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from another point of view, the Germanic soul had a nostalgia for a
perspective that integrates the natural into the supernatural, that is,
a perspective tending toward God without being against nature, a
piety that is not monastic but accessible to every man of good will in
the midst of earthly preoccupations, a way founded upon Grace and
trust, not upon Justice and works; and this way incontestably has its
premises in the Gospel itself.
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1
Such as Mormonism, Bahaism, the Ahmadism of Kadyan, and all the “new religions”
and other pseudo-spiritualities that proliferate in the world today.
2
Arius of Alexandria was not a German, but his doctrine fulfilled a certain desire of
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the German mentality, whence its success with Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Vandals, Bur-
gundians, and Langobards.
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the time of Luther and well before prove at the very least that the
papacy contains certain excesses, which the Byzantine Church is the
first to note and stigmatize, if not that the papacy in itself is illegiti-
mate. What we mean is that the Pope, instead of being primus inter
pares as Saint Peter had been, has the exorbitant privilege of being at
once prophet and emperor: as prophet he places himself above the
Councils, and as emperor he possesses a temporal power surpassing
that of all the princes, including the emperor himself; and it is pre-
cisely these unheard-of prerogatives that permitted the entry of mod-
ernism into the Church in our time, in the fashion of a Trojan horse
and despite the warnings of preceding Popes; that Popes may person-
ally have been saints does not at all weaken the valid arguments of the
Eastern Church. In a word, if the Western Church had been such as
to avoid casting the Eastern Church into the “outer darkness”—and
with what a manifestation of barbarism!—it would not have had to
undergo the counterblow of the Reformation.
Be that as it may, to say that the Roman Church is intrinsically
orthodox and integrally traditional does not mean that it conveys all
the aspects of the world of the Gospel in a direct, compelling, and
exhaustive manner, even though it necessarily contains them and
manifests them occasionally or sporadically; for the world of the
Gospel was Oriental and Semitic and immersed in a climate of holy
poverty, whereas the world of Catholicism is European, Roman, and
imperial, which means that the religion was Romanized inasmuch as
the characteristic traits of the Roman mentality determined its formal
elaboration. Suffice it to mention in this regard its legalism and its
administrative and even military spirit; these traits can be seen, among
other places, in the disproportionate complication of rubrics, the
prolixity of the missal, the dispersing complexity of the sacramental
economy, and the pedantic manipulation of indulgences, as well as
in a certain administrative centralization, indeed militarization, of
monastic spirituality; nor is this to forget, on the level of forms—
which is far from negligible—the Titanic paganism of the Renaissance
and the nightmare of Baroque art. The following remark could also
be made, again from the point of view of formal outwardness: in the
Catholic world the difference between religious and secular dress is
often abrupt to the point of incompatibility, and this was already the
case even by the end of the Middle Ages; when the essentially worldly
and vain, even erotic, trappings of the princes are compared to the
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3
For someone like Joseph de Maistre, whose intelligence otherwise had great merits,
the Reformers could not be other than “nobodies”, who dared to set their personal
opinions against the traditional and unanimous certitudes of the Catholic Church; he
was far from suspecting that these “nobodies” spoke under the pressure of an arche-
typal perspective, which as such could not help but reveal itself in appropriate cir-
cumstances. The same author accused Protestantism of having done an immense evil
in breaking up Christianity, but he readily loses sight of the fact that Catholicism did
as much in rashly excommunicating all the Patriarchs of the East; and this is without
forgetting the Renaissance, whose evil was—to say the least—just as “immense” as
that of the political and other effects of the Reformation.
4
He separated from the Roman Church only after his condemnation, by burning the
bull of excommunication; one should not lose sight of the fact that at the time of the
Reformation there was no unanimity on the question of the Pope and the Councils,
and even the question of the divine origin of papal authority was not free from all
controversy.
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5
Hinduism—without mentioning the Mediterranean paganisms—furnishes another
example of this kind, with the heavy and endless pedantry of the Brahmans, which it
was not too difficult to escape, however, given the plasticity of the Hindu spirit and
the suppleness of its corresponding institutions.
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6
This is something Cardinal Newman and others have acknowledged from within the
Catholic camp.
7
In saying this we do not lose sight of the fact that the Germans of the South—the
Allamanis (the Germans of Baden, the Alsatians, the German Swiss, the Swabians) and
the Bavarians (including the Austrians)—have a rather different temperament from
that of the Germans of the North and that everywhere there are mixtures; racial and
ethnic frontiers in Europe are in any case somewhat fluctuating. We do not say every
German is made for Lutheran Protestantism, for Germanic tendencies can obviously
appear within Catholicism, just as conversely Protestant Calvinism expresses above all
a Latin possibility.
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been better to have good married priests than bad celibate priests; the
only alternative is to reduce the number of priests, which is impos-
sible since society is large and needs them. Finally, the celibacy of the
clergy is an obstacle to the procreation of men of religious vocation
and thus impoverishes society; if only men without a religious voca-
tion have children, society will become more and more worldly and
“horizontal” and less and less spiritual and “vertical”.
Be that as it may, Luther in turn lacked realism: he was aston-
ished that during his absence from Wittenberg—this was the year of
Wartburg—the promoters of the Reformation gave themselves up to
all kinds of excesses; at the end of his life he even went so far as to
regret that the mediocre masses had not remained under the rod of the
Pope. Not much concerned with collective psychology, he believed
the simple principle of piety could replace the material supports that
contribute so powerfully to regulate the behavior of the crowds; it
not only keeps this behavior in equilibrium in space but stabilizes it
in time. In his mystical subjectivism he did not realize that a religion
needs symbolism in order to survive, that the inward cannot live
within a collective consciousness without outward signs;8 but as a
prophet of inwardness he scarcely had a choice.
The Latin West has too often lacked realism and moderation,
whereas the Greek Church, like the East in general, has better under-
stood how to reconcile the demands of spiritual idealism with those
of the everyday human world. Adopting a particular point of view,
we would like to make the following remark: it is very unlikely that
Christ, who washed the feet of his disciples and taught them that the
“first shall be last”, would have appreciated the imperial pomp of the
Vatican court: the kissing of the foot, the triple crown, the flabella,
the sedia gestatoria; on the other hand there is no reason to think he
would have disapproved of the ceremonies surrounding an Orthodox
Patriarch, these being of a priestly and not imperial style; he would
no doubt have disapproved of the cardinalate, which further raises
the princely throne of the Pope and constitutes a dignity that is not
sacerdotal and is more worldly than religious.9
8
This, let it be said in passing, is what is forgotten even by most of the impeccable
gurus of contemporary India, beginning with Ramakrishna.
9
“But be not ye called Rabbi: for one is your Master, even Christ; and all ye are breth-
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ren.” “Neither be ye called masters: for one is your Master, even Christ” (Matthew
23:8, 10).
10
He says so in a marginal note of his translation: “Whosoever believes must suffer
persecution and risk all” (alles dran setzen). And he repeats it in his hymn Ein feste Burg
ist unser Gott: “Even if they [the persecutors] take body, goods, honor, child, and wife,
let them go (lass fahren dahin); they shall receive no benefit; the Kingdom [of God]
shall be ours” (das Reich muss uns doch bleiben).
11
As for Protestant liberalism, Luther eventually foresaw its abuses, and he would in
any case be horrified to see this liberalism as it appears in our time—he who could
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33
there was something robust and powerful (gewaltig) in his nature, with
a complement of poetry and gentleness (Innigkeit); on the other hand
he was a voluntarist and an individualist, who expected nothing from
either intellectuality or metaphysics. No doubt his impetuous genius
was capable of being crude—to say the least—but he lacked neither
patience nor generosity; he could be vehement but no more so than a
Saint Jerome or other saints who reviled their adversaries, “devoured”
as they were by “zeal for the house of the Lord”; and no one can deny
that they found precedents for this in both Testaments.16
The message of Luther is expressed essentially in two legacies,
which attest to the personality of the author and to which it is impos-
sible to deny grandeur and efficaciousness: the German Bible and
the hymns. His translation of the Scriptures, while conditioned in
certain places by his doctrinal perspective, is a jewel of both language
and piety; as for the hymns—most of which are not from his hand,
although he composed their models and thus gave the impulse to all
this flowering—they became a fundamental element of worship, and
they were a powerful factor in the expansion of Protestantism.17 The
Catholic Church itself could not resist this magic; it ended by adopting
several Lutheran hymns that had become so popular they seemed as
essential as the air one breathes. In summary, the whole personality
of Luther is in his translation of the Psalms and in his famous hymn,
“A Mighty Fortress Is Our God” (Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott), which
became the “war song” (Trutzlied) of Protestantism and whose quali-
ties of power and grandeur cannot be denied. But more gently, this
personality is also seen in his commentary on the Magnificat, which
attests to an inner devotion to the Holy Virgin, whom Luther never
rejected; having read this commentary without knowing its author,
Pope Leo X remarked, “Blessed be the hands that wrote this!” Clearly
16
When the Reformer calls the “papist mass” an “abomination”, we are made to
think of the bonze Nichiren, who claimed that it sufficed to invoke Amida only once
to fall into Hell, not to mention the Buddha, who rejected the Veda, the castes, and
the gods.
17
Among composers of hymns, there were notably the pastor Johann Valentin An-
drea, author of the “Chemical Wedding of Christian Rosenkreutz”, and later Paul
Gerhardt, Tersteegen, and Novalis, whose hymns are among the jewels of German
poetry; and let us add that the religious music of Bach testifies to the same spirit of
powerful piety.
34
the German Reformer was not able to maintain public devotion to the
Virgin, but this was because of the general reaction against the disper-
sion of religious sentiment, hence in favor of worship concentrated on
Christ alone, which had to become absolute and therefore exclusive,
as is the worship of Allah for Muslims. And in any case Scripture treats
the Virgin with a somewhat surprising parsimony—a fact that played
a certain role here—though there are also the crucial, and doctrinally
inexhaustible, declarations that Mary is “full of grace” and that “all
generations shall call me blessed”.18
The German Reformer was a mystic in the sense that his way was
purely experimental and not conceptual; the pertinent demonstrations
of a Staupitz were of no help to him. To discover the efficacy of Mercy
he needed first the “event of the tower”: having meditated in vain on
the “Justice” of God, he had the grace of understanding in a flash that
this Justice is merciful and that it liberates us in and by faith.
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The great themes of Luther are Scripture, Christ, the Inward, Faith;
the first two elements belong to the divine side and the second two
to the human side. By emphasizing Scripture—at the expense of
Tradition—Protestantism is close to Islam, where the Koran is every-
thing; by emphasizing Christ—at the expense of the Pope, hierarchy,
clergy—Protestantism recalls devotional Buddhism, which places
everything in the hands of Amitabha; the liturgical and ritual expres-
sion of this Christic primacy is Communion, which is as real and as
important for Luther as it is for Catholics. The Lutheran tendency
toward the “inward”, the “heart” if one will, is incontestably founded
on the perspective of Christ, as is the emphasis on faith, which more-
over evokes—we repeat—Amidist mysticism as well as Muslim piety.
We would not dream of making these seemingly needless comparisons
if they did not serve to illustrate the principle of the archetypes we
mentioned above, which is of crucial importance.
18
As Dante said: “Lady, thou art so great and possesseth such power that whosoever
desireth grace and has not recourse to thee, it is as if his desire wished to fly without
wings” (Paradiso, 33:13-15).
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19
Whose thesis has been retained by liberal Protestantism; Calvin attempted to restore
more or less the position of Luther. The idea of a commemorative rite pure and simple
is intrinsically heretical, since “to do in memory of” is meaningless from the standpoint
of sacramental efficacy.
20
For one must not “cast pearls before swine” nor “give what is holy unto the dogs”.
For the Orthodox the Mass is the center and has priests at its disposal, whereas it could
be said that for Catholics it is in practice the priest who is the center and who has
Masses at his disposal.
21
With perhaps certain reservations that are difficult to specify, the same could be said
for Calvinist and Anglican Communions, but not for those of the Zwinglians or liberal
Protestants, nor again—and at first sight this will seem quite paradoxical—for the
“conciliar” or “post-conciliar” masses, which are not covered by a valid archetype and
which, with their ambiguous intentions, are merely the result of human arbitrariness.
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for the average man, and to impose them on him is to expose him to
sacrilege. From another point of view, if the Mass were always equal
to the historic Sacrifice of Christ, it would become a sacrilege because
of its profanation by the more or less trivial manner of its usage: hur-
ried low Masses, Masses attributed to this or that, including the most
contingent and profane occasions. No doubt the Mass coincides poten-
tially with the event of Golgotha, and this potentiality or virtuality can
always give rise to an effective coincidence;22 but if the Mass itself had
the character of its bloody prototype, at each Mass the earth would
tremble and be covered by darkness.
One of the most absurd arguments with which Zwingli, Karl-
stadt, Oekolampad, and others opposed both the Catholic Church
and Luther was the following: if the bread is really the body of Christ,
do we not eat human flesh when communing?23 To this there are
four responses. First, Christ said what he said, and one must take it
or leave it; there is nothing to change in it, unless one wishes to leave
the Christian religion. Second, Christ in fact offers neither flesh nor
blood, but bread and wine, so why the complaint? Third, the crucial
point is the question of knowing what is signified by this body that
one must eat and by this blood that one must drink; now this meaning
or content is the remission of sins, Redemption, the restitution of
man’s glorious nature, innocence at once primordial and celestial; man
eats and drinks what he must become because this is what he is in
his immortal essence; and to eat is to become united. Fourth, the fact
that bread is not flesh and that wine is not blood can be seen without
difficulty; why then ask in what manner bread is the body and wine
is the blood? This does not concern us and has no interest for us; it
is God’s concern. What alone is important for us is the transforming
and deifying power of the sacrament—its capacity to grant us salvific
impeccability, that of Christ.24
22
And this is independent of the intrinsic efficacy of the sacrament, though this ef-
ficacy is realized only in proportion to the holiness, hence receptivity, of the com-
municant.
23
This argument is supposed to allow us to conclude that the bread “signifies”—hence
“is not”— the body of Christ; the weakness of the argument is at the level of its inten-
tion.
24
In the mysteries of Eleusis, too, bread and wine were used “eucharistically” and
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but faith; but he could not deny that a faith united with Grace to the
point of being “one spirit with God” is a manner of knowing God
through God or that it is the divine Knowledge in us; for all certainty
is knowledge, and there is no faith without certainty. To deny this
would be to deny the Holy Spirit and along with it our deiformity.
“Blessed are they that have not seen, and yet have believed”: this
is the very definition of faith; faith is the key—or the anticipation—of
knowledge; it is a kind of “sympathetic magic” with regard to tran-
scendent realities. But faith may also be viewed in another manner:
when the starting point is metaphysical certainty or intellection—and
this is a “naturally supernatural” mystery—faith is the life of knowl-
edge in the sense that it causes knowledge to penetrate into all our
being; for it is necessary to “love God with all our strength”, hence
with all we are.
A very important aspect of the question of faith that we have
alluded to already is the relationship between faith and works: for
Luther works contribute nothing to salvation; to believe they do
would be to doubt the Redemption—to imagine that our actions,
intrinsically sinful, could take the place of the saving work of Christ
or could add anything whatsoever to it. It is therefore faith alone that
saves, and this is acceptable if we specify—and Melanchthon did not
fail to do so—that works prolong faith and are an integral part of it,
proportionate to its sincerity; in short they prove faith. Without works
faith would not quite be faith, and without faith works would be
eschatologically inoperative.
If Luther, who despite his occasional violence was a virtuous man,
underestimated the role of works, this could also have been because
he included works in virtue and virtue in faith; virtue is in fact situ-
ated between these two poles, for it is a dimension of sincere faith and
at the same time is expressed by works; but virtue is independent of
works, and needless to say it is better to be virtuous without works
than to accomplish works without virtue. Moreover, it is fitting to
distinguish between works that are obligatory and those that are
optional, and it follows that the man of little virtue ought to insist
all the more upon meritorious actions in order to compensate for his
moral indigence and remedy this indigence gradually.
For Luther faith ennobles even insignificant actions, except for
sins of course; faith for him is a kind of sanctity, and indeed it is the
only sanctity possible. But what his mystical subjectivity seemed
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saved; and finally the “hylics”, who cannot but be damned. Now for
all practical purposes Luther conceived only of this third category,
though theoretically—with reservations and conditions—he also con-
ceived of the “psychics”; but in no way did he consider “pneumatics”,
hence all the tormentedness of his doctrine. In reality all three seeds are
found in every man, the “pneumatic”, the “psychic”, and the “hylic”;
it remains to be seen which predominates. In practice it is enough to
know that saying “yes” to God while abstaining from what takes one
away from Him and accomplishing what brings one closer to Him per-
tains to the “pneumatic” nature and assures salvation, every question
of “original sin” and “predestination” aside; thus in practice there is no
problem, except what we imagine and impose on ourselves.
The “pneumatic” is the man who incarnates as it were the “faith
that saves” and thus also its content, the “grace of Christ”; strictly
speaking, he cannot sin—except perhaps at the level of form—because
all he touches turns to gold, his substance being “faith” and therefore
“justification by faith”. Being “avataric” above all, this possibility is
extremely rare, and yet it exists, and cannot but exist.
Be that as it may, Luther does not seem to know what to do with
a good conscience, the one Catholics obtain through confession and
works; he confuses it with self-satisfaction and laziness, whereas it is
the normal and healthy basis for the requirements of loving God and
neighbor. But the essential here is not the fact of this confusion, but
the consequence Luther draws from it and the stimulation he obtains
from it.
The question of knowing whether we are good or bad may be
asked approximately, for we possess intelligence, but it cannot be
asked in all strictness, for God’s measures are not at our disposal; now
to say we cannot answer a question means we do not need to ask it.
_6_
On the subject of faith and works, let us insert the following paren-
thetical remarks. Just as Luther puts faith in place of moral works, so
Shinran—well before him and on the other side of the globe—puts
faith in place of spiritual means: it is not necessary to invoke Amida
in order to obtain birth in the “Pure Land”—for this would be to rely
on “self-power” to the detriment of “other-power”—but it is neces-
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ceives a hierarchy that places those who truly live by faith above those
who have not yet reached this point or are simply incapable of it. He
intended to appeal to those who “willingly do what they know and
are capable of acting with firm faith in the beneficence and favor of
God” and “whom others ought to emulate”; but not to those who
“make ill use of this freedom and rashly trust in it, so that they must
be driven with laws, teachings, and warnings”, and other formulations
of this kind. What this means is that there was a kind of esoterism in
his intention at least in practice: “Faith does not suffice,” he declares,
“except the faith that takes shelter under the wings of Christ”; now
Christ is love.
“Though I speak with the tongues of men and of angels . . . though
I have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and have not love
(caritas, agapē), I am nothing. . . . And now abideth faith, hope, love,
these three; but the greatest of these is love.” This crucial passage of
the First Epistle to the Corinthians seems to contradict all the Apostle
taught concerning justification by faith in his Epistle to the Romans;
how to explain this paradox? The answer on the one hand is that love
is the greatest thing since “God is Love” and the noblest of the Com-
mandments is the love of God and neighbor; but on the other hand
faith has primacy since it is the key to everything and it is faith that
saves. The mystic of Wittenberg would even say that in practice—not
in principle—faith is greater because love, being too great, is impracti-
cable and cannot be attained except by and in Christ and through faith;
that love is too great follows precisely from the passage in the Epistle
to the Corinthians, in which the Apostle believes he must call upon
the intercession of the “tongues of angels”, the “gift of prophecy”, the
understanding of “all mysteries, and all knowledge”, and the faith that
“removes mountains”. Basing himself on the doctrine of the Epistle to
the Romans, Luther not unreasonably deduces that love is realizable
only indirectly or virtually by and in faith, except for the level that is
accessible to us naturally, namely, charity toward our neighbor. In a
word, to affirm that love is the greatest thing is not the same as saying
it is the most immediately essential; it is often necessary to interpret a
particular passage of Scripture in light of another given passage, which,
though seeming to contradict it, in reality defines it and renders it
concrete.
Furthermore, there is an element of Semitic stylization in this
famous verse to the Corinthians in the sense that exaggeration, taken
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26
Nonetheless, not all his arguments are conclusive. Let us note at this point that in
all interdenominational controversies one meets with purely “functional” arguments,
which are inadequate in themselves; for example, the Epistle to the Romans attributes
all vices to the pagans, whereas they cannot be attributed to the best of the Stoics or
Neoplatonists. Some arguments are meant to clear the ground and not to serve the
truth as such; these are necessarily two-edged.
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27
If this perspective, which could not but appear at a given moment of the Chris-
tian cycle, were intrinsically false and ineffectual, one could not explain how an es-
oterist such as Jakob Boehme could flower in such a climate, not to mention other
Rosicrucian and Hermetic Lutheran theosophists. Moreover, it is known that Luther’s
coat-of-arms features a rose with a heart and cross in the center, which perhaps is more
than chance. Let us also mention in this context such Anglican esoterists as John Smith
the Platonist and William Law, the mystical theologian, without forgetting the isolated
mystic of the first half of the twentieth century who was the anonymous author (Lilian
Staveley) of The Golden Fountain, The Prodigal Returns, and The Romance of the Soul.
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The idea that no work can be “justice” before God because all human
work is tainted with sin—first with concupiscence and then with
pride as a result of the sin of Adam and Eve—has its logical basis in the
limitation of the human “I” in the face of the divine “Self” and in the
impossibility for the “I” to liberate itself without the decisive concur-
rence of the “Self”. Analogy is certainly not identity, and theology is
not metaphysics in spite of points where they meet; but where there
is analogy there can always be identity by way of exception and to
some degree, as the spark can always flash forth from the flint. The
Christian denominations as such can never be of the same order as
gnosis, any more than can any other exoterism; and yet a Meister Eck-
hart and a Jacob Boehme manifest this perspective in their own way,
the first within the framework of Catholicism and the second within
that of Protestantism.28 Both saw the “immanent transcendence” of
the pure Intellect, Eckhart in recognizing the increatum et increabile
character of the kernel of human intelligence and Boehme in referring
to “inward illuminations” (innere Erleuchtungen) of a sapiential, hence
intellective, nature. Similarly each was able to account for Māyā, the
principle of universal Relativity, Eckhart in establishing the distinc-
tion between hypostatic differentiation and the “ineffable Depth”
(der Ungrund) and Boehme in posing the principle of opposition or
contrasts, rooted in God and operating in the world in order to make
God knowable in an objective and distinctive mode.29
28
It is true that certain convictions of Boehme stray from Lutheran—or post-Lu-
theran—orthodoxy, but even so he did not become a Catholic; he lived and died
in the Protestant Church, and his death was that of a saint. We could also mention
Paracelsus—by whom Boehme was moreover inspired—who was at once Rosicrucian
theosophist, mystic, and physician and to whom is owed a “spagyric medicine”, that
is, one akin to Hermeticism and based upon the solve et coagula of the alchemists. It
would be inexplicable for so eminent a mind to have chosen Protestantism if it were
intrinsically heretical. As for Boehme, let us note in passing that his anthropology, like
that of certain Fathers of the Church, was not immune to an anti-sexual and moral-
izing angelism, which sees the original fall in the form of the body and not in matter
alone, whereas Hindu doctrine, for example, takes seriously the sexual aspect of hu-
man theomorphism.
29
In theology the pure Intellect is prefigured by the objectifying notion of the Holy
52
Spirit and Māyā by the temporalizing notion of predestination; the Holy Spirit en-
lightens, strengthens, and kindles, and predestination makes creatures and things to be
what they are, and what they cannot not be.
30
In an epistle entitled Kurzer Bericht von der Mystik.
31
The theosopher Angelus Silesius would not perhaps have left the Lutheran Church
had he not been expelled for his esoterism; in any case Bernardine mysticism seemed
to correspond best to his spiritual vocation. This makes us think somewhat of Sri
Chaitanya, who as an Advaitin threw out all his books one fine day so as to think only
of Krishna; and let us note at this point that this bhakta, while accepted as orthodox,
rejected the ritual of the Brahmans and the castes in order to put the entire accent on
faith and love, not on works.
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without giving the soul peace and life and without requiring from it
all the faith of which it is capable.
by Frithjof Schuon
www.worldwisdom.com
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