Adam's Mirror: The Frontier in the Imperial Imagination

Author(s): MANAN AHMED

Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 46, No. 13 (MARCH 26-APRIL 1, 2011), pp. 60-
65
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Adam's Mirror: The Frontier
in the Imperial Imagination

MANAN AHMED

To the Prologue
centre of an
anxiety, az-Zubayr
of potent
Precious It
marching towards
tributes co
the medieval
port Arab
about
now the by
United
the St
Um

anxiety. king
We of
haveal-
t
Arab armie
the frontier space
al-Hind w'a
and north India
their wayto
e
within a cities such
regional i
Waziristan,
conversation and i
It was Adam
in the frontier rev
god, upon h
invisible to
he the im
wished
localised Mu'awiya
productious
the frontie
decontextualise th
governors
- the imperial one.
Hind w'al S
the oft-designated
mained in M
(mid-8th ce
A metaphor
Umayyad f
danger oftha
continuousl
on so far aw
peculiar fas
robust und
known objec
acts as an ap
the viewer b
other that
anxiety, of
towards the
frontier tha
over the his
ties, and th
otic, the un
frontier its
On 29 Janu
Secretary
Kerry, the
the followi
Manan Ahmed (manana
We are strug
Berlin, Germany.
different lan

60 march 26, 2011 vol XLVi no 13 ШЗ Economic & Political weekly

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 -

if any. high
And ca
all o
live in the comm
latory v
you want
Stewart. to call
the night often
found Viewed
in through the drone's
bothcamera, the frontier is both utterly P
India-knowable immedi
and maddeningly unknown. This capacity to crowd
traordinary di
out all other narratives about the space it demarcates as "fron-
left - it
tier" belongs only tokept
the empire, and so it is to imperial history le
here, I really, f
that we must first turn. Not to explain imperial histories but to
cently read a w
art, showcase, in the archives
you of an empire far removed from our
know,
War present, the very same
and a gestures of framing
whole the frontier as can be
you really want
seen in the British or the us cases. In what follows, I want to in-
nating study of
terrupt time as it flows in Clinton's formulation. I want to bring
what I want to p
into the conversation the Umayyad empire and its relationship to
Clinton's answ
the frontier. I do so to highlight that particular ways of knowing
his particular
and unknowing the frontier are constitutive of imperial experi-
ence, and tracing
Sitting here these pathways of knowledge illustratestod
the
flying unknown
overterrain to which frontiers are routinelythat
confined. Next,
exander the
I want to plant our historiographical Gr
feet in the frontier space it-
Rudyard
self to see the concerns which Kiplin
emerge from within a regional im-
Union, which pu
agination, in a regionally specific conversation and in regional
- 1 mean, it call
tryingstories. to
Situating ourselves in the frontier reveals new topogra-
accom
phies, varied perspectives, networks and routes that are invisible
Starkly
to the imperial eye. prese
though he wil
the The First Frontier
edge, chao
of Adam's mir
The Arab expansion towards the frontier of al-Hind w'al-Sind -
from roughly peninsular southern Asia,
the using the Indus River as a
empi
Stewart, the
natural boundary between al-Sind (the regions to the north and
walk, mingle,
west) and al-Hind (the regions to the east) - began largely as a
a image of
result of the re-entrenchment the
of the last of the Sasanid nobility in
Here the eastern hinterlands of Khurusän and Kirmän in the mid-seventh
again is
eithercentury.in
By 700 ce, the regions of roma
Sïstan and Makrãn - with im-
In the teleolog
portant garrison sites such as Kandahar - were constantly switch-
der, to the
ing alliances, revolting, Bri
and both attracting and exporting rebel-
lious elements, ideologies and assassins against the Umayyad
manifestation
ting of known
court in Damascus and the major cities of Basra and Kufa. Efforts
erately mainta
to "control" this region eventually led to the successful campaign
flects of 712 ce
notthat established Umayyad garrisons in onl
the ports on the
ticular frontie
Indus River and opened a secure naval route from Aden to Sindh.
knowledge,
The victory, like all previous victories in the region, was short-re
cially lived the reg
and throughout the eighth century, numerous expeditions
act as the
were inte
dispatched to the frontier, as the Gurjara-Partiharas in the
empire,north-west and the Rashtrakutas
this in the Deccan maintained a f
speaking) and
tumultuous coexistence with the Arab-Muslim principality.
of continuou
The anxiety of harm that exists on the military frontier is aptly
definition,
captured in Arabic historical and exegetical tradition. far
In the section
on the frontier of al-Hind wa'l Sind in the Kitãb Futãhdis
permanent al-Buldãn
is liminal, in
(The Book of Conquest of Lands) by al-Balâdhurï (d 892), there t
the edge,
are repeated invocations of the many unab
failures and setbacks suf-
ants cannot be
fered by the Arab armies in the region of Zabulistãn, Sistãn and
this liminal
Makrãn. At the outset, al-Balãdhurã reproduces a caution given na
one hand,
to the third caliph 'Uthman (d 655), who hoped allo
to restrict the
"frontier justi
movement of rebellious forces to and from the region, and re-
plicit need
ceived this report from a scout to the region: "Ό of
Commander of
the empire
the Believers, I examined it and know it well.' The caliph on
said,
Adam's
'Describe it'. Hemirror
said, The water supply is sparse; the dates are
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 REFLECTIONS ON EMPIRE

'ajãib
inferior; al
and
there,ninth
and ac
the and exo
narration
contain
Baladhurï rep
the exotic
decimatio l
and
governors oth
or
this some
eastern in
f
'ajãib co
unsettled, al
and account
command
ries
pressure все
th
Arabo-
'Abdallah b S
ishingwithin
in the
and ports o
establish
as the careful
fort g
Mundhir
the ibn
emp
It
political is
andto
and Zãbulistã
of the
Adam's
persuaded to
the and
lack ofpol
a
and perial
remained h
The same fr
Zãbulistã
w'al-Sin
Umayyad sen
at the be proj
head of
due During
the regio
domina
decimated, pu
for commu
the next d
this
accounts offr t
early the
10th allu
ce
knowin
Mamãlik (Bo
(d Any
913), re
wher
gravescorrect
of fall
This this im
engagem
on the
production of
usually consti
The View from the Frontier
istrative, the
lier, In 1868, in an essay titled "Democratic
the firstVistas", poet-philosopher
Walt Whitman made a prediction
al-Sind depar about the American frontier.
graphical
In a few years the dominion-heart of Americaand
will be far inland, to-
phersward visited
the West. Our future national capital may not be where the
ever, present
thereone is. It is possible, nay likely, that in less than 50 years, it will i
when migrate
it a thousand or two miles,come
will be re-founded, and every thing
belonging to it made on a different plan, original, far more superb.11
those al-Taba
erage This
of magnetic pull of the frontieral-Hi
on the centre, which is pow-
ered by the demand for new talent, for new
graphical energy, for new
text
lack "stock", is rarely remarked
of upon in the literature on centre-
politi
periphery
polity. models. In Whitman
Khali is a subtext worth explicitly not-
ing - the frontier is not empty. The inhabitants of this frontier,
"overwhelmin
ies ofthe spaceIraq,
towards which the empire must advance, are the neces-w
is sary fodder to propel themeasu
only movement. It is quite possible to read, in
this
city".9 sense, the movement
But of Islamicate capitals towards the fron-
th
tier of al-Hind wa'l Sind - from Damascus
frontier and to Baghdad to Samarra
to Ghazna and Ghur and the influx of Persian, of Turkic, of Indian
concretised st
As is populations,
apparenfound at the "frontier", who settle the characteristics
of the empire "with all the old retain'd, butAra
accounts, more expanded,
and grafted
military on newer, hardier, purely native stock."12 The logical
extension of such a reading know
erature would be to place ourselves on the

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 = REFLECTIONS ON EMPIRE

frontier and examine the ways in which the empire is reflected

appointed four governors - one in Brahmanabad, one in Sistan, one in
Iskandari,
and refracted in histories and policies. To pay attention to the and one in the great city of Multan. He himself remained in the
capital and kept a close relationship with his frontier governors, sup-
localised production of history and memory is not just a passive
plying them with troops and arms. He gave them strict orders to guard
scholarly act of locating "agency" in archives. It is to arrest the
the borders of their domains so that no outsider could break through.13
narratives that the empire generates about itself. It is to decon-
textualise the only context that appears relevant - the imperial
The text goes on to describe the rule of a brahmin king Chach,
one. This shift in perspective is not merely a corrective, but a
who conquers this kingdom and proceeds to visit the borders of
critical one, as it reveals that the oft- designated "frontier" haspolity.
his new a
centrality all of its own.
At Kashmir, he planted two trees - one oak and one beech and he
By the time of al-Mu'tasim (813-ЗЗ), the 'Abbasids had sent a
waited for them to grow and their branches to entangle with each
long list of governors to the region of al-Hind w'al Sind. The
other. This, he declared, was the border between the Raja of Kashmir
period between the death of al-Mu'tasim and the assassination
and us. of
No one will go across without permission. At Makran he plant-
ed a bushel
al-Mutawakil (833-61) is one of a fairly stable court in Baghdad. A of date trees and inscribed on the trunk an insignia of his
court - marking the limit of his rule. By Sistan, he had erected a bell
large influx of hadïth scholars, grammarians, and theologians
tower with five trumpets which would sound at dawn and at dusk.14
made their way to the port cities in Gujarat and Sindh, and up
towards Lahore. Similarly, the traffic from al-Hind across the
This already-realised picture of kingship is markedly different,
Arabian Gulf to the cities of Baghdad and Cairo flourished. Pottery from the claims of a Chakravartin, a Sultan-e Kamil or
of course,
and coins gathered from Samarra, Fustãt, Daybul anda Mansura
Badhshah-e Alam or other designations reserved for kings, con-
show that a cross-regional trade flourished during this period.
querors and rulers, whose domain was always the world in its
One sign of the stability of this trade was the numerous regionalIts careful delineation of terrain is also largely invisible
entirety.
power centres that flourished in the 9th and 10th centuries - the
to scholarship because it does not fit the centre-periphery or the
frontier
Mahãniya in Gujarat, the Habãri in Sindh, and the Saffãrids model.
and
the Sämänids from Ghazna to Multan. The Ghaznawids (962- in mind that this Persian text was produced on the
Keeping
1186) are perhaps most well known for extending their empirewe can add a string of such localised texts, which are not
frontier,
across most of al-Hind wa'l Sind, threading together all concerned
the cities with the imperial capitals but with their own region.
from Ghazna to Lahore to the lower Indus valley. TheThe establish-
Tarikh-i Tabakãt-i Mubarakshahï, written in early 16th cen-
ment of the Delhi Sultanate, out of the fragments of the Ghurid
tury, which is our only primary source for the Sammä, and the
empire, once again created a new political space in the broader
Tarikh-i Tahirï, written in the mid-i6th century, were both pro-
region encompassing the frontier. The 14th, 15th, 16thduced
and 17th
in the town of Thatta. In both, the Mughal empire, the do-
centuries saw the establishment of polities with political
ings of and
Humayun and Akbar, are mere backgrounds against
social bases in Sindh, Baluchistan and southern Afghanistan -
which regional concerns are paramount - the tales of ascensions
the Sumrã and the Sammã (based in Makrãn), theand Arghãn
victories, the descriptions of forts, cities and ports (especially
(based in Kandahar), and the Tarkhãn. Surrounding them were Multan, Lahore, and Kandahar), the recounting of folk
of Thatta,
the gunpowder empires - the Uzbek (1500-1785), the Mughaland biographical notes on notable poets and Sufis. Un-
romances
(1526-1858) and the Safavid (1501-1722), who often insisted that
like the materials completed in the capital, these texts are not fo-
this was a frontier - a meeting of borderlines, conflict cused
zones,on
and
exotica or anxiety, but on the lived lives of the commu-
uncontrollable chaos. Hence the adventures of Babarnities
in 1520,
that surround them. In the 17th century, Tarikh-i Ma'sumi
Akbar in 1592, Nadir Shah in 1739, Ahmad Shah Durraniand
in Beglarnama;
1753, in the 18th century, Tuhfãt ul-Kirãm; and in the
and, perhaps most relevantly, the East India Company 19th
in 1843.
century, Lubb-e Tarikh-i Sind were some of the key texts
The above string of political dynasties and concernsproduced
each leftin the frontier of al-Sind.
their traces in history - built environments, circulated The
objects,
most critical intervention these frontier texts provide is
cultural memories. All of which provide a radically different con-
information on local customs, local culture and biographies of
ception of space, boundaries and belonging than the view from
notables. It seems a banal point to make that the imperial gaze to
the capitals of Baghdad, Delhi, Agra or London. Consider the
the frontier always aimed to generalise from the particular, to
early 13th century Persian text, written in Thatta, Sindh,
deduce and
patterns, to predict behaviour. The power of these partic-
popularly known as Chachnama. Describing for its courtly audi-lies in shifting the descriptive focus away from the di-
ular texts
ence, a portrait of seventh century al-Sind, it presents agnostic
a strictlyor the programmatic to the lived and the social. It is a
bounded vision of the polity that existed before Islam's perception
arrival. of space utterly lacking in Adam's mirror.
Take
Narrators of reports and historians write that the city of Aror, Tuhfat ul-Kirãm (Gifts of the Generous) by Mir 'Ali Sher
which
was the capital of al-Hind and al-Sind, was a great city byQãni
the river
(1727-1788), a history attuned to the spiritual and mystical
Sehwan (which we call Mehran), filled with varied palaces,leaders
colourful
of Sindh - narrating folk epics and oral histories of vari-
pastures, canals, fountains, gardens, and flower gardens. And in this
ous towns, centres and graveyards. Qãni authored more than 42
lively city was a Hindu Raja by the name of Rai Sehras b Sehasi who had
immeasurable treasures and riches. His justice was known works, including numerous compendiums of poetry (he excelled
around the
inkingdom
world and his philanthropy was legendary. To the East, his the mathnãvi and qasidã); a dictionary of Persian poets in
extended to Kashmir; in the west to Makran, in the south to Sindh, Muq'allat-e Shur'a (1760); a history from the 'Abbasids to
Daybul and
the sea shore, and to the north to the Qiqans. To each frontier,
the he had
Kalhöra, TaťTkh-i 'Abbasi (1761); and a truly unique cultural
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REFLECTIONS ON EMPIRE =

history of the
Sindh,teleological
incorporat
nary skills and means
Alexander of
from
Tuhfãt ul-Kirãm
to (1761)
contexts com
mor
with the history of the pro
second is At the
divided Edges
into seven
of cities and towns
The in abo
debate Sin
along with momentum
their spiritualdu
a
dedicated to political
the retalia
history of
dynasty. Tuhfãt ul-Kirãm
starkly new co
geo
and spiritual aspects,
Empire as inte
the y
tices, Sufi Niall Ferguson
hagiographies an
ties of comeobjects.
everyday a colonial
In
gion, of This judgment
institutions, of ho
nence" of such
certain as Zalmay
practices a
which he decided
laments is to rest
absent i
the courts. Hence, the pet
These Donald
histories, Rumsfe
these tomb
litical not
theologies, imperialist
manuals of
are the such
missing protestati
links in Clin
over that colonial"
terrain, my empir
awar
Alexander ing
the colonies
Great and, (hc
tary"). My ice core
attempt toof colo
fill in
graphic or the imperial
encyclopedic vi
com

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 REFLECTIONS ON EMPIRE

treaty and finally abrogated when the Company annexed Sindh

regimes and the public since the very beginning. Here, as a crude
example, is an ode, written by Francis Hopkinson, printed in
on1843, in the aftermath of the disastrous first Anglo-Afghan War of
pamphlets and distributed at the Independence Day parade1841.
on The annexation, as has been convincingly argued by John Y
4 July 1788, in Philadelphia: "0 for a muse of fire! to mount the
Yong, was driven in large parts by the Company's desire to further
skies/And to a listening world proclaim/Behold! behold! an control
em- the production and transportation of opium from Bengal's
pire rise!"18 The ode was titled "Columbia's Triumph", using plantations
the to China. As Yong describes the global network of
now almost forgotten title for a us that extended its triumph opium,
be- the us military and mercantile interests were intimately
yond the seas. linked as procurers and transporters in the Indian Ocean.21
What is striking is that neither the regional histories nor the
'Tis done! 'tis done! my sons, she cries,
In war are valiant and in council wise. us' own imperial past are visible in present narratives, and neither
Wisdom and valour shall my rights defend, is brought to bear in the postcolonial scholarly engagement
And o'er my vast domain those rights extend. with Pax Americana. The overwhelmingly prevalent comparative
Science shall flourish, genius stretch her wing,
project to the us empire remains the British example in west
In native strains Columbian muses sing:
Wealth crown the arts, and Justice cleanse her scales, Asia and south Asia. The critiques levelled against us strategies
Commerce her pon'drous anchor weigh in Afghanistan or Pakistan are rarely themselves cognisant of
... Wide spread her sails. historical pasts of the region, and rarely entangle themselves in
And in far distant seas her flag display.19
locally produced narratives. The effort to generalise from parti-
This vision of a global imperial reach was clearly articulatedcularities gives us reams of scholarship on "tribes" or "Islamism",
early. The world beyond was always visible, always attainable which
- recycle, at best, British colonial strategies of control and
Jedidiah Morse's The American Universal Geography (1797) haddomination. Adam's mirror, as a metaphor, reflects one trope of
by its fifth edition a long chapter on "Sindetic Hindoostan", cover-an epistemological engagement with the frontier - that of direct,
ing the cities of "Lahore, Cashmere, Cabul, Ghisni, or Gasna,unfiltered reportage, the ultimate informant who holds no bias,
Candahar, Moultan, and Tatta". This awareness of a global geo-and where there is no need to sift the personality from the knowl-
graphy and the availability of global capital are most clearly visi-edge. In starker terms, the frontier remains a fixed, stagnant
ble in the 1856 Guano Islands Act. Goaded by that same spirit, thespace from the point of view of the empire - whether the
Umayyad Adam's mirror or the us drone's view-finder. Adam's
1821 treaty between the East India Company and the Talpurs of
Sindh expressely forbid "other Europeans and Americans the rightmirror shows its limitation not in itself - in the object - but in its
to settle in Sind".20 This 1821 treaty was subsumed by the 1830raison d'être - the gazer's intent.

NOTES 4 "Senate Confirmation Hearing for Secretary10of See S Maqbul Ahmad (1989), Arabic Classical Ac-
State Nominee Hillary Clinton", The American counts of India and China (Shimla: Indian Insti-
1 Ghâda al Hijjawï al-Qaddumï (1998): Book of Gifts
Presidency Project, accessed on 14 November 2010,tute of Advanced Study).
and Rarities (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php? 11 Walt Whitman (1997), Poetry and Prose, Justin
Press): 175.
pid= 85454. Kaplan (ed.) (London: Fitzroy Dearborn): 951.
2 Distance here, however, cannot be read literally.
5 Same as Note 4. 12 Same as Note 11.
Arab Sind was not at some great distance from
6 al-Balâdhurï (1988): Futuh al-Buldãn (Beirut: 13 N A Baloch (1983), Fathnamah-i Sind: Being the
the governors in Bahrain or Oman, or from Da-
Maktaba al-Hilãl): 416-17. Original Record of the Arab Conquest of Sind,
mascus or Baghdad, for that matter. However,
7 С Ε Bosworth (1973), "Ubaidullah b Abï Bakra and (Islamabad: Institute of Islamic History, Culture
Arab Sind remained at a great remove in the im-
the Army of Destruction' in Zabulistan", Der Islam, and Civilisation): 18.
perial imagination. The first noted expedition,
50: 268-83. 14 N A Baloch (1983): 39.
primarily for the sake of knowledge gathering
occurred as late as 800 CE, when the Barmakid 8 The retelling of this episode was oft-cited by 15 Niall Ferguson (2001), "Welcome the New Imperi-
minister Yahyã bin Khalid went on a scientific Orientalists who found echoes of it in the Anglo- alism: The US Must Make the Transition from
tour. That report remains the sole imperial docu- Afghan wars of the mid-to-late 19th century: "In Informal to Formal Empire", The Guardian, 31 Oc-
mentation of its dominion in the peninsula until the time of al-Muqtadãr (916), during the dig- tober, accessed on 26 November 2010.
ging for the foundation of a tower in Kandahar, a 16 Max Boot (2003), "American Imperialism? No
al-Beruni's in the nth century (by which time
subterranean cave was discovered, in which Need to Run Away from Label," USA Today,
military and political power had shifted from
were a thousand Arab heads, all attached to the 5 April, accessed on 26 November 2010.
Baghdad to Ghazna).
same chain, which had evidently remained in
3 A more explicit reworking of this anxiety local- 17 This is the first analytical point in Engseng Ho's
good preservation since the year 70/698, for a
ised in the mirror comes to us from the 12th cen- remarkable essay on the US empire. I owe much
paper with this date upon it was found attached
tury French Roman d'Enéas, which contains a here to Ho's critical thinking. See Engseng Ho
by a silken thread to the ears of the 29 most im-
description of the tomb of Camille, where a (2004), "Empire through Diasporic Eyes: A View
portant skulls, with their proper names. This
mirror is mounted to the ceiling "in which they from the Other Boat" in Comparative Studies in
would indicate that the Arabs at first met with no
could see very well when someone was coming Society and History, 46 (2): 210-46.
great success in their enterprise against this
to attack them, whether by sea or by land. They 18 The Gentleman's Magazine, and Historical Chronicle
town: nevertheless they became masters of it."
would never be conquered in war; whoever (1788): Vol 58 (London: John Nichols), 1018.
Of course, that note of eventual triumph at the
was seated at the foot of the tower could see
end seemed prophetic for their enterprise, and 19 Same as Note 18.
in the mirror their enemies coming towardthe anecdote functioned less as a historical echo 20 It is unclear whether this is in response to traders
them. Thus they could supply themselvesand more as a showcase for the frisson caused by and merchants in the region or missionary acti-
well and prepare themselves for defence; they the invocation of savagery at the frontier. See vities. Churches based in the US had heavily in-
would not be easy to surprise." See Vincent AH D Seymour and J Ρ Ferrier (1856), Caravan vested in sending missions to Punjab and Sindh
Lankewish (1998), "Assault from Behind: Sod-Journey and Wanderings in Persia, Afghanistan, during the period. See, for example, The First
omy, Foreign Invasion, and Masculine Identity Turkistan and Beloochistan, (London: John Mur- Annual Report of the Board of Foreign Missions of
in the Roman d'Enéas" in Sylvia Tomasch andray): 323. the Presbyterian Church, in the United States
Seally Giles (ed.), Text and Territoriality: Geo-
9 Khalid Yahya Blankinship (1994): The End of the (New York, 1838).
graphical Imagination in the European MiddleJihãd State: The Reign ofHishãm Ibn 'AbdAl-Malik 21 See J Y Wong (1998), Deadly Dreams: Opium, Im-
Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania and the Collapse of the Umayyads (Albany: State perialism and the 'Arrow' War (1856-60) in China,
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Economic & Political weekly EH3S3 march 26, 2011 vol xlvi no 13 65

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