be

transformed into a corporatist state, in which the parliament deputies would be selected
from professional, social, and cultural associations rather than from political parties. After the
king rejected the proposal, Ljotić resigned—an indication that he found the royal dictatorship
too liberal.23
Probably from that point on, Ljotić became determined that Yugoslavia's “degeneration”
could be arrested only by the establishment of a regime similar to those in Germany and Italy
(and, naturally, headed by the Zbor). Although Ljotić referred to the Zbor as a Yugoslav rather
than as a Serbian movement, his Yugoslavism had a definite Great Serbian connotation, and he
envisioned Serbia as the political core of the future corporate state. Critical of the government,
Ljotić remained a dedicated monarchist, advocating absolute loyalty to the king, whom he
considered the only force capable of holding Yugoslavia together.24
Zbor's religiosity displayed closer affinity to the Slovak Hlinka Party and the Romanian Iron
Guard than to the German National Socialist Party. With the latter Ljotić shared virulent anti-
Semitism, which combined religious and racial components.25 Since religion and national
identity in Serbia were deeply intertwined, Ljotić defined the nation as steeped in the
“Christian spirit” and national traditions. Forces representing democracy, multiculturalism, and
secularism—such as Jews, the Masons, communists, and liberals—were to be removed from
the new national community. Between 1935 and 1938 the Zbor organized a touring exhibition
that disseminated anticommunist and anti-Semitic messages around the country. Zbor's
extremist ideology garnered little popular support but found receptive ears among
nationalistically inclined university and school students, who were organized into the youth
organization Young Eagles modeled on the Hitlerjugend (Hitler Youth). Importantly, some
members of the Orthodox clergy, including one of its dominant personalities Bishop Nikolaj
Velimirović, shared Ljotic's anticommunism and anti-Semitism; a number of officers and civil
servants also tacitly backed the movement.26
Because of its narrow popular base—at its peak the Zbor had six thousand members—it
remained on the margins of Yugoslavia's political life. In the national elections in 1935 and
1938 it received less than 1 percent of votes, which effectively ended its bid for power in the
Skupština. Having decided that “going to the masses” was no longer expedient, Ljotić focused
on turning the Zbor into a crack force in the fight against communism. In 1936–38 the Zbor
activists trained in military tactics, organized rallies, and clashed with the communist
demonstrations. Appalled at the Sporazum (see the next section on this 1939 agreement), Ljotić
sent a memorandum to Regent Paul, advocating the abolition of Croatian autonomy and
reorganizing the army along national lines, whereby the Croats and Slovenes would serve
predominantly in labor units. In the atmosphere of heated international tensions, Zbor
increasingly appeared as a pro-German “fifth column,” and in October 1940 the government
officially disbanded the organization. Ljotić was temporarily placed under house arrest.27
In accordance with the Minority Treaty, which the SCS government signed in 1919, all
ethnic minorities of the new state were guaranteed civil and political rights. Ethnic Germans in
Serbia and Banat had their own schools, publishing facilities, and numerous professional,
cultural, and athletic associations. They also had their own political party—the Party of the
Germans—which participated in national elections. While many Germans remained aloof to
Nazi ideology, the party found a number of adherents among German youths. The Nazi office of