JOURNAL or THE PALI TEXT SOCIETY VOLUME X: | EDITED BY O. VON HINOBER AND R.F, GOMBRICH Published by ‘THE PALI TEXT SOCIETY OXFORD 2000COPYRIGHT NOTICE, Al rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced oF transmitted in any form or by any means analogue, digital Clectroic, mechanical, photocopying. recording, or otherwise Stored in any retrieval sytem of any nature without the writen permission of The Pali Text Society Limited of 73 Lime Walk Headington, Oxford 0x3 740. © Pali Tex Sociery 2000 ISHN 0 86013 391 5 First published in 2000 Prine Great Bia by Antony Rowe La Chippentar. Wishie ‘The Journal of the Pali Text Society Vol. XVI (2000) Contents ain Badan Dialogue: Material from the Pali Serptres by Nalini Babi The Legend of he Eahishent ofthe Buddhist ‘Order of Nan the Theravau Vnay taka hy Ute Hasken| roaster Again hy Oskar von Hiner Playing wih ite: The praaasamupada ro the Perpostiveof Vedic Thought hy Joana rene ‘The Cause ofthe Budd’ Death hy Metanando Bhitahu and Oskr vom Hiner 1Lin? Ni a Cente of Pl Literate Daring the Late 5th Cnty by Oskar von Hiner Nine Pal Manusrps inthe Vatican Libary by Jaeuetine Fiore Book Review (Catalogue ofthe Burmese-Pli and Burne Manuscis the Library of The Welcome ast for the Histor of Meine) by KR. Noonan Index of Grama Points Discus inthe Notes to Elder’ Verses Combined index of KR, Normans Clleed Papers EVI by A Roock Conroe this Volume a 0s vos 169Jain-Buddhist Dialogue: Material from the Pali Scriptures LLB, Horner Memorial Lecture 1997 What exactly did the Buddhists know concetning the Jains? This has been an intriguing question which has given sxe to various studies, the est of them being Jacobs valuable observations in his inition to te translation of two major Jan canonical works, the Sivagada and the Unarajjhaya (1895). Miss Horner herself, in. 1946, briefly considered the subject in her article “Gotama and the other sect"! some years after Leumann’s ook Buddha und Mahavira (1932), and before Bhagchandra Jain Bhaskar's Jainism in Buddhist Literature published in Nagpur in 1972.2 Several other articles could also be ‘mentioned and will be ferred 0 in due course, In recent years the relationship between the Buddha and he Jains has been atthe center of a gentlemen's controversy between R, Gombrich and J. Bronkborst.3 Tam grateful to Peter Skiliag for reating daft ofthis pape and ising ‘fol suggestions and aol references, ARbrevitions ofthe tiles of Pali texts areas nA Creal Pal icone Ober arevations at: BEI Ballern drades ndennes: BHSD =. Berton. Badin bri Saket Dictionary: BSOAS = Bulle ofthe School of Oriel and Micon Suis (CSCD: Chana Sangayana CD-ROM: Jains Path PS Sih The Jone Path of Purfcation\Dehs, 4979): Jaina Sites ~ Hac, Jaina Stes Par IU (Oxford 1898; JOIB = Sowrna of the Oren Inte, Bare WZKS = Wiener Zech ir de Kunde Sudasiens 'UR0S 66 1936), 9p 283-8. 2 there have ee ther less welFknosnatempe at comparisons sich as Wolfgang Bain, Die Religion des Jina wd sr Vers 2m Bdsm {Munchen 1921136 pp (eat om Zee fr Badu, BR. Gombich. “The Buddha and the Jains". Asaiche Staien/Feades Aviaigues 8.29941. pp. 1060-08: J. Bronkhon. "Ths Bodh andthe Sainas ecconsidered™. Avaiche Smdien Ender Aviangnes 49.2 W998 Pp. 333-0 (abridged version plished unde the ame tem Apps2 Nalini Balbir ‘Thetefre it might not be out of place to review and assess the aailale data — which means that what I will write owes much to my predecessors — and provide another picture which ean be compared with “Buddhists and Buddhism in the Earlier Literature of the Swetimbara Jains" | wil address issues pertaining 0 Jain practices, Jain doctrine, and ‘ways of argumentation, after assessing the contexts wherein relevant information is embeded in Pali scriptures. As far as possible I will ‘nimiain an awazeness of chronology and avoid contlating texts of ifferent periods: what the commentaries by Buddhaghosa and Dhammapala, dating at least fom the Fifth century A.D. oF the sub commentaries report about the Jains may a priori be diferent from what the Pati canon states, I shall thus deal with the Buddhists and the Jains rather than with the Buddha and Mahavira or the Buddha and the Jains Pili fterature des not use the term “Jain”. The generic designation for them as followers of the Jina of the Jinas the Conquerors)" became common from at least the nim century onwards. This is not surprising since the word jna is no used a this Stage a proper name but as general tle of rather wide scope. There is not much varity in the designations: in Pali the word Kkapanake (Pkt khavanasa, -hamanaya, Hhamaga; lain Skt ksapanaka) is represented by 2 single late occurence in the Abhiddhingppadipikaki® Otherwise the usual Jaina Suaies: Phlvophy, Lge, Rituals and Symbols NK. Wagle ant (0: Quart (University of Toot 199. pp. 86-90) Spy W.B. Bolle in Buddhist Suales in» Honour of Li. Homer, ed. LS Cousins ra (Dares. 1974 pp. 27-39. Soe Jains Path 9.2.03 Burmese eitonp. 364 aconing to CSCD Whapanak- haya). This word ‘sath Found in on-Pah Bas eracure ep dspanata-siddhana in he ‘Vimalopi it of the Laghukalacakatnta (Seah. 1986), 269) and apa i the Mab utah (ee BHSD s+) bur sem les fequcy wed than mirrantha, which appets asthe standard term. The Jain erm, which Tterally means "who reject, throes ay iso be coected withthe Hea inveye bythe ein et in ston of accumulate kar Jain- Buddhist Dialogue’ Material from the Pali Seriptres 3 designation in the canon itself is wigan.” The word is used in the plural to reer to the group, for example inthe old phrase ajiika et nigansha ca (Sutanipata 381), already attested in Asoka's 7th Pilar Edict tn the singular it mostly appears witha proper name, Thus we meet Saccaka Nigamthaputta, the nigantha Dighatapassi, ete. And everyone knows ofthe proper name Nigantha Naulapata, which refers {0 the leader of this religious group. otherwise known as Mahi, [ataputta is a clan-name attested through its Prakrit counterpaet ‘Nayaputta handed down in Juin sources, ‘The only biographical detail about Mahavira himself known from the Pali cadition seems to be the record that he died at PaVA, The literary garb which clothes this repr. for instance the suggestion that Upili’s conversion to Buddhism was an direct reason for Nigantha [Nataputia’s death or the narrative of subsequent disputes between surviving monks s no reason fo reject it Pav, a small town in Bar, is indeed the place Jain Svetambara sources connect with Mahaviea’s death, and this connection is responsible for the important place PSV ‘occupies onthe map of Jain sshas. The Jin leader's personal image in ‘the Pali scriptures is rather negative: he did not have a very strong ‘impact on his disciples. if we ar o judge, for example, trom the Vinaya episode where he filed to prevent Siha from going tothe Buddha, let lone the harsh criticisms ofthe inconsistency and other defects of his teachings which led tothe serious turmoil after is death, AS for his charisma, the reports are equally unfavourable: his claims to ‘omniscienee and miraculous powers are openly denied? “The very use ofthe tem nigansha as designation forthe Jans isa convincing sign ofthe faithfulness ofthe Pali ation (both canon and However forthe sake of comvenene, wil ougboutconsetonlly ender PL ganar by “in” Sais te Tena tho pana samavena Nisa Ninaputo Pavavam edn kl-Aa hat Dil 1179=DIll20934= Ml 2g310- See Dhpa below (Garahatiana and Siig: Dip It 200-201 (Yamaha Ppainayavaho),4 Nalini Balbir commentaries), The Fact that Pali nigantha is clearly recognized as a Jain term is shown by she etymological explanation occasionally recorded in the Pali commentaries, an etymology which i ascribed to ‘he Jans and actually atested in their own tration: ‘We do not have eftmens which ae like Knots, we ae Fie of he efiements of ohstraction, Rene the name Nig. This statement accords with Jain texts, where the traditional image ofthe spiritual “knots” (already known from several Upanisds) is felt as being conveyed by the word miggantha inthe commentaries! Thus Pili sources do not seem to ear trace of any malicious or derogatory Jnmerpretation of the term, The fact tha niganpha is used asthe normal designation of Jain ascetics in the oldest Jain soures (aman poetry as well as disciplinary books) confirms its antiquity. The phonetic aspect of the word (nigantha, with single -ga-, and the prefix mi instead of nr.) ae supported by Pkt niyansha and also point (0 an old form? References o Jains occur in {wo main contexts 1. The frst context, whichis mainly represented in the canon tse, portays a spirit of confrontation, the ultimate aim being to show the superiority of the Buddhist positon, These are the dialogues in which a Jain approaches the Buddha with the intention to challenge him. The Wxmhakam ganthonaSleso,palibujhana-ileso nat ies gana ‘mayan i evwm vita laddha nima-vasena Nigantho, Ps 2343-10 (ad MI 1984, Nigatho Nitapato). sce, for isan. the cp onthe Savacada: baie abbhantardo game tigga nganto, taken ove by the Sans commentary onthe Vera Sara (quoted nC. Cally Atonement inthe Ancient Riwal ofthe Jana ‘Mons (Ahmedabad. 1973). p43. n.2): nirgato granthad drayatah sud rp bhd mis sand iran '2sce fr instance H, Jacobi, "On Mahia and hs predecessors" 41880, -isht= Aline Schon (Wiesbaden 1970-P-797): KR. Norman “Midle Indo-Aryan Staies I" JOB 10 (19611 p. 338-49 = Collected Papers (Oxtord PS) 1950.99. 25-26 Join- Buddhist Dialogue: Material from the Pali Sripures 5 conclusion is always the same: the Jain i at Toss Foran answer wo the Buddha's questions and is finally confounded. or even converte tothe ‘Buddhist fld or good. Up isthe most famous ofthese conven, 2, There are texts in oth canon and commentaries in which the Jains appear asa group on a par with other nos-Budhist groups. The Jains then stand as one category among those who ate quoted a representatives of various doctrines (rita, as outsiders (bahiraka). as followers of wrong viewpoints or “mere views" (dh)! We should note that Pali iterature distinguishes itself from Brahmanc, Jain, and non-Pali Buddhist literature in that, as far as I know, it has not developed a science of doxography’ ar compendia of views. In this Iiteray genre, the main Features ofthe doctrines of different groups ae summarized the tenes of various schools are presented one after the ‘other, generally in purely informative fashions even ifthe author's oF ‘compiler's intention isto stress the superiority of his own doctrine. Such isthe case inthe sarvadarSanasangrahas or other saddarsama- samuccayas, which have been regarded as the Fits indigeneous steps towards a tly philosophical approach In the Pali scriptures, the existence ofa text such asthe famous Brahmajalasuta included in the Digha-nikaya could be adduced to invalidate the above statements. However, this ext remains ata *pre- ary, or tough mere approval — is wel in accordance with the gen cal ain formulation of the socalled “great” ascetic vows. Further, the ali text ofthe fourth eseant helps us understand the rare Prakrit term Dahiddhadna which occurs inthe corresponding rule. The somewhat ‘general wording used by both traditions implies that it comprises all ‘sont of extemal objects which cause the mind to be distracted. When the Jain tadition adopted the fivefold list of restraints devised by Mahavira, at which time only this bocame authoritative, the four restraint was then reinterpreted as referring both to the rule of non= possession and tothe rule of celibacy. 1s remarkable thatthe Pali sriptures know not only of te four restrain prescribed for Jain monks — as just seen — but also those preseribed for Iain laymen (sdvaknane dhamma-): destoying living beings, taking what is not given, acting wrongly i respect of sensual passions, and telling lies are mentioned elsewhere and said to lead to rebirth in ell. This shows that “we would, perhaps, have to differen line between the Jainistichody of ideas and the person ofthe nigantha 33se A. Mee “The Syachronism ofthe Buddha andthe ina Mahia and the Problem of Chronology in Er sini in The Dating of he Historical ‘adhe, Par 1.8 by H. Becher (ingen, 1991.36. Meo Digha-kaya tanslaion p. 7S. > “Prof. Jacob thinks the Four Resins are intend to represent the Four Wess kept by the fellowes of Prva Bui sey cannot be so fo these vans were ite erent” For Jaco’ pont of view see "On Mabivia and his predecessor”. 7A. June 1, pp. 160-61 (= Kleine Scafien. Wiesbaden, 1970, Pp. 79-800) ae Jaina Stas p80 SSVartars Jin: Buddhist Dialogue: Material rom the Pali Scriptures 13 putta who appears in Buddhistic didactic texts as representative of this movement” as A, Mette pus it. In other words, although the Plt ‘canon speaks of Nigantha Nataputa, whom it knew to be the same as Mahavira, it hands down the doctrine specific to his predecessor arsvas this suggest that the Nigantha order was nota newly founded one in Buda’ time and had not yet been reformed ‘Who were the Nigaha mendians ofthe Pali serptres? How do they itn wit our knowledge ofthe later development of Jain sect and their fundamental division into Digambaras (“ky clad, naked”) and ‘Setambaras (“white clothed")? fa other words, how do we ares the vexed issue of nity, for which i is very dificult to pve a clear answer? Significant progress has hoon achieved in recent years, through studies such 38 D. Schlinglof's “Jainas and Other “Heretics” in Buddhist Ar” and especially through PS. Jaini’s “Jaina Monks fom Mathura: Literary Evidence for Their Idemification in Kusina Sulptures")” but we must face the Fact hat the testimony ofthe Pali Seripurs is often contradictory. “Te ists of groups of ascetics supplied by the Pal canon ae hard to interpret. 8 slock passage of the Samyutt-nikiya (repeated in the UUaana)® mentions the Nigaoas, the acelarka)s (those without clothes"), the ekasaiakas (“those with one garment”), and presumed Brahmanic groups (ia) f we assume athe outset hatin such iss all terms refer o individually distinct groups and tat the terms are not Mop, cit. p. 134 CF p. 1375 “The imerpeters of early Bust sources Should un theiatestion to the fact that Bada remarks which apest ‘efron, possibly seach ck inthe post, tate when the perce of Mahia had mye ceashod is latrimporanee Even they may Hest have teen formulated and reson cei ime afte he Bud's death hese Badu emake ate she oldest estimonis tht afar us ofthe person of Mabivie STputsished espectively in Jainism and Prkrs in Anciont and Medieval Ind {soa for Prf.lagdsh Chandra ein (New Delhi: Mavobat. 1994. pp. 7 82, and in BSOAS 58.3 19951 439-98 MS 178. = Ud 65“4 Nati’ Babe quasi-synoayi, we ave to determine wha diferentes them. And this is precisely what we are unable to do fr the Nigaotha. Since the term is devo of descriptive content and doesnot ecm 0 refer to the appearance oF suppose thatthe acelakas and ehasakas are subdivisions of the [Niganhas. On the osher hand a evidence for Nigamtha Nataputa's utity we may adduce the passage ofthe Devapuro-samsara whee the ascetic “proeced by the fourfold restant s mocked a “a nude, ia and leader of pups” by his opponent.” ‘Ach later souree for information onthe Nigana’s appearance is the Pal commentaries (Which in thee Final form date about one millenium ate the Buddha and Mahiviea and cenainly long after the split between the Digambaras and Svetimbaras, which is alleged 10 have taken plein the Fst century AD) A significa passage ofthe Dhammapadaahakahs shows thatthe Niganhas differ from the Aiwikas: while the later "go entirely naked they, ing in fron Buddhaghosa expresses the same contrast in the Manorathparast where he say tat the Ajvbas are naked aces, sagga-pabbajita, whereas the Nigrahas “are covered in het font pars “There ae hint from ther commentaries. While describing various beretc groups in the UdSnathakatha, Dhammapala makes use ofthe compound nagga-nigantha? In Budhaghoss Sirathappakisiot 3s ‘wll a Nigatha is said to be make This seems ro have bee the prevalent view othe extent that some translators did ot Besiate 10 ite ofthe ascetics as do the other terms, we could least wear acover- understand the two terms as strictly equivalent. See for instance Burlingame's tendering of Nigantha by “The Naked” in the 951660. Hp 8.0, Majo 1 agaa:pabhyjit,nigaho Hi parimabhaa:parechanno, Mp 344 lon AI 27694 que hy Sehlinglo opt p31 Buda *8Spk I 100 Juin- Buddhist Dialogue: Material from the Pali Sevipures 15 Dhaminapadi-athakathl, This perception was current atleast from the sixth to the eighth century A.D., where nirgrantha = nagndtaka in aon ‘Buddhist scriptures, as well as outside On the other hand, [Dhammapla’s Udsna commentary also says that the Niganthas "Wear white loth setapara-niganhasripadharino) Finally, a passage from the Samanta notice precisely because it deals withthe costumes of various ascetic ‘soups. withthe concem that they should not be adopted by Buddhist ‘monks. There we find the phrase yathd setapatd addhapalika niganthd rapanti® in which addhapalika must bein some way connected with ‘Skt ardhaphafaka used in some Jain Digambara texts, and thus would be the earliest record of the term, The arhaphalakus are unclothed ascetics who holdin their hands a single piece of elon in such way as to cover their nudity when begging for alms. They ean be seen on Mathura sculptures. PS. Jin's identification ofthe ekasdakas of the Pili canon with the Jain ardhophalakas does not seem o apply (0 the ‘Samantapasaiks passage (hich he didnot consider) because there the ‘ekasagokas come separately inthe list. Moreover, the description of the way they dres is quite differen. The interpretation of this conflicting” information is problematic, Taken together, Dhammapal’s statements could mean that he was aware ofthe existence of two Jain orders, who could be the forerunners of dhe Digambaras and the Svetimbaras, This ik deserves special “ce Yasomita's Vyakhyt on the Abbidharmakosa 405.20: rajivarman’s ‘omentry onthe Visesatva v.26 and S1 (Sk nrerartha = Tb. cebu ier bu pa) in. Schneier, Der Lopes der Voriglcieir des Buddha, Indica et Tihtica 25 Donn, 1993) — Commentary on the Baya 15. feted by Sehlinglot. op cit. p. 78s the Iain doctrine i aed vin wana ‘aya in Sabkar's commentary on Baharia 2.2.33: 8Udea 330.05 compare Ju V 42726 setaamayh (Saccalspui; see Bole, Kanata (London: PES, 1970) p 197.°This ay be a acer athe Jains avis suggested by Francis though they ate usually called Nigathas. One “oul aso think he female counterpaetof setabhis which Sandesara fin {0B 11966 pp. 120 akes to mean Avia, Hsp isra Nalin Balbir is eronoogically posible since the spit between he “whi clad” and {he “naked” apparently tok pac inthe bepnning ofthe Chistian er. “The question remains wheernagg shou be understod itrly 48 saigiforward designation ofthe rot-Digambaras oF as an approximation or extended use. In the second case the word could be applied to ascetics who only have with them a piee af cloth in their hands — whether they ae called ebasatkas ot ardhaphatatas. They ‘could he deseribed as “naked” because they do not Wear any cloth permanently. This extended use ofthe word would in effect lead to 4 confusion between Niganhas and other non-Buddhis groups especially ‘Avis (who ae aetually naked). As a mater of fac, some texts sug st that here was indeed a cerain amount of eonfsion oasinilaton The formule style, often used in the Buddhist and Jin tex, may well have favoured such « confusion. Thus the phrase nagga-bhogsa isis appli an Avka asst in the prose of Sta, butt a Niganta in commentary? To give another example: what are we to think of Acela-Kassapa's description of his thy years of ascetic life as “nothing ese than nakedness, a shaven head and dusting away the gravel when we ‘now that nakednes can he an outward sign of entering the onder a an Ailvka or Jain monk’? What ate we to think ofthe extremely strict ‘ules for begging sito be adopted by the Avhas an the numerous «ass prohibiting the acceptance of fod which are Fisted inthe Dig sukiya (Kasspa-Stanadasuta), when the litany i 0 reminiscent of ‘what can be ead the Dasaveyaliyasuta?? Information about the daily routine of the Jin monk has been collected fom Pal sources by W-B. Bol, who lst sigsificantsereo- typed phases describing foo:-habits and ther behaviou, and shows AP5ph MT Lona V1225.4 “anki kot. aaa naggeysd ca mandeya ca pavdl-niphotandy ca, SIV ose “Compare D1 166 andthe pressions incloded in Dasaveyan-suta $1 ain: Buddhist Dialogue: Material from the Pali Scriptures 17 how they are corroborated by comparable data in Jain texts. Plucking ‘out of the hair is an important Jain practice, and was perhaps also ‘known to the Ajivikas. Inthe Pali scriptures i evteized as character izing the hereties*! and, significantly, kesllcana (8 also singled ‘out as one of the words listed in the sTrthika-section of the Mahuta, When the Therfgatha (107) depicts the ie of Badd as 4 former Jain nun, she is sai to be Hana-kesf Dhammapala's precise statement that plucking out was done by applying ashes to the rots of the hair in order to make the process smoother shows his familiarity with its practical side. ©? In the Visuddhimagga-mahagka the same custom is mentioned in illustration of the wrong view that se: mortification (artakilamarhamu ‘yoga) isthe means to iberation, Although the custom is not explicitly faseribed to the Jains in the text, the use of the technical tem -esaluicana, along with the equally technical erm anasua “esting” oF ‘even “fasting unto death", not attested wit this meaning outside Jain contents, and a reference to nakedness (nagasta) are unmistakabe.S> Similarly a par of the life of the nun Nandutar before her conversion to Buddhism has a distinct Jain Navour, as she is said to have under- taken many vows (balu-vara-samadland), to have shaven half er head (daha sicasa ofthim, ety munemi) to have slept on the ground, and to have abstained feom eating at night (rat'-jparaxd)** They all See W.B, Bolle “Anmerkungen zum buddisischer Haetierbl”, ZDMG 1264 (1971s. 70-92 Sg gp 102s andthe texts asd on it Sth 119994 6m TH283 kesemassum loci concerning the follower lambs) se alo Tha 107 (on TH 107. just entane. Sanasanekesauconddspaccarisava naggeste. dh ca anaparia panena moi hot an Klamath, Wim 15} (= 2218 0 he Burmese edition oa CSC Straw (tereas TA #7 ether sefers to Brahmanic custom) Even i the practic of wo euting a ugh canoe defined 8 sel Jun (in iew of DL Ss for instance) the tse of the tere at this pot ofthe spiial eater of Nanri may indicate that shelter on gave i yp. which she would mot have Jone had it beens Basie rle of Busdhist monastic fe. — As for* Nalini Balbir appear as symbols ofthe extremely painful ascetic practices favoured by the Jains and dismissed as ineffective bythe Middle Path, as explained in several sermons ofthe Buddha. Thus, or instance, Buddhist ascetics ‘do not pluck out their hae (uie-) or shave (mun), they have it done by a barber (Kappatena kesamassuni oharaperva). In bret, a strong ‘connection between severe asceticism and Jainism has become commonplace and a striking feature for outsiders, 3 i seen from non Pali Buddhist sources as wel S Among religious practices, the so-called nigantha-uposatha is one ofthe tree varieties of uposatha described inthe Adgutar-niky: ‘The Nigapas invite the layman thus: "St aside violence (dana linia as regards all ceutures that exist eastwards beyond 8 Funded yojanas, kes towards the east, owards the west, towards ‘he noth and wards the south”. They cal thee laypeople on the Tasting days, saying "Come here, sit. Abandoning all your ets, Speak thus" elong tno one: Fam aotiag 1 anyone. 1 owe reshing nothing owns me "36 ‘The rhetoric ofthe passage is meaningful and sounds authentic in content and syle. In terms of content, it includes the basic elements of independent “vows” such as the anavtha-danda-vrata, the vow 10 abstain fom harmful activities, the dig- or desavakasika-vrata, a vow Isa’ verses (TAF goof), which have been considered 19 have @ Iain Mavour (by Mrs. Rhys David, Palins of he Sse pi or example 43ted (papae Ai mat param kama Jom mires). they ae roblemutic since Iss i cel sald be a Bust it 400). Had ‘She been householder, then aa, then & Buddhist, the lst part et conversion tory would e missing See Prajtavarman's Udinavarga-vivaraa IL13 (edition by M. Balk Boon 1984): 174.29): “The Nirgrntha has sich a view, sch astute, 0 it “The very eration i toe desired By means of harsh useies™, 1V-10 (254.71: "The Nirgramas, because they desire liberation practise exemely hia asteres(Teandations provided hy PS) $84.1 obs: easton from Jaina Path p23. This passage had bee rans lated and examined by H aco, Jaina Sara pp xx, Bt is cone Sons weed revision, Another passing fleeace niga apt in Ut 2063, Jain- Buddhist Dialogue: Mareril from the Pai Scriptures 19 concerned with the spatial restrition of the area where activity is performed, and the posadha-vrata, mainly characterized by fasting. At an eatly date these elomeats were combined in what is known as the samayika rival, which Jains view asa means fora layman t tempor ily enounce everyday activity and cultivate equal felings towards all, beings, For the limited period during which he decides to peeform “simak, the layman is similar toa monk", asthe texts say, giving up for a time all possessions which tie him to the world. Clothes are of course highly symbolic in his respect, and they are indeed given up by today’s Digambara laymen in such a context? Car affirmation of the basic freedom and detachment expressed by the formula “I own nothing, nothing owns me", quite common in Jain seriptutes, is also a part of this ritual and declares the layman's “determination to ultimately renounce forever" ** The style ofthe Pal passage also looks authentic. Iti in conformity with available Jain literature, where we read that such rituals are conducted under the guidance of a spiritual master, and as such always imply a verbal exchange with both the invitation from the master and the recitation of formulas on the lay disciple’s side. Nevertheless, literal understanding ‘of the tatements ascribed tothe Jains leads to a biased and restricted analysis: when the layman is exhorted to kindness towards creatures that exist in a certain direction beyond a certain limit, the Pali text, imerprets it as partial compassion; when he expresses his detachment it is understood as falsebood, because his family bonds are sil in exis- tence. The text does this quite skilfully since the description of every feature of the ceremony is immediately followed by a demolishing critique, Finally, atthe conclusion, he apparent picture handed dowa by the Aagutara-nikaya is wr “Then as soon a thal ight has passed, the iyman] ela al hat eas “sven away" This declares god a ealng, Se Jains Path 9.23, dai Pat. it2 atin Batbir In other words. artual meant to promote inner purity is portayed as blunt transgression of precisely those rules which are regarded as fundamental: abstention from violence. from falsehood, from taking that which is not given! This openly hostile critique betrays an approach which confines itself othe external forms and, because of its apologetic perspective, refuses of isnot in postion to understand the tnderlying spirit. True, the Jain layman does return to daily life and its impedimenta after the ceremony, but the repeated performance of -scamayika bei him in his spiritual progress and gradually intl in him an increased wish for permanent renunciation. Moreover, non-posse- sion (echnically called aparigraha) is considered by Jains 10 be a ‘mental sate as mech as an objective reality: an individual may lead the Jife ofa layman and atthe same time be fee from the ies arising from avidity and other passions. At any rate itis interesting to observe that the Buddhists were not alone in eriticizing the niganho-uposatha, That ‘i was a controversial ritual, able to be misunderstood by outsider. is proved by similar ertcisms ascribed tothe Ajivikas against the Jains and by the need the later felt to clarify the ambiguous status ofthe ‘man in such a situation: a dialogue eead inthe fifth ariga of the Jain «anon (the Vigahapannatt follows similar lines of argument:59 Seppone 8 layman is seated in # monks” lodge performing samiika an at his ie his belongings are removed by somebody. [Now aller completing his avi if the a frdbak searches foe his son things, does he seach for is own belongings of someone he's belongings?— Fors ow, Viyahapannat VI 5 (Bombay: Jaina-Agama Seis edition, 1974) Pat -354ft: Suagame | (Gurgaon, 1983) pp. S48). Despite te adequate alia summary valle nf, Deev, Vsthaponnat(Bhagosal (Bev, 1970: reprinted Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 19961 p 148.1 here prefer > ve a ransation ofthe whole passe see below), Dele hs alo mentioned ‘vin connection with ter evidence regarding the Interfaith dialog’ "Lard ‘Mahivir and the Anyatiniks”in Mahora and His Teachings AN Upaye ea (Boma. 18771 9p. 147-98 Jain- Buddhist Dialogue: Material from the Pali Scriptures 21 Suppose lyin has accepted the vow of cond. est ‘enue, sonerea pd fasting. for sich one, the belongings so olen become oa elongings fr him? — Yes they do. tat be then How do you maintain that while seatehing for thes, he searches for bis own Belongings and nt for somaane else's belongings? — A. layman who i seated na avid fels that iver snot mie, wealth, runs, peal, gems, cones, diamonds jewos are mt min”. But then he fis ot renounced his "mineness” for which | main athe searches for his own belongings and not forsomeone elses belongings. ‘Suppose layman is seated in xamdvia i the moaks’ lodge nen pe chance rogue enjoy the company his wie: then does he enjoy the company ofthe layman’ wife or of he lana’ non ‘wife? Surely, he enjoys the compny of the ayman’s wile Sppose the yan is unde the vow of conte then docs the wife become non- wife? — Yes, she dos. that beso, how do you mini tat che ropve enjoys the company ofthe layman's wif, not of his non-vife? — A layman ‘who is andr the vow of condo thas a fein im is nnd that “ny mother isnot mine, my father 6 not mine, my brothers nt mine my sister isnot ine ry wifes mot mie, my som st ine” | buts link of fection wath them spot broken “That atleast the Pali commentators had some acquaintance not only ‘with major Jain practices but also with their intrinsic motivations as ‘viewed bythe Jains themselves has already been briefly indicated in the iseussion of vari and its connection with wate. Its also shown by & story in the Dkammapada-ayhakatha, When some Buddhist monks argue that the Niganthas are beter than the acelakas because they cover their front pars, and therefore show a sense of shame (sahirda), the [Niganthas reply that shame isnot the determining motivation: Bhagat Sra English ransation by KC. Lalvani Vol (Caleta: “sn Bhawan. 1980), pp. #8587 (ih some changes and abridgment2 Nalini Balbir ‘There ae erates they 5a, such dian dst which are provide wit sense and life. We eer i ode hat they should ao fl she ‘esses we se fr geting alms 1 As PS. I ini noes the passage attests to Dhammapla's accuracy. It is & cleat reference to the Jain eoncepion of ahinnsa Protection of minut living beings is indeed the reason he Jains due for using a covering lth forthe ans bow. whether they wear clothes or not At the same time, the Niganas” remark serves a a stating point for a polemic which is echoed in vasious Jain tens. The Buddhists” segumentsadvced inthe reesining art ofthe stony are ‘recisely the stock argument ofthe oppoants of the gambar, and they in part reveal why this group of naked ascetics has declined at some periods of history. Their nity has been misimerpeted as sort ‘of shocking exhibitionism, while they themselves understand ia sign ‘of detachment, abandonment of possessions and overcoming of passion, while the Setimbars themselves list nakedness among the ‘sual roubles (para) which monks may have to overcome” Thus the Buddhist position expressed in the Dhammapad-athakahs i representative of the postion ofall extemal and unsympathetic ‘observers andi prodces caricature ofthe almost pathological ere of the Jans forall forms of ie ad thei proverbial ain This anecdote sone of the txts tha focuses onthe conception of chendrivavas. those beings who have only the sense of touch As rly as thei canonical seripures, the Jins recognize Five clases of © Pansu-rajadav p pana pagel eva je indiva-pada, ea a no ik hans a pains nd araena pec hem eps 4900-8 (on Dp 316-17, ‘Jaina Monks from Matura™. p89. This passe had already been brely commented upon by H. Jaco. "On Mahivita and His Predecessor (88, 150 (= Ale Scher. 798) ‘Gee Dua. Te Jains. 1 ere ry ey to summarize an spplement hat can be gathered row the infomation Found in L.Sehimithasen. The Problem of the Senince of Plonsn Earls Budden (Tokyo 191) Juin-Budabis Dialogue: Material from the Pali Scriptures 23 such living being: earth bodies, water bodies, Fite bodies, air bodies and plants. though the situation is rather intrieat, there are clear hints to show that whenever reference is made to this question in the Pali scriptures its taken as an external elif. coming from the “people” ‘more likely from certain people. namely non-Buddhist groups. whose pressure is instrumental in creating rules fo the protection of plants, feath and fire although ‘openly and straightforwardly shared and adopted by Buddhist ascetics 484 concept. On the conrary, sporadic references suggest thatthe belief is clearly deemed specific to the Jains (or the Ajivikas): ek'indrixan 1 sa"indrivendva eK'indrivam,niganthanam acelakdnam mata, sys the Vajrabuddhi-ika (6th-70h cent), or Hhapanaka-bhasaya rk pi in, says a commentary onthe Abhidhanappadipiki Such atements ‘would surety not be found had the idea made its way into Theravadin ideology. Moreover. as indicated by L, Schmithausen, the word ‘ekendriva has no tree counterpart ouside Pali sources? The clearest example is the debate opposing Buddhists and non: Buddhists regarding the drinking of unboiled water in the Milind Paha ® In view of what has been sad earlier regarding the interpreta tion of varias “water” in the commentaries ad the strong connection between refusal of cold water and Niganthas these sithivas are certainly Jains, Ther refusal is motivated by the presence of one-sensed beings im the water (udakan jv. eindrixam samana Sakyapativa sant be recognized as such ® But it snot see Sehmithanen, op. ih §§.4-8, 9.108: $152 4174 ‘eespetvely p. 399 ($960) and p_ X64 (8545) oF the Burmese editions (ceferenses raced trough the CSCD). Fee ow al Buddhist sources for Instance, the Torkel on BhSvaviveh's Maahyamakahedaya AK p. 230 in Sh ida, Reason and Emptiness: A Shad Loge and Mtciam (Tok oo). 230 nine sodvsions of jus according to the number of senses ‘ey haves one fr cath, water fie. Wind aed plants wo fr certain Kids tf nsets thee Tor thes; fou for ye thers ive for guaran. bit tnd furan beings) and the Vimalsprabh- {a onthe Laghokdlaakratanra (Sarnath 1986) p 269 (sed. op... By 298 4-62.19 (VL 10 Lato na24 Nalin Batbir svar viehenti; this presence is not admitted by the Buddhists who refute it, Similarly, care for particles of earth in the form of dust and their gentle removal is mentioned with reference tothe acela Kassapa, \who, lke today’s Digambara monks, caries a bunch of peacock’s Feathers and uses it for this purpose at the time of siting. This, instrument i sted among various insignia (liga) characterizing non- Buddhist ascetis.™ ‘As a crucial tenet of Jsnism since the earliest perio, ahimsa and violence along with their consequences were naturally a central issue in the Ruddhist-luin discussions. striking instance of the conflicting views ofthe two movements i transmitted in the shor Telovadajaraka (No. 246). ls wo stanzas run as Flows: Being unstained, be offers a gilt after having given injory, flr having ified suterig, ater having Killed. The one who eas such a foods stained by els pape’ apap. Being unvextaine, he offer gif, eve afr having killed his ie fay. Evens he esa wine Bing is ot stained by esi (na Papen’ wpaipat).” ‘The second verse is clearly an answer tothe first nd a rejection of| the standpoint expressed therein. At this textual level the conflicting Bhamivan nistdanassa dsanathane laggdnam pasuerija-vihanamn photon “iho gata mor amare Spell OL (on STV 30035 15) This nstrment Keown a mara pied, plc piceht among the Digan forthe igious act known as pratethana,ispetion ofthe proud inorder sv arming minut ving beings. 20Sp 021. anal he Vinay texts hase on it 2 ant aa adi ca de dna asaneaio ‘sam Bhat bin (0 tea) 0 pape” apalippa pusadram pce hana des dina asa Pamiaman pat na pape apap (Ul abaya an 035%) Enedd text with sion CE pena apap in both cases) and present tcp ofthe rarer variety iain he fist stanza (E®Bhaniamano). Foe {he same sition with the same wer, ee SUS Butnna, quoted bs 0, on Hiner Das ler Miteinich i Uberlick (Venn 1986) $491 Jain-Buddhist Dialogue: Material from the Pali Scriptures 25 speakers remain unidentified. That both could have been Buddhists of diverging opinions, ofa “fool” and a wise person of any persuasion (as the variant tile, Balovada-jtaka, might suggest) cannot be excluded, But forthe prose ofthe paccuppannac-varhu and ofthe samadhna the identity ofthe fool is not in doubt: he is Nigantha Nataputta himself, hile the one who admonishes him isthe Buddha. Tat such a connec lion can be established i significant in ise, frit proves that respec= tive views om the topic expressed inthe verses were felt 0 be a hd of sectarian mak, ‘The statement of the first Stanza would indeed be acceptable 10a Jain, Asis well known, dna is discussed in dtal inthe Jin scriptures and very stot rules have been devised to guaranties its ethical character. ‘Among the Vatious categories, a gift of food occupies the foremost Place as it is of such great importance in sustaining the ascetes. In order to be pure and acceptable, the food offered must fulfill stret conditions both onthe side ofthe danor and on the side ofthe receiver. The donor should give food which fits the dietary rules of monastic discipline, he should give it atthe righ time and atthe right place, in he right manner and with an appropriate state of mind. If he has commited some act of violence, the last condition is violated. But the responsibility is equally shared by the ascetic, who, as sated in rather early texts suc as the Aylranga (1), must be careful about the origin of gifts made to him. Inthe Jtaka, the Buddhist reply is expressed in rather crude terms and denies thatthe donor's behaviour has any ethical value, For the ins, this amounts to justifying the worst, and means that anything ‘whatsoever ean be done provided the mental states pure. Altough the Jitaka stanzas donot seem to have any verbal parallel inthe oldest parts ofthe Jain eanon, the following thee verses from the Suyagada (2.6.5- 28), which are supposed to express the opinion ofthe Buddhists, Follow ‘he same line of thought and form a sort of echo to the Jaks, all the moreso since they have a similar ean: 6 somone pus tl of il eae a spit and roasts twit the ‘ea this a man: a gourd, hiking 19 be 8 smal boy: in our ‘opinion he soiled wth ling iving ing (a lippat pana6 Nalini Balbir ama) (i) On the oer hand, however, flee cha pasa man oa ‘pit an os him taking him fo an oibeake, or does the same toa ‘mall boy e thinks isa gourd in our opinion be snot soiled with Ailiga ving being (na ipparpana-aiena amar (i) someone ‘puts a manor a smull boy ona spit and oa it ona ire taking it fora Tum of oi-cake, iis legally acceptable for Buddhists a6 a fst weaking meal Budhana 1 Aappa paranae) 72 ‘The question of violence and cannibalism isnot addressed here in tan abstract context, but precisely, asin the tak, inthe conten of alms and offering of alms. The next stanzas ofthe same chapter could be a reply othe Buddhist position expressed in the Jtaka verse: {Even} when cating this meat in abundance we are not at al sane by evil (no avatippamyayam raenam) — Thus the unbelievers speak: unworthy people: fos: desirous of sensual pleasures. Whos ‘over eats food ofthis kind unknowingly does wrons.Vinwous people do oot think of doing that. Even mentioning itis wrong. Out of compassion fr all ving Beings the sages. the Jains, avoid aml faults, ate fai f them and avid fod especialy prepared for them (uddiha-bharay. Tey hate 0 tet living beings, laying aside lence against all beings. Therefore they do ot eat fod of this ‘in. This the atonal ight practice mong recuse of out fo Gos) “This poim of contention has romained iereconclable through the centuries: when later Jain texts express a position on Buddhism, they contin to portray their ascetics as meat-eaters without any dietary ‘restraint and they show some contempt towards them, considering their 72W.B, Bolée's new tranaton (with sninoe adjsiments) in “Adds or the ‘Oldest Extn Dispute between Jin and Heres Sdyagada 2.0, Pat Tw Journal of Indian Philsoph 27 (1999). pp. 411-37 (Pan T cancers the “ijikass to be published in Mun Jambuijya Feitation Volume). The olde tansltion by Jacobi ana Sores. pp sta although vaso the ‘nol. less aecurate. These observations also old To the oer extract sven els Jain Budi Dialogue: Materia from the Pali Scriptures 27 Jaxity as unbefitting for proper monastic life? Th fat that different atitudes towards alms were fundamental t0 the definition of the two ‘ups’ religious identities 8 proved by anecdotes adduced in Prakrit ‘commentaries when defining the notion of samakiva “orthodoxy” for the layman, Respecting onhodoxy means not indulging inthe various forms of heretical practices, and such stories often have as protagonists, Jain anda Buddhist (called Dhikkhu o¢ rastapada “red-clotbed”) in & ‘context connected with food.” ‘The debate just mentioned is connected with the issue of intetion- aly and is impact on culpability? The Buddhists consider intention to be a detemnining factor — absence of citasya dusarva explaining why the Fis and last assertions ofthe Seyagada stanzas (above i andi) ae ‘not blameworthy. As the Jain commentator Sitka (9th cen. says. ‘quoting tei views: "Whatever act has not been mentally formed does rot count"? On the contrary, they commonly interpret the Jain position 2s puting to litle stress on its imporance and viewing mental ‘action as “half an action” (addha-kamma7? However, this is not accurate. In the earliest Jain tradition the notion of intentionality is not ‘meant “Wo restrict the applicabibty of the general prohibition ag taking life... but is made a direct component of the definition of vio- ence”.1* The distinction between “intended” and allegedly “wnintended” violence is invalid, and carelessness (pram), which sce Ph Graff, “The Violence of Non-Vilence: A Stalyof Some sin Resporses 10 Non:hin Religious Patices, Journal ofthe Inerntional Assocation for Budi Std 1. 8992.9 4c the Avasyaks-commenariesconected withthe tansressions of oto oxy FR. Willams. Jana Yoge (Landon, 19632 epee Deh, 1989.9 on its lationship with the question of fod see DS. Race, “Amst and ‘Vegetarianism inthe Hisior of Buh”. Budhst Stade in Honour of WalpodsRohula Load, 1980) rp-234- anasatalptiam arma cava ma gacchall esmatsiddhint, Sansksit commentary on Siyapada 38 see for instance M L372 and Abhidharmakosa (Chap. IV). p. 2 and 155 {de La Valge Poosinsanslation ph, Grafh. op. cit p378 Nalini Balbir leads to the performance of unintended deeds, is strongly reviled as boeing action itself. Hence the Buddhist position that unintended violence can be excused because i has ignorance a its rot is invalid For the Jans, this cannot be a good reason, since ignorance eauses the accumulation of additional karma and bondage. As such it cannot systematically be put forward as an excuse for bad deeds. 'Non-violence is defined by right knowledge and proper behaviour, {tention being also one factor inthis process. However, the possibility ‘of observing complete abstention from al types of violence isnot self- ‘evident, and this was a sensitive question which opponents ofthe Jans «dno ail 0 ask. This is show, for instance, in the Upaisut, where the respective importance of bodily activity, verbal activity, and mental activity is discussed using the Jain technical terms: kavasdanda, vac ‘dana, and mano-danda (in contrast withthe Buddhist term karma). ‘Although the ain position emphasizes the gravity ofthe fis, Upali has to admit that mere walking implies an unavoidable violence and results {in killing many small eratues. In order to resolve the dilemma he must contradict his first statement snd assume that there is no blame if the creatures are killed unintentionally. Infact, such pragmatic atiudes also developed among the Jains themselves; aecording t0 8 famous stra violence occurs when it arises from passion? Hence there may be factual violence without hondage of karma and, conversely violence without actual killing, What follows is found in a Jain —not a Buddhist Its the intention that uimatly mates. From the el point of ew. ‘aman does not Bese kil only cau he ha Killed oe Recase the word is crowd wit ous remain innocent only because he thas tiled philly. Eve if person does not actly kl Ne becomes a kil i es he intention ol. For isthe intention 9 famous pussage steady considered by H. Jacobi, “On Mahivira and is predecessors" (1380). pp 159-60 (= Klein Schriften, pp. 798-99); Jina Suara, p. xvii: by 1. Horner, "Gotama and the other sect", JAOS 66 (ag 286, ‘Tsar 78: praman-o pram ryaparopanae bins Jin-Buddhist Dialogue: Material rom the Pali Scriptures 29 Which is the deciding factor not the externa act, which is ‘concave. Flom the rea oiat of view, he evi neon which is violence, whether it meriises int a ei ct of injuring or 0 There canbe won- violence even When a extemal act of wen has teen commited and violence even when thas ot been commited! ‘The conception of karma is certainly one ofthe main issues consi ered in Pali scriptures. The Jain position as viewed by the Buddhists i cleatly stated in several canonical passages where the “three bases for heres)” (Ui tthayarandn are discussed. They occur in connection ith the theistic view. which explains the individual's experience of pleasure, suffering, or neither pleasue-nor-suffering asthe creation of & supreme deity (issara-nimmana-hetu), and with the view that this phenomenon is "without cause, without reason” (ahete apaccaya) as presented in the Aiguttara-ikaya, and (in almost identical terms) in the Vabhanga.®? The two relevant commentaries wse a similar wording, but, the Vibhaiga-athakathl goes a step further by ascribing two out of the three doctrines to precise religious groups. Thus aletu apaccaya is recognized as identifying the Avika doctrine which ascribes every- thing 19 Destiny 83 The statement “whatsoever pleasure, pain, o neither” pain-nor-pleasure a man experiences, allthis is due to past action” (ube kata-her, Vibb 367.20-33) is recognized by the commentator as expressing the Jain doctrine: ayam niganpha-samayo.$4 He further expands: Uinta’ Vieyvasyak Dy 217-232 ed by Dundas allowing DID, Malan, Jana Theory and Practice of Non-Vialence,Sambodh 2.1 (api 1973 tind in Jt: Some Esa ai, 1986p. 40. QQ aryl = AL 73sa: VIB 367-36, SS gpk; compace AL, Bash, History and Doctrine ofthe Aas (Condo. 9st pp. 22a Vinh 407.20. This statement was deemed 0 characterise of he sin doe tin tht found ts way in he Sramanyephalas incorporated noth Sanehabhedavasta ofthe Masarasivadviaya etd by R Gol Rone, 1oyHh. sol 3:9 226 S436- 38, where ts ued Ngo Nipx0 [Natini Balbir But those who assert tis deny bth ets Felng (hammered) and functional felingtkna-vedond) and accept only resultant Feeling (sparred) They reject seven oto the eight ailments ening wit tht originating from ble SV 230) abd accep nly the eighth bor of kanima-es, Kopi, They reject Wo ot ofthe thee Kinds of kama begining ith tht to be experienced here ad now See MII 2146) and accept ony that o be experienced ina subsequent ensence. Among the for kinds of volition called rfitable, unprofitable, resultant, and fnctional, they accep oly resultant volition > eve the intellectual approach is interesting. The commentator does ‘ot refer to the categories and terminology devised by the Jains them- selves {0 explain their postion, but rather uses only well-tested Buddhist categories and notions. This process is undoubtedly effective for a Buddhist audience to whom the terms would be falar because it offers a eather simplistic and mechanistic picture of the Jain view by insisting upon its narrowness. These features are stressed bythe stylistic repetition ofthe phrases “they reject” and “they accept only” and by the repetition ofthe word vipa, which ultimately stands out a a key word {in the Jain formulation, Exactly asthe expression ah apaceaya is & Pali label for the Ajfikas’ tenet, pubbe Kata with maturation as its necessary complement functions as label of the Jains’. These state ments find expression in the poem ascribed tothe Elder Samitigutta in the Theragaha Whatever evil was done by me previously i aor With, shat mus, tow be exprionced. No other basic aun exists ® is assertion ofthis heli isan addtional reason to consider as 3 Juin this Elder, whose name “Protected by the sami” had already been ‘Svibhea 497. 20-27; translation asin The Displler of Delusion. Par It (Sommohs Vinodan) (Oxford: PTS. 19911 p. 296: compre Ps IV to. 08 fon MTL 2c7ff ad Mp 274.38 on AT 1730 ‘ryt: KR Noeman’saplaton in Elders Verses Jain Buddhist Dialogue: Material from the Pali Scripures 34 correctly imterpreted as an ingication of his religious affiliation” Inthe Jin view the emphasis on karma preconditions the soteriological fame and the imponance of asctie practices as a means to anniilate karma, This leads to a kind of architecture where each piece ofthe building is connected 10 the others. At the syntactic evel this conception is conveyed by a series of statements mutually linked through the stylistic figure kdvanamata, quite common in Jain phraseology, even if not confined tit “Thus hy burning up, by making a end of ancient ded by the non doing of new deed, there i no veelowing iat the fate. From there beng no overttowing ito the future comes the destruction of deeds; from the desiaction of deeds comer the detraction of| anguish; from the destion of anguish comes the destction of fecin’ rom the destruction of feeling all nga wil ecome wom ay Complementary to the karma-theoryis the question of the nature of| ‘the soul, fr, a is Vigorously sui by a Prakrt stanza handed down in the commentary on the Laghukslacakratantra: “Sometimes the soul is stronger, sometimes karmas are stronger. This is how the soul and armas have developed a long-standing hostility."®? In the sub "7oiven these fats, becomes clear thatthe dogma pubbe Katachta of the Mahshodhijtaka (No. $28), Ja V 23K should be connected ith Nigam Nataputa(V 246," even the verse el does no exalt SE pi purdndnaye kammdnar tposd evi, naan karen lalarand. dyatim anasssave, avai anavassend kama: dthavo, Kanna hava duttha tthavo, daltha Athava vedand-hibave, vedand-tihord Sabbare dubtham mijomare Bhavissai, MIL 219248 (easlton fom Middle Length Saving), Sansrit in Molasarvistvidovnay edited by R. Gol Rome. 1978), p.236 $27. Kara vo (Ed. ht, to be omit alo kaha amma ont bala vasa Kamas a abba nibaddha veri 269, The aka source of {his tana eno own, ts accuence i 4 moder anthology of maxims sacha he Prk stasramamla (Banaras. 1919" No. 133) proves its repulis2 Nalini Balbir ‘commentary of the Digha-nikiya the Jain position is summarized as follows: The Jin say tht he imma se has hese extent as the boy ‘in whieh is located, ike the bier ste ina emo eal" The two features ofthe analysis developed by the Jains in their own seriptres are here apay underlined: the immaterial character of the ja and its ability to contractor expand so that it pervades the body it ‘ccupies, whether big or small?! ‘The expression sarira-parimana corresponds tothe sva-deha: prima ofthe Jain texts and indicates the covextensiveness of the soul with the body.%® AC the same time, we notice a terminological difference both here and in other passages, Pal scriptures regularly use au, where Jain scriptures would favour jva hich empbasizs the living sentient nature ofthe soul in contradistine- tion to none.” ati exegetical literature of the sub-commentaries may seem less fascinating because i takes us further away from the early period and the so-alled “original” message ofthe Buda, but ithas much o offer. From the still largely unexplored world of kas al about the Jains can be gleaned, reference to Jain practices designated by proper technical terms in the Visudahimagga-mahafika has heen ‘mentioned above. Furthermore, in this undoubtedly ich and leamed ble information P9mba panne takers visa sar parma arp aa athe higha Niganta, Sit 1223.1. tiene. sara: parimano (ana) of Ud-a 3393 isto be Went asa reference tothe Jin poston inthe sme way as angi prima, vos parimaro, params, ats have been rsogeized as referring Upansatie, Sanya fn Vaicrika ideas by the tumor (Oxford: PTS, 1995) 8 305-206, 1-926, The Jan conception also highlghed in ao Pali Buddhist sures fee. fo example. Prajivarma’s Tisian commentary onthe Vdesasava, ‘45: Laphuldlcakatani v. 176 Gia kv pramano) See eg. PS. lal ivoduction to Amtacandtason's Laghuttaspbola (Ahmeabd: LD. Series 62 1978) 9.13 see elow. p36 Jain- Buddhist Dialogue: Material from the Pali Sriptures 33 ‘work, whose author is well acquainted with the main schools of Indian thought, the discussion of views on final release serves as a basis for @ casual allusion to Jain cosmological ideas: “Final release — salvation — occurs on the summit of the world, for example according to the Jins" This is an unambiguous reference to the Jain conception of sid as being figuratively located on the top ofthe three worlds. 1 Ihave noted above that the interpretation of the ciusdma-samvara offered by the sub-commentary on the Digha-aikaya reflects a distinct stage of Jan doctrinal development. { would now lke to give 1wo more important instances from the Visuddhimagga-mahatka and fron the ‘Sumangalvilsin-k — both writen by Dhammapala (A.D. 550-600) — which reveal a sound knowledge of classical Jain concepts which is apparently unatested inthe earlier strata of Pal literature For any Jain, the tarwas, “reals” or “fundamental entities” as we «an cll them, form an object of faith and as such ae the basis oftheir philosophy. The tarwas have their own history, and ics possible that the full-fledged list does not date from the earliest times, even if it appears atleast once in a canonical text and is the subject of the ‘Tattvarhasbtra, A rather thorough aecount of these rats appears in” ‘he Visudahimagga-mahaiha% The passage is typical ofthe pseudo- oxography we find in Pali terre and appears in chapter 16 ofthe ‘work called Dithivisuddhinidesa, One by one non-Buddhist conceptions are rather faithfully sponding Pali term but may be implicit in sulhuma; the distinetion between heat (oF ho light) and cool light, which is conveyed in the Tattvthastira by the contrasting pit apa and uddvora, has a vague parallel in ppabha and ajota (corr for eds. ja). Uf the unsatisfactory para-aparighata may be understood as “composed with another [and] ‘ot composed with another” (?), it could be a reminiscence of the istintion between atoms (aqu) and conglomerates (sahara) which is expected inthis environment and at this point of the argumer "OSDhamnddhamma jt-paggatanam gar-shit-manarava td-avsinh Vismem 13860: compare TattvthasGea $17: gar ahi-upagrahan harnidharmavorwpakdra:8 Nalin Bair even if these terms are generally nota part ofthe above mentioned list in Jain texts 95 Finally, the way vimokAha is rated is clearly evocative of the method normally applied in Jin exegesis to the analysis of Key ters, This method takes the help of various well-determined parameters and Finds its fll development in the so-called aiksepa In is simplest form, the parameters ate 160, namely dravya and bhava. The dravya aspect refers to the concrete or literal meaning of a term, while the Bhava aspect refers to its meaning in a spiritual or religious content, Here, he ity. whereas bhava-mokéha isthe absence of any modification in the soul caused by the states of passion ete! Although with a possible conto sion in the contents ofthe erms, tis is roughly reminiscent of distinc: tion known from some Jain sources, apparently only Digambara, text says, dravya-mokiha implies that a soul is oy immater ‘According to them bhava-maksa refers ta the process of modification ‘tough which the soul is able to annihilate the four karmas that have 8 vitiatng effect upon its qualities (lhe ghativaskarmas), whereas drayya ‘moksa refers to liberation from the four determining karmas the function of which is only to generate embodiment and individual pariculare. 107 ‘The subscommentaries seem rather well acquainted with Jain Scholasticism and methods of argumentation, especially with the one ‘known as “sevenfold predication” which sso typical. While the techn cal term satta-bhariga does not seem to ceur in the Pali canon isl, it appears, for instance, in the Sumangalvilsin-kd, where sartabhaniga- vada stands as an indirect designation for Jain philosophy. The 10sec Tatvnhasara 5.25: anol bandh ca 26) samghanebhedebhsa upadvane. 1O¢yn9 ca arapa-matam exd 1 asm deasya-mokkho: Bhava-motKho pana sivasa nig Bharinamo, ism 13866 1Wlsce the references collected in the Jainends-Siddhins-Koss (Delhi hata Yngpa, 1987) vo. 3p. 322-23 (Kundakunda, Pancha vv 1$0-53: Nemicandra, Dravyasamgraha, v.37, For he Hist ofthe eg Karman see above n 12, Jain- Buddhist Dialogue’ Material rom the Pali Scriptures 39 ‘commentator’s purpose is to demonstrate “the untenability of the doctrine of the seven predicates, hich claims that emtties possessing origin, decay and may be inexpresible™. 8 The terms used for defining the triple character of the existent are exactly those of the Jain treatises: pada ‘yayerdnauyya-yuktam sat, to quote jst one famous stra fom the Taawvarsha (5.29). On te other hand, the commentator reset his ist, to the three primary predicates ofthe sevenfold se, which are suficent for his argumentation: and persistence may be permanent, may be impermanent, (1) ina way everything is: (2) ina way everything is oe (G) ina way ivi unuterable "The four missing ones are easily obtained by combining those three in different manners: (a) ina way it is and ina way itis not (3) ina way its, ina way itis unuterable (6) in way iis not ina way iis unuterable: (7) ina way iis, ina way iis not, ina way tis unuterable The Pali wording is quite accurate and in full agreement with the Jin counterpart. One immediately notices the basie word si star ing point for the generic term syidvda, which became the standard “designation for this process In the course of the systematic refutation which is then undertaken, one also comes across the typical term anekantavada, “Ihe theory of the manifoldness of reality” which considers that each entity consists of diverse forms and modes, of innumerable aspecs, and tha destruction (ce. losing the previous form). appearance (i.e, assuming a new modification), and continuity (ie. pessistence ofthe essential nature) coexist "OS pads dan atyunabha ss ned. sd aie. sna yaa fi ain pavanassa sara-bhange-vadass ayaa viblavta hot. Sept hao° Nalin Balbir [Buc those who say “Hus as whoa cow is made out ofa golden ot the existence ofa pot disappears and the existence of a crow arises, whereas the existence of gold remains the same, exactly inthe same way. in the case of al properties. one property disappe another one arses, but the specific popetyremns” to them it sould be said 1 ‘This example adduced tillasrate the Jain View and ascribed 10 its tradition can be recognized as reminiscent of the idea expressed by the Jain Digambare philosopher Samantabhadra (c. A.D. $50) in his Aptamimansa (3.59) hata maul-suvarndrh nssepae-tisy aya ‘oka. geamoda yas jano ya sao, ‘When the potis destroyed, the cro rated andthe god Sys on, ‘te [same] person desiring [them], experince ai, joy and newraity ste 1 Bu the refutation underines thatthe Jain way of arguing starts on wrong basis and is sel-contadietory: What isthe gold which remains the same in oth the pot aid the ‘rmunent? I ssid wo be mteiliy hen ie ipermanen he Sound: Hit ad tobe an agarepation of materiality, an aggepaion 10 pana vada “ath swarm ghatena make kate ghatabhawo massa malas bhivo upp. swam Dv tia eve. evam sha Bhd foe dhanmo nasa oe dhammo upper. sa-bhavo pana nthe sual, 911983998 Oxy eapsaion. Compare NJ. Shah, Samantabhadea's Aptaminamsd Crtigue ofan Aurion with Elis ansation evoducto. es, an Alalania's Sansit Commentary ANAS) (Ahmedabad. 19) . 58 See also BK. Matilal, The Cental Philosophy af Juni (Anekintad (Ahmedabad: LD. Seis 79.1981. 39 long with Kumar's explana ‘om in the Minamsa-loka vara. Among other similar examples aced Jn this connection by the Jains are the one ofthe milk and the curd (Cpramimaim 60; forthe Buddhist interpretation ofthe same example sec for instance, D1 301 af) othe one a he ce the prot, 2 he (atwapeactpba on Kundskunds’s Pravacanasea 2.9) the po and the cay (ery on Tawathasova $29) Jain-Budahis Dialogue: Material from the Pali Scriptures 41 |s a mete conventional term 10 which nether existence, nor non fexienee, nor permanence apply. Ths no doctrine of ancana can ‘bain er... Moreover. th self nd th world aren fa “tema ‘nome nible” nature like lamps and x0 08. Foe it 5 impossbe to ecognize a permanent, permanent, indice ow ale for, te he mt of which so se ad all. Similar i isimpsibeoresognize] one form or the oer among “permanent «he livag price" In so stating, the Pali commentator reflects the first among the teaitional objections opposed to syad-vada, i. self-contradiction, Which be undertines again when he rejects the Jan assertion "There is soa, a way itis permanent, in a way itis not”? For the Jans, how ever, sydt and anekint do not mean uncerain or confusing answers but conditional assertions meant to embrace the complex nexus of reality"? “To conclude: The Buddhists ofthe Pali sources are not very dtfer- cnt from other external observers, ancient or moder, who have looked at Jain ways of life and conceptions, both in the topies which have, caught thee attention and in their approach. As far as practice is con ceed, they are mainly the question of nudity, extreme asceticism, strict rules for begging, and eating, As far as doctrine goes, they are the Jain, ‘categories andthe Jain way of ooking a living beings with the crucial point of one-sensed living beings. In several cases itis ot easy to ‘Wsy-p41 109 Translation (vith minor ajustnent) fom The Discourse on the A-Embracng Net of Views. rasa rom the Pali by Bibs Bodhi (andy. 19781 9-156 24h jv, oe sd ec, ss acc, Sh 298.8. 3S he cle, accurate statements of B.K. Mat op ita very conenient, took which has the vantage of considering the Jain philosophical sytem together with the objections it hae pwoduced from other schools: "The ‘Aneta dccttin,o be sre, smite a dotine of dob (or even uncer faim) nor «dctine oF probaly. Thus yar means. in the Jina ws. 3 ‘omdtonal YES Te ike sing“ certain sense, yes amount 0 condom approval. 522 Nalini Balbir wgaca samealitasive tuvatitaviye etviye st Dhauli had been segmented a5 1 vartavye. However, as L. Alsdor rightly pointed out, 1 (" Gimar version, while all other versions have eu. This semantic problem conceming the newly discovered Asokan word tuvaritaviye, which Alsdor discussed at some length, using the evidence found in Jain texts, To this Bollée added the relevant Theravada references In both Buddhist and Jain bterature, saqari/mwattet and uyatai/tasatet are usvally and correctly assumed to mean “to lie down”. There is no etymology, however, to support this. The tational ‘derivation as given by Jain commentators isa strange, even desperate, attempt to Sanskrtize this word as ragvartayat (das drolige Sanskrt= [Aquivalent”S which seems to be due o purely phonetic considerations (CLauteschieberei"), but of course, once created, the word almost necessarily developed a semantic lite of its own. The second pat ofthe ‘compound must have invited commentators to assume & meaning such as “ying down [and] rolling from one side othe othe ‘Unfortunately the verb asatitaviye stands next samealtaiye in the Asokan inscriptions. though Alsdor also clearly say thatthe Jain parallels are not sulficient o establish the exact meaning of artaviye is used only inthe sce van Hiner, 2001. $72 ote, 1983-84 pp. 12 fl Salar. 968 on sia bing oe wor, se von Hiner, 2001, $437 Salsdor. 1968. 18= 478p Oskar von Hiner as used by ASoka.* he nevertheless succumbed to the temptation 0 follow the Jain “etymology” in part and assumed a meaning such as “sich eubren”, or “be active” as Bollée translated Alsdort, With ‘commendable caution, W. B, Bollée draws attention to the Pai evidence not discussed by Alsdort, pointing out the difficulties rather than giving solutions ‘The problem of swat, however, was not puto rest bu taken up again recently in an article by H. Ticken, who reviewed the evidence ‘once more in his study "Middle Indic ravaga-"? Teken is certainly to bbe commended for assembling all relevant passages from Sain and Buddhist literature and placing them side by side with the ASokan inscriptions thus making it easy to view ll the material. Tieken's argument begins wth ASoka and with Alsdort's opinion concerning the meaning of ruvaftavive, 0 Which he adds his own erivation from Sanskrit ari-vrr, suggesting it means "to move excessively”, According tothe Poona Dictionary, however, the meaning of ati-u7t is rather “to go beyond”, ete, as We would expect. The phonetic development postulated by Tieken isnot an easy one: “less of the intial a- in ati> and Tabiaization ofthe vowel representing -7-"8 ‘The vowel “labialized”, however, is the ~- in ati-, while -f- would develop quite regularly imo -a- in a) Without taking into consideration ether the semantic or the phonetic difficulties, Ticken tres to read his interpretation into the Jain and Buddhist txts. Asis well known from previous discussions, the ‘eth occurs in Jain texts, in such stock phrases as pavakamejia va lheja wa nisieja va rusty va (“should exer himself, sand, site down”) As Tieken noted, this is in stark contrast to the assumed Astor 1974, p.19 #479. "Heke, 196, Steen. 196.19, Dir seems o ave escaped the atenion of scholars tha the meaning of roa ‘sake confi indecly by the four viata ofthe Budhiss gamana, ‘hin, nis sea (CPD sv. aivdparha 2-0 6. 8V 7831 “Tuvatai/tovatet Again B ‘meaning of the word in ASokan inerptions. He therefore tums 10 the “Theravins for help “The word occurs in Vinaya contexts for monks and for nuns, The following is said with reference to monks:.... ma ekamaice twattitabbom na ekattharand tuvattabbam ... yo twvattessa, Gpatt dukkarassa, (Cone should not le down on one bed one should nt ie down under one cover .. whoever lies down [commits] » dakkara offence”). This rule was adapted for nuns and incorporated into the [Bhikkhuni-Patimokkha as Pacittya XXX! y@ pana Bhikkhunivo die ekamaice tavatteyyun,pacinivam ("whatever two nuns Tie down on one ‘bed [commit] a Pucitiya offence”,!? The commentary in the Sut vibhanga explains this as eka nipannaya apara nipajat ("after one has lin down, another lies dawn’). As Bole pints out, this gives 8 very precise meaning for rman in a relatively early text. Although it is difficult to date older Pali literature with any precision, the composition of the Bhikkhuni-Patimokkhs can hardly be later than ‘Asoka, thus pointing to rather early usage forthe verb, Later usages in li, such as sayane ‘han tantra, continue the old meaning, ‘This would standin the way of Tieken's understanding tuvatar as any sort of “bodily activity”, Therefore, he has to hack up his argument with "the accusation made by outsiders with regard the laxity ofthe monks and nuns, On the basis of this passage it may be argued shat tua “to show excessive activity has actually found is way into the canon a a colloquial expression for having sex.” This argument, however. is categorically ruled out by the Vinaya. Fr, as explained in fevtenso et ad nowseam in the commentary on Parajka 1.5 having sex with anybody oF anything results in immediate expulsion from the Vin agit This rues sessed in Hisken. 1997 FP 198 fl Plitiya XXXIL, "vin tv 289. fl yin 1 389. Hap espa Sin Mak gous” Oskar von tinder order. Here, the infraction is only @ dukkara offence for monks, corresponding as usual 10 a pacity for nuns, so that we must follow ‘he commentary inthe Sutavibhaniga. which takes taatfeyya to mean hipaa, Moreover, Pacitiya XXX1 for nuns also corresponds (0 DPicitiya VI for monks: yo pana bhikkhu mdnugamena sahaseysam Aappesva, pacivasam Whatever monk should share a bed with a ‘woman {commits} a Pacttiya").!© This underlines the act i itis necessary todo so, that simply lying down is as expected, an offence, ‘Consequently, there is no way to explain away the meaning. “Yo le down" for tasayati This obviously leaves us with a problem in the AGokan inscriptions. There does not seem 10 he, however, much room or even much need to deviate from the usual meaning of rwattat, which is amply supported by the texts. It should be kept in mind that it was only because the verbs sameuliavive and etavive stood next 10 ‘wvataviye that Alsdorf was led to assume a meaning involving movement for uvattavive after a rather superficial look at the Jain ‘evidence. The closer examinations made by both Bollée and Ticken show thatthe fairly rich evidence in Jain and Buddhist literature should not and cannot be overruled by one single passage in an inscription that is sil poorly understood despite the effort made and the progress achieved by Alsdorf, He even bad to reckon, probably correctly, with mistakes by the engrave in his very passage. ‘What then is Said in the inscriptions at Dhauli and Jaugada inthe relevant sentence? It clearly bogins with e filamte siydti “who is exhausted". Then it seems fo recommend that this exhausted official should do thre things described by three participa necesiais, namely samcaltavive ~rwatitavie ~etavve. Contrary to the diseussion 80 fat, ‘only twvritaviy is clear and comprehensible: An exhausted official was simpy given the choice of doing what is quite natural, to tke some fest. In a similar situation, even the Buddha said shorly before his death: Alamo “smi Candata nipajssan (1am exhausted, Cundaka, 1 "vin 19s¥ ft “Tuvatat/twvatteti Again 8 want to ie down’).!7 The exact connotation of sam-cal- and samvear-is rot known. In Sanskrit they mean respectively, “to quiver, 10 move away" and “to meet, to approach, to practse”¥ Nor is the exact connotation of etavive known, For *etabba is unatested in eanonical li ext, and ezany seems toe rare in Sanskrit In both languages t would be usual 10 use gantavyal gantabba, Thus research somehow Seems to have moved in the wrong direction, investigating the obvious and avoiding the obscure. ‘One thing, however, is made perfectly clear from the way this problem was approached, I is nether wise nor sound methodalogy 19 star from an assumed meaning ina single passage in an epigraphic text that is moreover fairly obscure, then try to expin (if not distor) the semantics of words that are well attested i Iterature. 0. Hiniber WORKS CITED Alsdorf, Ludwig. 1968. “AGokas Separatedikte von Dhauli and ‘Jaugada” (1968); reprinted in Kleine Schrifen, Wiesbaden (1972), pp. 464-98, Bollée, W.B. 1983-84. "Notes on Middle Indo-Aryan Vocabulary I Journal ofthe Oriental Iasttue (Baroda), 33, pp. 108-22. Hinder, ©. von, 2001. Wien: Das diltere Mitelindisch im Uberblick, 2, ‘Auflage, $72 (in press), Hiisken, Ute. 1997. Berlin: Die Vorschriften fir die buddhistische Nonnengemeinde im Vinaya-Pitaka der Theravadin ‘Monier-Williams, Monier. 1899. Oxford: Sansrit-English Dictionary ‘Tieken, H. 1996, "Middle Indic rvatta-", Sambodl 20 (1997). pp. 16 Mp thsi, se or example Monier-Wiliams 189, svPlaying with Fire: The pratityasamutpada from the Perspective of Vedic Thought The present paper is an atempt t look atthe law of dependent origination (prartyasamupada) fom the perspective of earlier Vedic thought, rather than that of the Buddhist texts and tradition. This perspective reveals several striking similares between the Buddha's chain and the Vedic ideas of creation ‘These similarities are reflected in the general structure of both processes and, in many instances, in particular notions denoting their sags. Tam, nevertheless, well aware that in thee specific contents the Vedic creation and the Buddha's pratiyasanupada displayed a whole gamut of distinct meanings. Iam also aware ofthe fundamental differ- fence between these two processes: the former (the process of the «creation ofthe world) is regarded as desirable; the ater, which leads to suffering snot In my analysis I shall work with the classical formulation of the rastyasamuspada, consisting of twelve links. Tam aware ofthe exis-" tence of different formulations in the Pali Canon bat aking all of them imo consideration goes beyond the scope of this paper and needs 3 ‘loser collaboration between Vedic and Buddhist scholars, ‘Tam going to show the most important Vedic equivalents of each link and the mainlines along which the Buddha's reasoning may have one, Since Iam noc a Buddhologist, | do not tempt to analyze here al, the meanings which have heen ascribed to these links in Buddhism 1 restrict myself to their principal and most general meanings. | would also like to stress that Lam awaze thatthe interpretation of the pramyasamurpada as a polemic against the Vedic cosmogony tackles only one aspect of this huge problem: as the Buddha said to Ananda: “Ths conditioned exgination is profound and it appears pro 'Sce Mejor 1994 PP 136-49.* Joanna Jurewice found? (gambhiro cyan ananda pariccasamuppade gambhiravabhaso