietro 5, 12, 28, 31, 36
Benedictine Order 156, 172,
175
Beretta 305
Bernardo, Gianbattista 204
Bertani, Giovanni Battista 246,
264, 327
Berti, Giovanni Battista 93
Bertotti Scamozzi, Ottavio 53,
208, 335, 369
Le fabbriche e i disegni di
Andrea Palladio 375, 376
Palazzo Civena, Vicenza 31
Tempietto Barbaro, Maser
221
Villa Trissino, Cricoli 31, 36,
271
Biondo, Flavio 156
Bologna, San Petronio 175, 180,
221, 258, 312-313
Bordon, Benedetto, The
Massacre of the Innocents 23
Bordon, Paris 202
Boscoreale 260, 261
Bramante, Donato 4, 5, 6, 14,
58, 126, 146, 236, 266, 384
church of Roccaverano 12,
149
Cortile del Belvedere, Rome
67, 69, 102, 123, 126, 167
Genazzano 56, 102
Palazzo Caprini, Rome 56,
79, 90
Palazzo dei Tribunali, Rome
42
St. Peter’s, Rome 63, 180, 258
San Biagio della Pagnotta,
Rome 56, 69, 70
Santa Maria del Popolo,
Rome 82
Tempietto, Rome 56, 69, 71,
332, 366
Bramantino 31
Brenna, Vincenzo 397
Brenta bridge, Bassano del
Grappa 260, 267
Brescia
Cathedral 320
City Hall 141, 304-305
Brescia, Jacopo da 61
Briatti, Giovanni, La Piazza
dell’Isola 302
Brisasorci, Domenico 78
Brunelleschi, Filippo 44, 266,
281, 331
Buoncompagno, Giacomo
351-352
Burlington, Lord 171, 376, 381,
386, 394
Chiswick House, Middlesex
376, 377, 378, 379-380, 392-393
collection of drawings by
Palladio 56, 79, 374, 392
Palladio’s influence on 372-374,
375, 392
visits Vicenza 356
York Assembly Rooms 359,
380
Cabrera, Luiz Enriquez de 355
Caesar, Julius 303, 345
Commentaries 15, 263, 336,
340, 342-347, 349, 350, 351-353
Caldogno, Losco 26
Cameron, Charles 43, 372, 375,
376, 380-381, 394
The Baths of the Romans 394
Pavlovsk Palace 394, 397
Tsarskoye Selo 394
Campbell, Colen 372-374, 375
Canaletto 176
Capriccio of Palladio’s design
for the bridge of Rialto, with
buildings from Vicenza
368-369
Caprice View with the
Monastery of Lateran
Canons, Venice 162-163
The Church of the Redentore,
Venice 176, 232-233
San Francesco della Vigna,
Venice 151
San Giorgio Maggiore from
the Bacino di San Marco
176
Capra, Alvise 340
Capra, Odorico 364
Capra, Paolo 340
Capuchins 228
Carafa, Cardinal Oliviero 263
Caroto, Giovanni 155, 249
Reconstruction of the Roman
Theatre, Verona 248
Carpaccio, Vittore 163
Healing of the Possessed Man
184, 186
Casa, Giovanni della 261
Cassinese Benedictines 12, 23,
156, 172, 175
Castell, Robert 394
Castello, Fabrizio 224, 225
Castiglione, Baldassare 261
Catena, Vincenzo, Portrait
of Giangiorgio Trissino 32
Catherine ii, Empress of Russia
375-376, 380, 381, 394, 396-397
Cattaneo, Danese 141
Caux, Isaac de 386
Cavacius 23
Cavazza, Bartolomeo 4, 19, 31
Cavino, Giovanni da, Medal
of Floriano Antonini,
showing Palazzo Antonini,
Udine 306
Cellini, Benvenuto 2
Ceredi, Giuseppe, Tre discorsi...
107
Cesano, Gabriele 355
Cesariano, Cesare 120, 121, 156
Façade of the Basilica of Fano
265, 268
Chalgrin, Jean-F.T. 398
Chambord, Chateau of 219,
220, 220, 223, 238
Charles v, Emperor 33, 40, 64,
196-198, 218, 344, 352
chasuble of Ottoman silk,
embroidered with the arms
of the Barbaro family
241-242
Chiericati, Caterina 201
Chiericati, Giovanni 10, 26, 108
Chiericati, Girolamo 7, 9, 26,
28, 82, 90-93, 98-99, 108, 358
Chiericati, Lionello 108
Chiericati, Valerio 39, 92, 99,
289, 307, 346-347
Della Milizia 342, 344
Chiswick House, Middlesex
376, 377, 378, 379-380, 392-393
Cicero 156, 261
circumferentors 288, 289
Cismon bridge 320
Civena brothers 36
Clavius 384
Clement vii, Pope 4, 31, 36
Cles, Cardinal Bernardo 19, 20,
21
Coeck van Aelst, Pieter 336
Cogollo, Pietro 44
Contarini, Giacomo 39, 263,
355, 377
Contarini, Marin 266
Cornaro, Alvise 4, 5, 28, 36,
102, 244, 328, 344, 366
Cornaro, Giorgio 10
Cornaro, Zorzi 64
Cornaro family 11
Cortese, Gregorio 156
Coryat, Thomas 139, 374
Le cose maravigliose dell’alma
città di Roma 322
Cremonensis, Laurentius Gazius
23
Cricoli see Villa Trissino
Croy, Charles de 129
Dall’Acqua, Aurelio 59
Dandré-Bardon, Michel-
François 394
Dante, Giusto, Survey plan of
the Valmarana Garden and
properties outside Porta
Castello 141-145
Dante Alighieri 33
Danti, Egnazio 121, 221, 360
Danti, Vincenzo 225
De L’Orme, Philibert 289-291
Chateau of Anet 220, 221,
222
Diane de Poitiers, funerary
chapel 151, 220, 221, 222-223
Diedo, Vincenzo 11
Dolgorukov, Prince 394
Donaldson, Thomas Leverton
113
Donatello 16
Donato, Pietro 16
Dondi, Giovanni 16
Doni, Anton Francesco 264
Dragoncino, Giovanni Battista,
Nobilità di Vicenza 27
drawing instruments 313
Du Cerceau, Jacques Androuet,
Plan, section and façade
elevation of the funerary
chapel of Diane de Poitiers
at Anet 222-223
Dupérac, Étienne 175, 180, 182
Dürer, Albrecht 121
The Siege of a City 342, 344
Emmanuel Philibert (Emanuele
Filiberto), Duke of Savoy
330, 340, 351
Emo, Giorgio 11
Emo family 10
England 218, 220, 374, 377-380,
386-388, 392, 394
Este, Cardinal Ippolito d’ 57,
116, 220, 366
Falconetto, Giovanni Maria
4, 5, 6, 102, 139, 244, 248,
384
Arch of Jupiter Ammon,
Verona 155
Corte Cornaro, Padua 19
Monte di Pietà, Padua 6, 36
Perspectival elevation of the
exterior of the Roman
amphitheatre, Pola 308-311
Porta Savonarola, Padua 6, 6
Project for an altar flanked by
two funerary monuments
152-155
Fancelli, Luca 289
Fano, Basilica 265, 268, 270,
276, 279
Farinati, Paolo, Interior view of
San Giorgio Maggiore 176-177
Farnese, Alessandro, Duke of
Parma 107
Fasolo, Giovanni Antonio 202
frescoes in Villa Caldogno 262
Gianalvise Valmarana and his
family 201
Fauno, Lucio 322
Ferrerio, Pietro 57
Filarete 74, 187, 201
Finiguerra, Maso 300
Flavio, Biondo 322
Flitcroft, Henry, Elevation of
the entrance front, Chiswick
House, Middlesex 392-393
Florence 2, 266, 325
Bridge of Santa Trinita 187,
188
San Salvatore al Monte 146
Santa Croce 327
Floris 344
Fogolino, Marcello, Adoration
of the Magi 259, 300
Formenton, Tommaso 80
Foscari, Alvise 130
Foscari, Nicolò 130
France 218-221, 263
Franceschi, Domenico de’ 330,
352
The Procession of Sultan
Suleiman to the Mosque
336-340
Franceschi, Francesco dei 285,
292, 330
Franceschi, Pietro de’ 336, 352
Francesco di Giorgio 36, 42,
122, 366
Francis i, King of France 266,
328
Franciscan Order 146, 149
Franco, Battista 130 430
 Franco, Giovanni 344
Gl’ordini della militia romana
344
Fréart, Roland, translation
of Quattro Libri 340-341
Fronsperger, Leonhart, Von
Kayserlichem Kriegssrechten
345, 347, 352
Frontinus 263
Fulvio, Andrea 322
Galileo 384
Gasparini, Silvia 85
Gazzotti, Taddeo 104, 358
Genazzano 56, 102
Genga, Bartolomeo 169
Gibbs, James 398
Giocondo, Fra Giovanni 42,
111, 121, 184, 187, 262-263, 281,
284, 342-344
Plan of the Roman house 270
Giolito, Gabriele 342
Giulio Romano 4, 39, 79, 86,
380, 392
drawings 300
house in Macel de’ Corvi,
Rome 44-45
‘Italian building’, Landshut
6, 74
and the Palazzo della Ragione
82, 92, 99
Palazzo Te, Mantua 5, 42, 44,
46, 102
Palazzo Thiene, Vicenza
40-43, 47, 53, 260, 335, 388
portrait of 44, 388
San Benedetto Po, Polirone 5,
82-83, 83
tomb of Pietro Strozzi,
Mantua 121
Villa Thiene 102
Giustinian, Orsatto 246
Giustinian family 152, 155
Godi, Girolamo 28
Gondoin, Jacques 394
Gonzaga, Federico 44
Gonzaga, Pietro 397
Gonzaga family 26, 42
Gothic architecture 5, 258, 260,
269
Grandi, Gian Gerolamo 19,
20-21, 22, 36
Grandi, Gian Matteo 20
Monument to Bishop
Trombetta 19
Grandi, Giovanni 19
Grandi, Lorenzo 19
Grandi, Vincenzo 4, 19, 20
Incense burner 20-21
Monument to Bishop
Trombetta 19
Portrait of Valerio Belli 36-37
Writing casket with a satyr
handle 22
El Greco 220
copy of Vitruvius 226-227
Portrait of Andrea Palladio
225-226
Gregory xiii, Pope 221, 360
Grimani, Doge Antonio 149,
151
Grimani, Giovanni, Patriarch
of Aquileia 11-12, 114, 149,
152, 220, 222
Grimani, Girolamo 104
Grimani, Marcantonio 16
Grimani, Cardinal Marino 31,
36
Grimani family 11, 152, 153,
228, 327
Gritti, Alvise 263
Gualdo, Paolo 54, 180, 186, 362
Gualdo family 36
guild of stonecutters, Vicenza
25, 27
Guise, Charles de, Cardinal of
431 Lorraine 220-221, 222
Hadrian, Emperor 333
Halicarnassus, Mausoleum 293,
364, 366
Hannibal 15, 353, 355
Hawksmoor, Nicholas 366, 379,
392
Heemskerck, Marteen van 292
Church of St. Peter’s, Rome 56
View of the Temple of Minerva
in the Forum of Nerva, Rome
286, 292
Henry ii, King of France 40
Henry iii, King of France 12,
14, 192, 218, 220
Herculaneum 159
Herrera, Juan de 221, 224, 225
Hoefnagel, Georg 361
Holanda, Francisco de 31, 36
Holanda, Rodrigo de, The
Monastery of San Lorenzo del
Escorial under construction
224-225
Holland 374
Humanism 58, 261-262, 346, 347
Hungary 221
Hürrem Sultan 241
imitation, in the Renaissance
266-268
India, Bernardino, Figures on
Palladio’s drawings for Rialto
186, 186, 190, 194
Ingegneri, Angelo 244
Istanbul 218, 236-239, 236, 241
Çinili Kösk 366
Haghia Sophia 236
Mausoleum of Rüstem Pasha
238, 239, 242
Sülemaniye mosque 238
Jefferson, Thomas 372, 375,
398, 399
Monticello, Virginia 375, 398
University of Virginia,
Richmond 375, 398
Jerusalem, Dome of the Rock
236
Jones, Inigo 123, 252, 271, 335,
356, 372, 376, 392
Banqueting House, Whitehall
359, 362, 374-375, 377-378, 380,
386, 389-391
handwritten annotations in
Quattro Libri 388-389
Palladianism 375, 377-379, 386
and Palazzo Chiericati 92, 93
on Villa Rotonda 366
on Palazzo Thiene 42, 43, 49,
53
on Palazzo Valmarana 200
portrait of 44, 386-388
Jonson, Ben 377, 386
Julius ii, Pope 4, 69
Kedleston Hall, Derbyshire
394
Kent, William 375, 392
La Roche, Raoul 400
La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt,
Duc de 398
Labacco, Antonio 264, 291,
308, 330, 341
Lanci, Baldassare 292
Lanciani, Rodolfo 126
Landucci, Luca 374
Lateran Canons 156, 158-159
Lauro, Pietro 285
Le Corbusier 261, 372, 382,
400
Album La Roche 211, 400-401
Ledoux, Claude Nicolas 394
Leo vi, Emperor 347, 350, 355
Leo x, Pope 2, 31, 33, 36, 61,
280, 281
Leonardi, Giovan Jacopo 169,
342
Leonardo da Vinci 289
Leoncini, Angelica 163
Leoni, Giacomo 394, 398
Leptis Magna 294
Ligorio, Pirro 57, 113, 116,
134-135, 180, 187, 294, 366-367
Paradosse 322
Perspective section of the lower
court of the Belvedere in the
Vatican 126-127
Villa d’Este 139
Livorno 386
Livy 33
Lomazzo, Giovanni Paolo 327
Lombarda, Giulia 163
London
Banqueting House, Whitehall
359, 362, 374-375, 377-378,
380, 386, 389-391
Queen’s Chapel, St. James’s
377
Queen’s House, Greenwich
377, 386
St. George’s, Bloomsbury 366
St. Paul’s Cathedral 386
Whitehall Palace 386
Longhena, Baldassare 321
Lotto, Lorenzo
Ecclesiastic in his studio 261,
262
Portrait of an architect 306
Luchino, Vincenzo, Exterior
view of the extrados of an
apse of the Basilica of St.
Peter in the Vatican 182-183
Ludwig x, Duke 6, 42, 74
Lüleburgaz 238
L’vov, Nikolaj, Russian edition
of I Quattro Libri
dell’Architettura 394, 396-397
Machiavelli, Niccolò, L’Arte
della guerra 344, 344, 346,
349, 351
Madrid
Church of the Escorial 265
Monastery of San Lorenzo,
Escorial 220, 221, 224-225
Madruzzo, Cristoforo 22
Maganza, Giovanni Battista 54,
196, 204, 226
Self-portrait 38-39
Sketch for the Grotto
of Rivers 4
Mainente, Giulio Cesare 211
Manisa, mosque of Murad iii
239
Manlio, Lorenzo 44
Mantegna, Andrea 16
Mantua 5, 42, 246
Palazzo d’Arco 155
Palazzo Te 42, 44, 46, 53, 66,
102, 268
San Sebastiano 11, 130
Manuzio, Aldo 344
Marcolini, Francesco 119, 120,
121
Marin, Bernardo de 32
Marliani, Bartolomeo 322
marmorino (marble plaster) 320
Marocco 307
Marzari, Giacomo, The Ruins
of the Teatro Berga 247
Maser see Tempietto; Villa
Barbaro
‘Master of Oxford’, Architects
and scholars studying inside
the Colosseum 58
Matarello, Pietro 20
Matirano, Baron (Berardino)
Gian Tommaso 221, 225
Mattioli, Pietro Andrea 21
Maxentius 239
Maximilian, Emperor 64, 218
Meader, James 394
measurements 286-288
Meda, Giuseppe 225
medals
Foundation medal of Palazzo
Valmarana 201
Medal of Floriano Antonini,
showing Palazzo Antonini,
Udine 306
Medici, Cosimo de’ 292
Medici, Francesco de’ 353, 355
Medici, Lorenzo de’ 2, 100, 262
Mengs, Anton Raphael 397
Michelangelo 2, 12, 14, 31, 33,
36, 226, 268, 303, 327
Palazzo Medici, Florence 266
Rialto bridge project, Venice
187
St. Peter’s, Rome 54-56, 56, 57,
116, 175, 180-181, 182, 264
Milan Cathedral 327
Mocenigo, Doge Alvise 239
Mocenigo, Leonardo 39, 220,
347
Mocenigo, Lunardo 136, 250
Molin, Francesco 362
Montagnana 302
Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de
374
Monticello, Virginia 375, 398, 399
Monza, Fabio 28, 39, 196
Moos, Stanislaus von 400
Mora, Domenico, Il soldato
344, 345
Moro, Battista del, Project for
a funerary chapel 323, 325-327
Moro, Marco, View of Villa
Trissino at Cricoli 34-36
Moustier, G. de 12
Muñoz, Salvador 227
Murad iii, Sultan 236
Muraro, Michelangelo 9
Muttoni, Francesco 49-50, 53,
75, 77
Nanto, Pietro da 196
Naples
Cathedral 263
Temple of the Dioscuri 367
Napoleon i, Emperor 258
Neo-classicism 381-382
Netherlands 394
Nîmes, Maison Carré 205, 328,
333, 398
Nogarola, Girolamo 64
Nogarola, Isabella 64, 196, 201,
218
Nogarola, Leonardo 196
Nogarola family 218
Notaries Guild 2
Noyers, François Sublet de 341
Nurbanu Sultan 236
Olivieri, Antonio Francesco 28
orthogonal projection 303
Ottoman Empire 236-242, 263,
366
Ozenfant, Amédée 400
Padua 4, 5, 16-19, 16, 268
Basilica del Santo 239
Benavides Court 2, 5
Corte Cornaro 19, 19
model of 20
Monte di Pietà 6
Odeon 366
Palazzo Bo 93
Porta San Giovanni 6
Porta Savonarola 6, 6
Santa Giustina 19, 23, 172, 175
Pagello, Antenore 28, 104
Pagliarino, Bartolomeo 9, 105
Pagliarino, Giulio 104
palazzi see individual cities
and towns
Palestrina 271
Temple of Fortune 249, 290,
291, 291, 365, 366-368
Palladian Revival 163, 386, 392
Palladianism 6, 15, 372-401
Palladio, Andrea
architectural language 268-
272, 278-279, 286, 316-317
building techniques 314-321
country residences 9, 10-11
death 15, 246
drawings 300-313
early life 4, 16
enrolment in guild of
stonecutters 25, 27
foreign contacts 218-222
on function and health
260-261
gardens 136-145
Humanism 261-262
and imitation 266-269
importance of choice of site
260, 278
influence of 372-401
influences on 5-6, 10, 28-31,
265-266, 270, 276-285
as innovator 258-260
military publications
342-355
name 4
Paduan citizenship 20
portrait of 225-226
publications 15, 31, 322-327,
342-355
and Sinan 236-239
studying and ‘restoring’ ruins
263, 286-299
unfinished projects 356-359
visits Rome 6, 54-57, 74
L’antichità di Roma 60, 182,
322, 324
Descritione delle chiese... 182,
322, 324-325
Draft of a letter about the port
of Pesaro... 169
Elevation of a palace or villa
façade 46
Elevation of a triumphal arch
150-151
Façade elevation for a villa [?]
123-126
Plan and elevation of the
Vitruvian Monopteral Temple
282, 284-285
Project for four standardised-
type housing units with
courtyard and well 164-169
Project for a funerary chapel
323, 325-327
Project for the gateway of
a garden 141, 143
Project for a monumental
garden 141-142
Project for a palazzo in Venice
164, 167, 169-171
Reconstruction of the façade
of the Roman House 122
Sketch plan for a villa 307
Studies of military formations
350-351
Studies of the Roman theatre
as described by Vitruvius
245, 251-254
Unfinished study of the
Composite capital... 277,
283, 285
see also individual buildings
and I Quattro Libri
dell’architettura
Palladio, Leonida 352, 376
Palladio, Marcantonio 92, 106,
355
Elevation of an alternative for
Porta Nuova, Verona 87-89
Plan of Palazzo Chiericati 97
Project for the Teatro Olimpico,
Vicenza 254-255
Palladio, Orazio 335, 352, 376
Palladio, Silla 20, 80, 246, 336,
353, 355, 376, 386
Pallavicino, Horatio 374
Palma Giovane 42
Panatti, Gerolamo, Map
showing the site of Villa
Pagliarino, Lanzè 104
Paris 386, 400
Patrizi, Francesco 15, 342, 344,
346
Paul, Grand Duke 394, 397
Paul iii, Pope 31, 36-39, 40, 63,
180, 281
Paul iv, Pope 126
Pavlovsk Palace, St. Petersburg
373, 379, 380, 380, 394,
396-397
Peale, Charles Wilson 398
Pedemuro workshop 4, 5, 31,
64, 318
Penni, Gianfrancesco 44
Peruzzi, Baldassare 4, 60, 63,
75, 102, 126, 217, 295
Cancelleria fresco 53
Palazzo Massimo alle
Colonne, Rome 9, 56, 57,
93, 94
Sagra di Carpi 12, 149
Peruzzi, Sallustio 294
Pesaro 169
Villa Imperiale 136
Peter i, Tsar 375, 394
Peterhof, English Palace 394
Petrarch 16, 100, 180
Philandrier, Guillaume 333, 367
Philip ii, King of Spain 7, 198,
201, 218, 221, 224, 352, 355
Philip iii, King of Spain 226
Piacenza, Palazzo Farnese 246
Piermarini, Giuseppe 43
Pietro della Gondola (Palladio’s
father) 16-19, 20
Pigafetta, Filippo 347, 355
Pigafetta, Marcantonio 238
Pinturicchio 23
Piovene, Giuliano 26, 204, 340,
311
Piovene, Guido 26, 204, 340, 311
Piranesi, Giambattista 394
Pisani, Francesco 10, 39
Pisani, Giovanni 64
Pisani, Vettor 64, 67
Pisani family 11
Pittoni, Giovanni Battista,
Vicenza 358, 360-361
Pittoni, Girolamo 4, 27, 31, 325
Pius iv, Pope 126
Pius v, Pope 126
Plato 36
Plautus 271
Pliny the Younger 5, 62, 100,
102, 261, 263, 278, 293, 364,
366
Plotinus 333
Poggio a Caiano 100-102, 111
Poggio Reale 93, 250
Poiana, Bonifacio 9, 26
Pola 111, 169
Roman amphitheatre 247,
252, 308-311
Poldo d’Albenas, Jean 333
Architectural details of the
Maison Carré 328
Perspective view of the Maison
Carré 333
Polirone, San Benedetto Po
82-83, 83
Polybius, Histories 15, 31, 332,
342-347, 349, 350, 353-355
Pompeii 159, 380, 394, 400
Ponte, Leandro da, The Tower
of Babel 17, 318-319
Pope, Alexander 375
Porcacchi, Tommaso 15
Porlezza, Giovanni (di
Giacomo) da 4, 5, 6, 27,
31, 59, 64, 82, 85, 89, 325
Porta, Giambattista della 225-226
Porto, Ippolito 345, 352
Porto, Iseppo 7, 9, 26, 72, 74,
74, 77, 78-79, 201, 307
Porto, Leonardo 196
Porto, Leonida 7, 74, 74, 77,
78-79
Porto, Ludovico 108, 112
Porto, Archdeacon Simone 136
Porto family 6, 40
Portugal 374
Povolo, Claudio 24
Pozzoserrato, The Fire in the
Doge’s Palace of 1577 361
Primaticcio 222
Priuli, Girolamo 16
Quarenghi, Giacomo 359, 372,
374, 375-376, 380, 381-382,
394-396
Alexander Palace, Tsarskoye
Selo 394, 395, 396-397
Elevation and ground-floor
plan of Pavlovsk Palace,
St. Petersburg 396-397
English Palace, Peterhof 394
View of Pavlovsk 373, 396-397
I Quattro Libri dell’Architettura
(Palladio) 15, 28, 260,
328-341
as an intellectual project
263-264
Basilica (Palazzo della
Ragione), Vicenza 9, 80
Chateau of Chambord 220
drawings 303
in El Greco’s library 226
English translation 375, 392,
394
housing in Venice 166
Jones’s handwritten
annotations in 93, 388-389
measurements 286
Monastery of the Carità 156
Palazzo Barbarano 208, 210,
215
Palazzo Chiericati 90, 93,
97-98
Palazzo Porto 72, 270
Palazzo Thiene 40, 43, 51, 53,
260, 330
Palazzo Valmarana 197, 198,
200
and Palladio’s architectural
system 271-272
Rialto bridge 14, 184, 186-187,
188, 189, 194-195
on Roman architecture 6
Russian translation 394,
396-397
vaults 271
Villa Barbaro 11, 114
Villa Foscari 130
Villa Pisani, Bagnolo 64
Villa Poiana 100
Villa Trissino, Meledo 356
in Zelotti’s fresco 119
Raimondi, Marcantonio 23, 39
Raimondi-Pellegrini family
242
Raphael 4, 5, 6, 14, 23, 31, 33,
36, 79, 187, 392
book for Leo x 280, 281
and Giulio Romano 44
orthogonal projection 303
Palazzo Branconio dell’Aquila,
Rome 56, 57, 94, 199, 268
St. Peter’s, Rome 44, 231
School of Athens 58
stage designs 53
Stanza di Eliodoro, Vatican
266, 268
on surveying ancient
buildings 289
Vatican Belvedere 126
Villa Madama, Rome 15, 34,
56, 61-62, 102, 133, 246
workshop 39
Rava, Agostino 39
‘reconstruction’ of ruins 291-299
Repeta, Mario 39
Riccio (Andrea Briosco) 23
Ridolfi, Bartolomeo 78
Ridolfi, Cardinal Niccolò 2-4,
4, 15, 31, 36, 39, 196
Rimini
Bridge of Augustus 190, 195
San Francesco 82
Ringhieri 374
Ripanda, Jacopo 58
Rizzo, Andrea 99
Rizzo, Antonio 80
Robortello, Francesco 342, 345,
349
Rome
Arch of Constantine 74
Arch of Janus 139
Arch of Titus 58-59, 285
Aula Regia 281
Basilica of Maxentius 6, 285
‘Basilica of Neptune’ 295-296
Baths of Agrippa 206-207,
215-217, 287, 291, 295-299
Baths of Caracalla 6, 54, 54,
55, 59-60, 66, 215-217, 285,
296, 299
Baths of Diocletian 54, 54, 55,
59-60, 66, 220, 252, 294,
295, 299, 381, 386, 392
Baths of Trajan 381
Cappella Paolina, Vatican
Palace 57, 66, 67, 158, 180,
281
Colosseum 58, 250, 254
Cortile del Belvedere 67, 69,
102, 123, 126-127, 167
Domus Aurea 394
Forum Boarium 278
Forum of Trajan 367
gardens 136-139
guides 322-327
influence on Palladio 4-5, 6,
9 Salamanca-Lafréry 182
Mausoleum of Maxentius on
the Via Appia 336, 339
Mausoleum of Romulus 243
Palazzo Branconio dell’Aquila
56, 57, 94, 199, 268
Palazzo Caprini 56, 79, 90
Palazzo Farnese 12, 40, 42, 54,
57, 63, 159, 281
Palazzo Massimo alle Colonne
9, 56, 57, 93, 94
Palazzo dei Tribunali 42, 69
Palladio visits 6, 54-57, 74
Pantheon 6, 14, 54, 66, 133,
180, 239, 243, 260, 264, 266,
268, 288, 295, 298-299, 313,
336, 366, 386
Piazza San Silvestro 136-139,
140-141
Ponte Elio 187
Portico of Octavia 90, 97, 111,
113, 133, 270
Quirinal 285
St. Peter’s 6, 14, 44, 56-57,
62-63, 116, 175, 180-183, 231,
238, 258, 264
San Biagio della Pagnotta 56,
69, 70
San Nicola in Carcere 75, 217,
331, 341
Santa Maria del Popolo 82
Santi Cosma e Damian 367
Tempietto, San Pietro in
Montorio 56, 56, 69, 71,
366
Temple of Antoninus and
Faustina 386
Temple of Castor and Pollux
49
Temple of Concord 112-113
Temple of Hadrian 285
Temple of Jupiter Stator
392
Temple of Mars Ultor 301,
307-308, 379
Temple of Minerva 49, 286,
292-294
Temple of Portumnus 111
Temple of Saturn 210, 269,
279, 335
Temple of the Sun 141
Temple of Venus 308, 386
‘Temple of Vesta’ 329, 335-336,
338
Temple of the Virile Fortune
11, 133
Theatre of Marcellus 211,
213, 215-217, 254, 269, 270,
288
‘Trophies of Marius’ 293-295
Vatican Belvedere 6
Vatican Palace gardens 136
Villa Giulia 11, 54, 57, 116,
125-126, 136, 325
Villa Madama 6, 15, 34, 56,
56, 61-62, 66, 102, 133, 136,
246
Zecca 294
Rossi, Aldo 15
Rossi, Karl 381, 382, 397
Rovigo 10
Rubens, Peter Paul 378
ruins, studying and ‘restoring’
286-299
Rusconi 305
Ruskin, John 382
Russia 375-376, 380-382, 394-397
Ruzante 244
St. Petersburg 359, 394
Academy of the Sciences 381,
381
Anichkov Palace 381, 383, 397
Hermitage 381
Pavlovsk Palace 373, 379, 380,
380, 394, 396-397
State Bank 381
Salviati, Cardinal Giovanni 31,
36
Salviati, Giuseppe 327
Sangallo the Elder, Antonio da
280
Sangallo the Younger, Antonio
da 12, 36, 54, 57, 75, 146,
217
Cappella Paolina, Vatican
Palace 57, 66, 67, 158
and De architectura 281
Drawing of the Temple at the
source of the Clitumnus
134-135
drawings 300
influence on Palladio 5, 14
orthogonal projection 49, 303
Palazzo Farnese, Rome 159
Reconstruction of the
Mausoleum of Halicarnassus
364, 366
‘reconstruction’ of ruins 291
St. Peter’s, Rome 56-57, 56,
62-63, 180, 231, 238
San Marcello al Corso 149
Sant’Egidio, Cellere 149
Vatican Belvedere 126
Villa Madama, Rome 15
villas 66, 102, 246
Zecca, Rome 294
Sangallo family 280
Sangallo, Giovanni Battista da
57, 280, 281
Book of drawings of ancient
monuments, temples and
arches in Rome and at Cori
280-281
notes and drawings in
Vitruvius, De architectura
57, 280, 281
Sangallo, Giuliano da 34-36,
100, 111, 146, 260, 288
Sanmicheli, Michele 4, 14, 31,
39, 80-82, 155, 263
Cappella Pellegrini, Verona
242
Elevation of an alternative for
Porta Nuova, Verona 87-89
influence on Palladio 5, 6, 9,
96, 291
Porta Palio, Verona 85, 86,
199
Villa Soranza 93, 93, 102
Sansovino, Francesco 187
Sansovino, Jacopo 4, 14, 31, 39,
325
Basilica, Vicenza 80
City Hall, Brescia 305
Libreria Marciana, Venice 5,
12, 82, 156, 265
portrait of 151-152
Procuratie, Venice 362
Rialto bridge project, Venice
187
San Francesco della Vigna,
Venice 11, 146-149, 152
Santi, Andriolo de, Model of the
City of Padua 20
Sanvito, Bartolomeo 16
Saraceno, Biagio 9, 26
Saryana, Torello 248, 249
Saviolo, Antonio 20
Savonarola, Girolamo 146
Savorgnan, Mario 342, 349
Della milizia terrestre
e marittima 344, 346
Scamozzi, Giandomenico 360
Scamozzi, Vincenzo 31, 42, 179,
271, 372, 384, 386
L’Idea della Architettura
Universale 327, 384, 385, 388
influence on Lord Burlington
392, 393
Palazzo Porto, Vicenza 75
Palazzo Trissino, Vicenza 164,
376, 388, 393
Palladio’s influence on 376-377
Teatro Olimpico, Vicenza
194, 246
Valmarana garden, Vicenza
139
Villa Molin alla Mandria 167
Villa Rocca Pisani 374, 376,
379, 384-385, 392
Villa Rotonda 364
Scarpagnino, Antonio 80
Schakerlay, Thomas 322
Schickhardt, Heinrich 92
Schio, Girolamo da, Bishop
of Vicenza 218
Schio family 218
Scipio 15
Scotland 220
Sebastiano del Piombo,
Judgement of Solomon 263,
263
Selim ii, Sultan 218, 236
Seneca 33
Seregni, Vincenzo 225
Serego, Federico 211
Serlio, Sebastiano 4, 5, 6, 28,
80, 121, 311, 330, 355, 380
book on Roman antiquities
54
Chateau of Ancy-le-Franc 43
D’Architettura 332-333
Third Book 34, 93, 268, 328,
332-333
Fourth Book 5, 82, 328, 332,
384
Sixth Book 328, 333
Seventh Book 333
wooden theatre in Vicenza
39, 244
Sestertius (coin) of Tiberius
111, 112-113
Shakespeare, William 244, 381,
394
Sinan 223, 236-239, 236, 241, 331
Sixtus v, Pope 322
Smith, Joseph 163, 234, 353, 369 432
 Smythson, Robert 374
Sokollu Mehmet Pasha 238,
240, 242, 263
Sophocles 246
Soranzo, Giovanni 223
Sordi, Giovanni Maria 20
Sorte, Cristoforo 289, 344
Spain 218, 221, 263, 374
Spavento, Giorgio 80
Spoleto
San Salvatore 158
Temple of Clitumnus 66, 105,
130, 134-135, 270
Starov, Ivan 394
Strozzi, Pietro 121
surveying 286-292
Tartaglia, Niccolò 286
Quesiti et inventioni 288, 289
Temanza, Tommaso 298, 299
Vita di Andrea Palladio 163
Tempietto Barbaro, Maser 13,
14-15, 114, 129, 180, 220, 221,
238-239, 239, 242-243, 316, 317,
336
terrazzetto (plaster) 320
Theotokópuli, Jorge Manuel
226
Thiene, Adriano 40, 53, 72, 218
Thiene, Laura 26
Thiene, Livia 72, 77, 78
Thiene, Ludovico 26, 42, 218
Thiene, Marcantonio 4, 26, 40,
53, 72, 201
Thiene, Marco 39, 54, 292
Thiene, Ottavio 40-42, 43, 50,
335
Thiene family 7, 28, 266, 358
Tibaldi, Pellegrino 225, 327
Tiepolo, Giambattista 234
Tintoretto 225
Portrait of Jacopo Sansovino
151-152
Titian 5, 202, 226
Portrait of Giulio Romano 44,
388
Tivoli
Hadrian’s Villa 54, 366, 394,
400
Tempio della Tosse 243
Temple of Hercules Victor
111, 289, 290, 292-293, 367
‘Temple of Vesta’ 331
Toledo, Juan Bautista de 221
Tolomei, Claudio 122, 322
Torrentino, Lionardo 285
Torrentino, Lorenzo 285
Trent, Santa Maria Maggiore
19
Treviso 10
Trezza, Luigi 6
Trissino, Ciro 26
Trissino, Francesco 368
Trissino, Gaspare 34
Trissino, Giangiorgio 7, 102,
196, 322
abc... 332
on architecture 328
Cardinal Ridolfi’s visit to
Vicenza 2-4
influence on Palladio 10, 15,
28-31
as an innovator 258-260
La Italia liberata da Gotthi
271, 345, 355
military publications 31, 342,
345-346
and the Palazzo della Ragione,
Vicenza 82
portrait of 32
in Rome with Palladio 54
La Sofonisba 32-33, 244, 246,
271
Villa Trissino, Cricoli 5, 28,
34
writings 4, 271
433 Trissino, Ludovico 368
Trombetta, Antonio, Bishop
of Verona 19, 19
trusses, Palladian 320
Tsarskoye Selo 380, 394
Agate Pavilion 380
Alexander Palace 381, 382,
394, 395, 396-397
Music Pavilion 381
Ubertino da Carara 20
Udine, Palazzo Antonini 67,
302, 306, 317
United States of America 375,
382, 398-399
University of Virginia,
Richmond 375, 398
Üsküdar 238
Valle, Battista della, Vallo 344,
347, 347, 349-350, 351
Valle, Giovanni, Plan of Padua
16
Valmarana, Antonio 9
Valmarana, Giacomo 139
Valmarana, Gianalvise 7, 28, 64,
82, 90, 99, 196-198, 201, 218
Valmarana, Giuseppe 9
Valmarana, Isabella 139
Valmarana, Leonardo 7, 64,
196, 201, 218
Valmarana, Ludovigo 19
Valmarana, Marco Antonio 27
Valmarana family 7, 34, 358
van Campen, Jacob 359
Van Dyck, Anthony 44
Portrait of Inigo Jones 386-388
Vanbrugh, Sir John 379, 392
Vasari, Giorgio 12, 36, 151, 155,
169, 172
on Falconetto 4
on Giulio Romano 44
Libri dei disegni 325
on Palladio 325, 330
Project for a funerary chapel
325-327
on the Rialto bridge 184
on Villa Barbaro 11
Le Vite 14, 31, 187, 226, 325
Vegetius 349, 350
Venice 10, 11-12, 14-15
Ca d’Oro 266
Doge’s Palace (Palazzo
Ducale) 14, 80, 114, 169,
239, 258, 269, 302, 357, 359,
359, 361-364
Fondaco dei Tedeschi 262
Henry iii’s reception in 218,
220
housing 164-171
international relations 218-220
Libreria Marciana (Library,
St. Mark’s Square), Venice
5, 6, 12, 82, 146, 156, 175,
265, 305
military publications 342
Monastery of the Carità 12,
156-163, 167, 186, 214, 223,
265, 279, 316, 316, 319, 321,
325
Palazzo Grimani 167
Palazzo Piovene 302, 302
Palazzo Zaccaria 266
Palladio designs temporary
theatre for 244
Piazza San Marco 146
Redentore 12, 14, 15, 69, 114,
149, 182, 205, 228-235, 239,
271, 316, 317
Refectory of San Giorgio
Maggiore 12-14, 15, 156-159,
162, 172, 325, 327, 359
Rialto 14, 94, 184-195, 263,
265, 285, 311, 325, 359, 368-369
St. Mark’s 14
San Francesco della Vigna
11-12, 146-155, 172, 228, 242,
296, 314, 314, 325, 327, 359
San Giorgio Maggiore 149,
172-180, 204-205, 228, 265,
302, 317, 319, 321, 325, 327,
331, 359
San Pantalon 130
San Pietro di Castello 11, 149,
149, 172
trade 24, 236
Verona 5, 6
Arch of the Gavi 151, 155
Arch of Jupiter Ammon 155
Cappella Pellegrini 242
Porta Nuova 87-89
Porta Palio 85, 86, 199
Roman theatre 199, 210, 247,
248-249, 254, 292, 368
Sant’Anastasia 141
Veronese, Paolo 11, 69, 201
Portrait of Daniele Barbaro
118-119
Portrait of Iseppo Porto and his
son Leonida 78-79, 279
Susanna and the Elders 115,
128-129
Villa Barbaro frescoes 114,
116, 116
Wedding at Cana 158
Vesalius 286
Vicenza
Arch of Titus 56
Basilica (Palazzo della
Ragione) 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,
27, 44, 80-87, 99, 196, 202,
204, 208, 260, 278, 278, 316,
325, 331, 356, 359, 361, 368,
377
Cardinal Ridolfi’s triumphal
procession through 2-4, 4,
15, 196
Cathedral 2, 5, 31, 59, 218,
356, 361, 366
Domus Comestabilis 46
Library of Santa Corona 269
Loggia del Capitaniato 9, 14,
141, 192, 198, 202-207, 221,
260, 261, 265, 268, 303, 311,
321, 386, 392
Oratory of San Cristoforo 6,
7, 75, 269
Palazzo Arnaldi 268, 269
Palazzo Barbarano 9, 14, 186,
202, 205, 208-215, 261, 302,
303, 361
Palazzo Chiericati 9-10, 26,
89, 90-99, 108, 111, 113, 268,
278, 285, 317, 317, 319-320,
356, 361, 368, 376, 394
Palazzo Civena 5, 9, 30, 31,
35, 36, 74, 76, 93, 201
Palazzo Garzadori 252
Palazzo Migliorini 79
Palazzo Piovene 310-311
Palazzo Porto 6-7, 7, 9, 26,
72-79, 89, 94, 96, 202, 208,
211, 214, 269, 270, 270, 279,
314, 378
Palazzo Porto Breganze 311,
356, 358, 392
Palazzo della Ragione see
Basilica
Palazzo Thiene 6, 9, 18, 26,
40-53, 92, 94, 202, 208, 211,
222, 250, 260, 262, 314, 316,
330, 335, 337, 356, 361, 364,
376, 380, 388
Palazzo della Torre 376
Palazzo Trissino 376, 388, 393
Palazzo Trissino-Conti 46
Palazzo Trissino al Corso
164
Palazzo Valmarana 14, 64,
101, 196-201, 204, 205, 311,
314, 314, 317, 335
Palazzo Volpe 268, 269, 271,
302, 341
Palladio designs temporary
theatre for 244-246
Ponte degli Angeli 195
Roman theatre 244
Teatro Berga 169, 247,
249-250
Teatro Olimpico 3, 15, 74,
186, 194, 201, 218, 244-255,
271, 279, 359, 381
trade 4-6
Valmarana Garden 139,
141-145
Vienna 220
Vigardolo see Villa Valmarana
Vignola, Giacomo da 121, 221,
246, 264, 285, 327, 335
Regola delli cinque ordini
d’architettura 330, 330, 333,
394
Vignola, Jacopo Barozzi da 225
Villa Angaran 123, 364
Villa Arnaldi, Meledo Alto 302,
303, 305-306, 307
Villa Badoer, Fratta Polesine 11,
108, 111, 122, 136, 250, 317,
349
Villa Barbaro, Maser 11, 57,
114-117, 114-117, 119, 122-123,
126, 129, 130, 133, 136, 139,
242, 325, 364, 381
Villa Caldogno 26, 307
Villa Capra see Villa Rotonda
Villa Cervini 66
Villa Chiericati, Vancimuglio
10, 26, 108-113, 133, 141, 180,
317
Villa Cornaro, Piombino Dese
10, 108, 111, 130, 167, 167,
239, 260, 272, 273, 278, 317
Villa Emo, Fanzolo 10, 11, 111,
116, 119, 122, 129, 130, 279,
317, 249, 330, 341, 394
Villa Foscari (‘La Malcontenta’)
11, 108, 111, 116, 130-134, 136,
239, 239, 314, 316, 317, 379,
393
Villa Garzone, Pontecasale 316
Villa Gazzotti, Bertesina 102-103,
104
Villa Giustinian, Roncade 111
Villa Godi 136, 239, 260, 381
Villa La Roche-Jeanneret,
Auteuil 400
Villa Laurentium 394
Villa Mocenigo alla Brenta
249-251, 347, 347, 349
Villa Molin alla Mandria 167
Villa Pagliarino, Lanzè 53, 103,
103, 104-105, 106, 111, 136
Villa Piovene, Lonedo di Lugo
317
Villa Pisani, Bagnolo 5-6, 53,
56, 64-71, 102, 112, 133, 269,
281
Villa Pisani, Montagnana 10,
75, 94, 317, 341
Villa Poiana, Poiana Maggiore
9, 26, 53, 100-102, 103, 105-107,
116, 136, 314
Villa Porto, Molina di Malo
271, 279, 359
Villa Porto, Torri di Quartesolo
345, 352
Villa Roberti, Brugine 10
Villa Rocca Pisani, Lonigo 374,
376, 379, 384-385, 392
Villa Rotonda (Villa Capra),
Vicenza 11, 14, 105, 111,
113, 130, 167, 180, 199, 271,
278, 278, 317, 359, 359,
364-366, 376, 385, 392, 394,
398, 400
Villa Saraceno, Agugliaro 9,
26
Villa Sarego, Santa Sofia di
Pedemonte 67, 136, 270,
276, 279
Villa Soranza 93, 93, 102
Villa Stein, Garches 400
Villa Thiene, Quinto 26,
49-50, 52-53, 67, 102, 136,
238, 377
Villa Tiretta, Cusignana 116
Villa Trissino, Cricoli 28, 31,
34-36, 49, 66, 102, 260, 270
Villa Trissino, Meledo 271, 356,
358, 368
Villa Valmarana, Vigardolo 9,
48-49, 66, 67, 102, 281
Villa dei Vescovi, Luvigliano
36, 79
Villa Zeno, Cessalto 279
Virgil 33
Visentini, Antonio 162, 163
Interior of the Church of the
Redentore 234
Visentini, Margherita Azzi 136
Vitruvius 5, 12, 22, 63, 111, 236
Barbaro’s edition of 10, 14,
116, 119-122, 149, 159, 226,
264-265, 276, 315, 322
building-site equipment 315
De architectura 120, 270, 276
Fra Giocondo’s edition of 263
El Greco’s copy of 226-227
Greek forum 184
influence on Palladio 54, 264,
276-285
on the orders 74, 199, 260,
279, 288
Quadrivium 120
Sangallo’s notes and drawings
in De architectura 57, 280,
281
on theatres 15, 246-247, 250,
251-254
on villas 53, 100, 279
Vittoria, Alessandro 116, 201
Volpaia, Bernardo della 333
Volpe, Camillo 307-308
Wailly, Charles de 394
Ware, Isaac 375, 394
Washington, White House 398
Watteau, Antoine 129
Webb, John 386, 392
Unexecuted project for Villa
Barbaro at Maser 123
Wotton, Sir Henry 161, 372,
386
Wren, Sir Christopher 379, 392
Wyngaerde, Anton van den 225
Yeropkin, Peter 394
York Assembly Rooms 359, 380
Zamberlan, Francesco 305
Zelotti, Battista 78, 119, 330,
345, 352
Battle between two armies 347
Zeno, Nicolò 121
Zeno family 10
Zuccarelli, Francesco 163, 234
Zuccari, Federico 152, 226, 327
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