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To cite this article: V. I. Gusev (1997) The cavalry of the Eastern Slavs
makes itself known, The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, 10:2, 75-84, DOI:
10.1080/13518049708430291
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HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES
V. I. GUSEV
In this article1 the author intends to discuss the cavalry of the Eastern Slavs,
who occupied the territory of present-day Ukraine and the European portion
of Russia, for the period from the tenth century until the end of the
fourteenth century. It was necessary to analyze a large number of Russian
chronicles, materials and memoirs of foreign researchers (mostly Greek, i.e.
Byzantine), and publications and general works by nineteenth and twentieth
century Russian/Soviet authors, so as to try, while not professing to make
all-encompassing conclusions, to give an objective picture of the formation
of the cavalry as a special combat arm among these people during the
indicated period.
First Reports
Since far back in their history the Eastern Slavs have been very familiar
with horses, which were used for various tasks in their economy. A cult
formed around the animal so that bowing in prayer to Svetovid, the god of
the sun and earth, the Slavs dedicated a white horse to him, believing that
the god would ride on it when he himself went into battle against their
enemies. With the help of a horse, a priest predicted the success or not of a
war.
Several stately and beautiful horses were kept in temples dedicated to
gods; according to the Slavs' understanding, these horses were fully worthy
of a god's saddle. These horses were either pure white or jet black. When a
Slav died, his relatives buried his favorite horse in his grave, along with his
weapons.
From early childhood a male Slav had to be able to ride a horse,
mounting him quickly to pursue an enemy and vanquish him with the help
of a lance or sword. Custom held that when a boy was four or five years old
he was put on a horse, and his hair was cut for the first time.2 Princess Olga
The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, Vol.10, No.2 (June 1997) pp.75-84
PUBLISHED BY FRANK CASS, LONDON
76 THE JOURNAL OF SLAVIC MILITARY STUDIES
(flourished 945-69) did just this when in 946 she took her son, Sviatoslav,
with her on a military campaign. At the age of four, Sviatoslav had already
participated on horseback in a battle against his beloved mother's unruly
subjects.3
The first reports concerning the use of horses among the troops of the
Kiev princes date from the beginning of the tenth century. It is known for
certain that Oleg used them in his campaign against Tsar'grad ('he came on
horses and on ships') in 907, in the attack against Tabaristan in 912-913,
and during Igor's invasion of Byzantium in 941 ('he moved against the
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It was only in the battle following the siege that a Russian cavalry
detachment, hastily formed by Sviatoslav, fought. This was a surprise to the
Greeks, because, as Lev Diiakon testifies, 'they [the Slavs] appeared for the
first time on horseback, having fought before on foot and having never used
horses in battle'.6 It turned out that these new horsemen were not even able to
climb into their saddles, controlled their horses with the help of bridles, and
used long lances; they were easily thrown to the ground. It was not by chance
that they fled after the first powerful enemy onslaught, after which they
succeeded in concealing themselves behind the dependable fortress walls.
Thus, the first Eastern Slav experience in the use of horsemen in combat
operations can be considered a completely negative one. Indeed, it was not
a cavalry which fought the Greeks in the Bulgarian campaign, rather an
infantry mounted on horses fighting bravely. Swift marches on horseback
by Sviatoslav's army and the use of this factor in other battles on this
occasion could not substitute for careful prior training of horsemen,
constant practice riding with long lances and swords, or the acquisition of
the ability to fight professionally on horseback.
In addition, at Dorostolon, having put forth only a small cavalry
detachment against the Greeks, Sviatoslav was unable to consolidate and
exploit his few successful steps or coordinate them with his infantry. The
Hungarians and Pechenegs, who were to comprise a large portion of his
cavalry, let him down. Having been caught unawares by the Greeks'
unexpected move across the Balkans, Sviatoslav could not concentrate his
army or join his mercenaries to it. After this he had to conclude a peace
agreement with Byzantium and relinquish Bulgaria, for which he received a
promise of freedom of movement to return home from the Greeks. He never
reached home, losing his life in 972 in a final battle with the perfidious
Pechenegs.
advanced against Bulgaria with his army in boats and on horseback, and
with the cavalry's help conquered the enemy.7 His sons were also concerned
with increasing the size of the cavalry in the princes' armed force
[druzhina], this at the expense of the Pecheneg mercenaries. Iaroslav the
Wise's successors turned out to be more visionary; in 1042, one of them
brought a cavalry consisting basically of his own soldiers to the campaign
against lam. Although they had to fight on foot, since many horses died of
an unknown disease, the Russian princes realized that they could not
manage in battle without horsemen.
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But it was rare for someone to manage to tame a tarpan, much less
saddle and use one. Thus, the Eastern Slavs basically bought horses from
nomadic tribes, Pechenegs, Polovetsians, and afterwards from the Mongols,
who were renowned for their cattle breeding in general, and particularly for
the speed and endurance of their Asiatic horses. In addition to this source,
many horses - sometimes entire herds - were taken from the enemy during
a war. Sviatopolk and Vladimir did so from the Polovetsians in 1095, as
well as in the subsequent campaigns of 1103, 1135, and 1185.10
The forces of the Kievan princes replenished their cavalry with horses
from peasant farmers. Thus, in 1103, while preparing for the campaign
against the Polovetsians, the Russian princes decided to take from the
peasants the quantity of horses that they still needed. In answer to some
boyar protests that this action would make it impossible to do their field
work on time, Vladimir Monomakh answered:
This is strange for me to hear, my army, that you are begrudged horses
which the peasants are using for plowing, and that for some reason
you are not thinking about him. The peasant will begin to plow, the
Polovetsians will come, attack him with arrows, and take away his
horse, go to the village, and seize his wife, children, and all his
property. He begrudges you his horse, but does not begrudge himself
to you."
In 1147, Iziaslav Mstislavovich, who had gathered the Kievans, from the
small to the tall, near the Cathedral of Sofia, and announced the next
nomadic invasion, called on all of them - 'those who have a horse, and
those who do not have a horse, to use a boat' - not to delay a single minute,
but to hasten to form the ranks of a militia to repel the enemy.12
There are individual recollections that horse breeding was an activity in
Kievan Rus'. During the struggle between Iziaslav Mstislavovich and Igor'
Ol'govich, a Russian chronicle reports that 'Igor and Sviatoslav won 3,000
mares and 1,000 horses in a battle in the forest near Rakhny.'" It is clear that
the princes had taken up horse breeding; otherwise there would have been
no reason for them to have such a quantity of horses.
80 THE JOURNAL OF SLAVIC MILITARY STUDIES
The laws of Iaroslav the Wise (reigned 1036-54) strictly forbade the
selling of sick or deformed horses. Whether it was a prince, a boyar, a
merchant, or an orphan, he was equally enjoined from duping the people; if
this happened, then the money had to be returned to the buyer. Whoever
killed a horse had to pay a large fine - 60 griven' - according to one of the
articles of Pravda Russkaia.H This code of laws also stated that 'a horse
thief betrayed the prince and was deprived of all civil rights: liberty and
property'." In this way, the legislation not only safeguarded property, but
also protected horse breeding, since the size of the cavalry depended on the
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latter.
Care of horses was the principal occupation for certain groups of people
in Rus'. This was so in Galicia, where the inhabitants of many villages had
been looking after the princes' herds for many years. In general, the post of
stableman was honored, especially that of head stableman. This had already
occurred during the time of Oleg, and in the twelfth century, Vladimir
Monomakh in his Sermon to His Children stressed that he himself was
concerned about them and attached great importance to their work.
Sometimes these specialists were allowed certain liberties. The above-
mentioned Galician horse breeders counterfeited an official document from
the prince which freed them from other household responsibilities.
On the whole, it was not necessary to convince anyone that there were
great prospects for the Eastern Slav cavalry as a special combat arm. The
cavalry itself was able to demonstrate this by successfully coping with its
assigned duties in numerous engagements. In 1103 it defeated the forward
Polovetsian patrols; in 1146 it reconnoitered the situation in the vicinity of
Novgorod during the campaign of Vladimir, Iziaslav Davidovich, and
Mstislav Iziaslavovich against this city; in 1149, during the Battle of
Pereiaslav, it attacked the Polovetsians for two days; and in 1224, Danilo
Galitskii, with a small cavalry detachment, surveyed the Tartar horde before
the battle on the Kalka River.
dropping over the face, neck, and shoulders, and a coat of mail (with
sleeves) that went to the knees. Cavalry weapons were varied: lances, bows,
arrows, crossbows, swords, sabers, axes, javelins, halibards, bludgeons, and
daggers.
Despite the fact that representatives of the nobility comprised the
cavalry, its relationship to the infantry was completely different than that in
the West. Whereas in the West warfare on foot was held in contempt and
played a rather meager role in battle, the cavalry and infantry of the Eastern
Slavs went hand in hand. In 1185, during Igor's campaign against the
Polovetsians, when it was necessary to withdraw it was decided that the
cavalry would dismount to defend the 'black men' - the infantry. The
chronicler notes that 'Igor and his mounted forces assumed that if they
remained on horseback they might be tempted to flee, and, saving
themselves, would thus leave the infantry to the mercy of fate, which would
be a sin in God's eyes.'
The Russian cavalry learned from its own experience gradually, and its
princely leaders did not scorn to copy from the nomads, including the
Mongol Tartars who had come to Rus'.
Forces were already fighting almost exclusively on horseback, firing
from bows, in open or dispersed formation, now attacking, now
withdrawing, or using close-combat weapons in a deep closed
formation, attempting to win by numerical superiority, stratagem,
covertness of actions, and reciprocity of attack, more than by skill,
keeping themselves in the vicinity of towns rather than in the open
field, and most often resorting to reinforcing its disposition and
actions by terrain and artificial obstacles.17
The cavalry executed precisely assigned missions. It was to conduct
reconnaissance on the way to, and at the locations of, engagements, protect
the army while it was on the move, and establish an advance guard to
protect the druzhina from an unexpected enemy attack. The cavalry was to
acquire information about the enemy and deliver prisoners or informants to
its command. Its duties included securing night halts and rest periods for the
82 THE JOURNAL OF SLAVIC MILITARY STUDIES
Kulikovo Field: The Birth of the Russian Cavalry and Its Defeat of
the Tartars
As the Tartar yoke weakened, the Russian cavalry came into being. Once
again the princes set up stables, acquired horses by various means, re-
established horse breeding, and formed combat militias consisting basically
of their subjects. Events in Autumn 1380 - the historic Battle of Kulikovo
- convincingly attest that this was appropriate for the conditions of the time.
Much is written about what preceded, about the preparation, and about the
battle on 8 September. We are interested in the cavalry's participation.
On this September day, Prince Dmitrii Ivanovich (subsequently
nicknamed 'Donskoi') placed 150,000 horsemen, whose horses were
'strong and fast', on Kulikovo Field. The horses consisted of 70,000 of his
own and 80,000 brought by his allies - the Novgorodians and sons of
Lithuanian Prince Ol'gerd. Taking into account the fact that the Tartars
resolved never to go into battle without a considerable numerical superiority
in forces, then it can be assumed that Khan Mamai had at least as many
cavalrymen. Thus, as many as 300,000 men on both sides took part in the
battle." This was, in terms of number of cavalry, one of the largest
encounters of the medieval epoch.
Dmitrii Donskoi succeeded in using his cavalry against Mamai's hordes
THE CAVALRY OF THE EASTERN SLAVS 83
by using it to its fullest capability. The forward detachments sent to the
steppe for reconnaissance informed him that the Tartar khan, with an
enormous force, was three days' march from the Don. The horsemen
reported that the Khan expected the army of Prince Jagailo of the Great
Lithuanian Principality to join up with him. They managed to capture a
prisoner, who reported that Oleg of Riazan had taken the enemy's side. New
reconnaissance made it known that Mamai was already nearby. And Tartar
patrols which had appeared were pursuing the scouts from the Russians'
outpost regiment.
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Some Conclusions
Thus, the facts cited in this article confirm that for an almost five-century
period (tenth to fourteenth centuries) the Eastern Slav cavalry had a glorious
history, beginning with its service to the dismounted druzhina. Then it acted
as a principal combat arm in the campaigns of the Kievan princes against
Byzantium, its first unsuccessful participation as a combat unit in the Battle
of Dorostolon, and its use of Varangian and other mercenaries to replenish
its ranks, to the creation of cavalry subunits consisting of Slav soldiers.
Gradually the Russian cavalry accumulated experience, both in
intestinal strife among the princes and in battles against foreign enemies.
This experience ranged from the acquisition of men, equipment, and food to
clearly defined missions to develop the horseman's expertise in controlling
84 THE JOURNAL OF SLAVIC MILITARY STUDIES
his horse, mastering weapons and developing skills to use them in combat
operations, conducting reconnaissance, supplying necessary information
about the enemy, attacking his positions suddenly, and pursuing him. All
this was demonstrated brilliantly in the Battle of Kulikovo.
NOTES
2. Translator's note: the custom was called the 'postrig', which is the same term used to refer
to a monk or nun taking religious vows (which entailed cutting the hair as well).
3. V. Borisov, Drevne russkie voennye povestiia [Ancient Russian military tales] (St Petersburg
1908) pp.8-9.
4. Istoriia ukrainskogo voiska (ot kniazheskikh vremen do 20-kh godov XX st.) [History of the
Ukrainian Army from the time of the princes to the 1920s] (Lvov 1992) p.6.
5. S.A. Grinev, Byla li konnitsa u drevnikh russov? [Did ancient Rus have a cavalry?] (Kiev
1895) p.20.
6. Ibid. p.7.
7. Letopis' Nesterova po drevneishemu spisku monakhu Lavrentiia [Nestor's chronicle
according to the most ancient manuscript by the monk Lavrentii] (Moscow 1824) p.52.
8. Grinev (note 5) p.23.
9. Letopis' russkii [Russian chronicle] (Kiev 1990) p.461.
10. Istoriia ukrainskogo voiska p.32.
11. Ibid. p.36.
12. Ibid. p.43.
13. Grinev (note 5) p.29.
14. Pravda Russkaia (Leningrad 1947) p.185. (Translator's note: Pravda Russkaia was the
Russian code of laws at this time).
15. Markov, Istoriia konnitsy [History of the cavalry]. Part 2 (Tver' 1886) p.162.
16. Istoriia ukrainskogo voiska, p. 44.
17. Prince Golitsin, Russkaia voennaia istoriia [Russian military History] (St Petersburg 1880)
p.36.
18. Istoriia ukrainskogo voiska, p.61.
19. Translator's note: The original text reads '30,000 men', but this is obviously a typographical
error.