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4 (March 2006)
By the 1960’s governments were failing to meet their people’s expectations, and pressure started to build
for more radical change. The fiery radical Syed Qutb was executed by the Egyptian government in
1966, but far from quelling discontent, his example and his writings served only to inspire others to give
their lives for the Islamist cause. In country after country, Islamic revivalist movements found a ready
hearing from angry young men of the lower middle classes, typically those who had migrated from their
traditional communities and had worked hard to gain a degree, only to find their aspirations blocked by
unemployment or corruption. ‘There must be something better’, they thought – and became militants.
Militant Islam, as opposed to the merely political Islam of Mawdudi, scored its first ‘success’ in the
1981 assassination of President Sadat in Egypt. It gathered strength in the 1980’s as the ‘mujahideen’
gained military experience in their long campaign to drive out the Russians from Afghanistan.
Afghanistan provided a meeting-point for radicals from across the Muslim world, as they compared
notes and inspired each other to greater ambitions in the 1990’s. Osama bin Laden helped to coordinate
these efforts with training and funding. The resultant large-scale attacks on western targets are well-
known.3 This very city of Madrid saw 192 civilians slaughtered last year in the name of jihad. Perhaps
some of you here today had loved ones killed or injured in that attack. I was living in Pakistan at the
time of the 9/11 attack on the World Trade Centre, and throughout the series of attacks the following
year including on my children’s school, so I too know something of the horrors of Islamic terrorism.
So we are right to view this political challenge, now escalating to a militant challenge, as a serious
threat. But this should not stop us seeking to understand the Islamist movement in its wider perspective.
Islamists at their best have sought justice instead of corruption for their countries, prosperity instead of
unemployment, equality instead of grossly unfair gaps between rich and poor. They want to see God’s
will be done and His kingdom come on earth. As biblical Christians, viewing ourselves as ‘radicals’
also, how should we respond to this movement? We will return to this point shortly.
These Islamists have succeeded in spreading fear in the West, but not yet in solving the Muslim world’s
problems. For if we review those governments which tried in recent decades to impose political Islam
on their countries, they have nearly all failed. In Iran it led to deep resentment, in Pakistan regret, in
Saudi Arabia hypocrisy, in Sudan civil war and in Afghanistan to the Taliban being deposed. Scholar of
Islam Olivier Roy summed up such trends in his astutely titled book The Failure of Political Islam.4
Even though the agents of militant Islam have wrecked terrible slaughter already and will do so even
more if they acquire weapons of mass destruction, yet eventually their very own supporters sicken of the
bloodshed. This happened in Algeria where the militant group Group Islamique Arme, through 100,000
gruesome murders, ended up alienating the general public and imploded in violent infighting. Likewise
after the atrocity of Beslan in September 2004, prominent Muslim commentators spoke out sharply
against militancy. “We cannot clear our names unless we own up to the shameful fact that terrorism has
become an Islamic enterprise”, commented a leading Arab journalist, “these are the people who have
smeared Islam and stained its image.”5
So, right now there is widespread political soul-searching in the Muslim world. Many Muslims,
especially in countries with stagnating economies and repressive governments, are eager for change.
Only a few of them are attracted to militancy, so what other political models are available? Communism
has lost its credibility. Democracy is attractive and many middle-class Arabs want it, but on their own
terms not America’s. Islam is deep in their culture but how can it be made work better in governing 21st
century states? These are the questions informed Muslims are asking. Islamic thinkers like Jamal al
Banna strive to articulate ‘an Islamic strategy for the 21st Century’6. The political challenge to the
Muslim world is as great as the challenge from Islam.
Demographic pressure brings ever fiercer competition for scare resources, which in turn fuels ethnic
conflict. In those countries which cross religious fault-lines, such as Indonesia or Nigeria, this ethnic
clash takes on a religious colour.7 What can Muslim governments do about it?
One solution is for them to export their excess people. This relieves their own demographic pressures
but raises new challenges in other countries. Throughout Western Europe the ‘natives’ are getting
restless about the Muslims in their midst. The French government has cracked down on Islamic head-
scarves in schools. The Dutch people were deeply shaken when Theo Van Gogh was murdered in 2004
for having made an anti-Islamic film. And although the European Union has decided in principle to
allow Turkey to apply for membership, many of its members are open in their misgivings.
But demographic realities win in the end. So long as Europe continues to produce too few children to
sustain its population, and the Muslim world too many, then inevitably by legal or illegal means large
numbers of Muslims will continue to find their way there. The same is true of Canada and Australia,
and perhaps to a lesser extent the United States and Latin American countries. Unlike previous
generations of immigrants, Muslims have proved much harder to integrate into host communities.
So Muslim minorities pose a demographic challenge to the majority populations. At the same time they
face a challenge themselves – of how to practice authentic Islam while under a non-Muslim government.
It is an anomaly which the Quran never anticipated. So, in response, Muslims carve out little pieces of
Islamised ‘space’ whether by adopting the veil, or setting up Islamic schools or living together in
particular neighbourhoods. This instinct is understandable but does nothing to help them integrate into
the countries of their adoption.
Of course, Islamists too are able to use information technology to their benefit. Back in 1979, audio
cassettes of Ayatollah Khomeini’s sermons helped to fuel the Iranian revolution. Satellite television has
since proved a powerful tool for Osama Bin Laden in spreading his message. But overwhelmingly, the
culture being spread worldwide is a humanistic one which conflicts deeply with traditional Islam. “The
present encounter, with its universal Western culture and pervasive technology, is perhaps the most
forceful of onslaughts on Muslim civilisation yet”, comments the Muslim academic Akbar Ahmed.8
Thirdly, individual decision-making Young people in the Muslim world today are subject to deeply
different influences from their parents’ generation. Advertising opens their eyes to an attractive
consumer world, while city life has broken up old tight-knit communities. Young Muslims no longer
have to do & say what the local mullah tells them. They are free to shop around in the market-place of
ideas.
This trend of independent thinking is perhaps most evident among Muslims living in the West. The
Trouble with Islam, by Bangladeshi Irshad Manji now living in Canada, is only one of several recent
books taking this line9. And even when living in the West has strengthened rather than weakened a
person’s Islamic identity, sometimes postmodernity modifies their attitudes in unrecognised ways. I
recently watched a fascinating documentary tracing the lives of four Muslim women in Britain who have
chosen to wear the veil. They are Islamic by choice, in contrast to their parents who were Muslim by
culture. But even here, one of them let slip a comment which revealed postmodern relativistic influence
on her thinking. “We don’t want to condemn you all to hell”, she said, “we just want to be ourselves”.10
This permeation of modern thinking is just starting to lead Muslims to re-examine their own sources for
religion. This ‘new ijtihad’, as we may term it, is willing to question the centuries of legal interpretation
in historic shariah law and throw out what does not fit. Even established hadith traditions like those of
Bukhari are being questioned in some quarters. And perhaps the Quran itself may be opened up to some
small degree of textual criticism. A few years ago, in a very old mosque in Yemen, a hoard of ancient
Quranic manuscripts was accidentally discovered. Fascinatingly, their wording varies slightly from one
manuscript to another. Some Muslims are keen to cover this up. But sooner or later the texts will be
published and Muslims will need to draw their own conclusions.
This is not to say that Islam will immediately collapse in the face of these challenges. It survived the
threat of modernity in Samuel Zwemer’s day, and it will survive post-modernity in our day. But, as
French Jesuit Jean-Marie Gaudel comments, “Social conformism will no longer suffice to deal with the
great questions of life .. every human being has to make his own choice by himself, or herself”. Gaudel
expects that that we will see an increasing amount of religious change in all directions. “The days of
closed, homogeneous, unchanging societies are rapidly going and they will not come back”.11
– through the Jesus film in its many Muslim languages, or satellite TV or the internet. Hundreds of
Muslim viewers write in every month to Arab Christian TV stations. Muslim women, previously far
more inaccessible then men, are also being reached in the privacy of their own homes.
We should not fool ourselves that this is happening everywhere. Huge resistant blocs of Muslims
remain in the Arab world and South Asia. But nevertheless, more Muslims are turning to Christ than
ever before in history, and it is God’s doing!
All of this presents a big challenge to us, and also to Islam. The challenge for us is how to cope with this
marvellous harvest. We will come to that shortly. The challenge for Islam is what to do with all these
‘apostates’. Islamic law says that if they don’t repent they should be killed.12 Only a few extreme
governments still have the death penalty for apostasy, but others treat it with severe civil consequences,13
and unofficial action against converts frequently occurs from relatives even when the government takes
no action. But the modern world views this as an abuse of human rights. An interesting test-case is
going through the courts in Jordan at present. In Britain also, though behind closed doors, high-level
Muslim leaders are being pressed to clarify their position on apostasy.
we share the same vision, even if we differ over the methods. We, like Muslim activists, long to see
God's kingdom come and his will be done on earth! We pray for it in the Lord's prayer. Our Islamist
friends must know that we don't care just about personal salvation. Like them we hate to see injustice in
this world, like them we know that the only hope for human societies is fully to come under God's rule.
But the way in which king Jesus rules is totally opposite to the Islamic model. This becomes very
obvious when we compare Christ’s path to power with Muhammad’s. In 622AD Muhammad took the
opportunity to turn his back on persecution in Mecca. At his triumphal entry to Medina soon afterwards,
he accepted the people’s offer to make him their ruler. Combining religious and political leadership, he
made Medina the first Islamic state and from there his kingdom, or Muslims would prefer to say God’s
kingdom mediated through Muhammad’s law and example, spread rapidly through the Middle East.
By contrast Jesus, when he knew the people ‘intended to make him king’, instead withdrew. He went up
steadfastly to the city of persecution instead of fleeing from it. After his own triumphal entry, he did
nothing to seize political power, but rather spurned it at every opportunity during that final week. He
went voluntarily to a criminal’s death, believing somehow that by this would he ‘drive out the prince of
this world’ and ‘draw all men to himself’. He reigned from the cross, as the thief beside him recognised,
and defeated death three days later. And from there his kingdom, mediated through his personal rule in
his followers’ lives, spread rapidly through the Roman Empire.
Both kingdoms, Christ’s and Muhammad’s, have stood the test of time. Both seek to bring God’s rule in
every part of life and in every corner of the world. But in the way they work, they are utterly different.
Islam, in its formative period of expansion, worked from a position of power in society and worked
down through its laws and institutions. It sought to change society ‘from the outside inwards’, hoping to
create such a strong Muslim cultural environment that people’s external behaviour and inner values
would become conformed to it. Christ’s kingdom, unlike Islam, know no political power for the whole
of its formative period. It spread from the bottom up in Roman society until after 300 years it reached
the emperor himself. The nature of its rule is – or should be - total without being totalitarian. And still
today it works best by changing society from the inside outwards, starting with their personal allegiance
to king Jesus which then changes, progressively, their values, behaviour, family life, community, social
institutions and laws.
In short, we have two competing visions: for people and societies either to be conformed to God’s rule
(the Islamic way) or to be transformed by God’s rule (the Christian way). And if the summary of God’s
law is to love rather than to obey, then only the second vision makes sense. For true love leads to
obedience anyway, but obedience can never lead to love by itself. Hearts are won by love not force.
If we can articulate this vision in terms Muslims understand, and demonstrate by our lives that it actually
works, then we have a powerful apologetic to offer the Muslim world. For, as we have seen, both
political and militant Islam carry the seeds of their own failure. They lead to coercion and hypocrisy in
society. But to what may Muslims turn instead? Simply to become westernised is to swap one sin-
sodden culture for another. We do not preach a Western solution for the problems of their societies, but
the kingdom of God. And the more that the ambassadors of this kingdom are non-Western, the better.
This kingdom theology guides not only our apologetics but also our missiology. It gives us an integrated
approach to mission in the Muslim world. Jesus on this earth advanced God’s kingdom by driving out
evil spirits, preached God’s kingdom by his words, demonstrated God’s kingdom in his works of mercy,
and inaugurated God’s kingdom in his death on the cross. These same dimensions of the kingdom –
‘words’, ‘works’, ‘wonders’ and ‘weakness’ – should all be seen in our own mission in the Muslim
world. We know the need for works of power to open blind eyes and free people from the grip of fear,
demonstrating through visions and miracles that the King of the universe really cares for them. But we
enter Muslim countries from a position of human weakness, knowing that our presence there will be
barely tolerated at best, and we may be thrown out at any time. We go with integrity, to serve in real
jobs that contribute to Muslim societies, not seeking any old ‘tentmaking’ visa as a mere excuse to live
there. We seek to demonstrate the values of God’s kingdom in our hard work and our family lives on
the field. We work for the good of the people we serve, and the transformation of their societies in a
multitude of valid ways. This comprehensive approach to mission is based theologically on the
Kingdom of God.
Finally, kingdom theology can help Christians in the Muslim world to establish stronger roots in their
own countries. It is not surprising when they feel excluded by their own countrymen. Islam classically
divides the world into two mutually exclusive geographic zones, ‘the house of Islam’ and ‘the house of
war’. Thus, standing at Pakistan’s border with India, you may hear the crowd shouting across to the
Indians: “The meaning of Pakistan is ‘There is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is His prophet’ “.
St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 6
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St Francis Magazine Nr. 4 (March 2006)
Similarly in polarised northern Nigeria, as you cross district borders you may read signs such as ‘you are
now entering Christian territory’ or on return, ‘you are now entering Muslim territory’. Naturally, this
concept of territorial kingdoms makes it hard for Christian minorities to feel loyal to a Muslim state. But
the kingdom of God has no geographical boundaries, and thus they can simultaneously be members of
two overlapping kingdoms.
Not long ago complaints were brought to the mayor of a north African town about the growing number
of its people converting from Islam to Christianity. He was urged to take action against them. “Why?”
he retorted. “Since Christianity started growing in this town the crime rate has gone down. Let it
continue!” That is exactly the kind of transformation which Christ’s kingdom should be bringing in the
Muslim world. Let us pursue it and teach it!
My Request: In our theological response to Islam, let us develop the Biblical concept of God’s kingdom
to guide our apologetics, our missiology and our teaching of Christians in Muslim lands.
My Request: Even if you disagree with me on the theological place of Israel in God’s plan, please look
carefully at what is actually happening on the ground in Palestine today. Formulate your opinion as a
biblical Christian. Work out how you would explain your political views to an Arab Muslim.
Missionaries have often bypassed local churches in their selection of candidates for training, and it is a
mistake.
I have written a discipling course for Muslim background believers and have collected a range of other
relevant training materials from different parts of the Muslim world. For more information, please
contact me by email.
3) Model Contextualised Churches Whenever a brand new church comes into being, in a country
which previously had no church, it is an exciting and fragile experiment. Exciting, because it gives the
chance to find new models appropriate to that particular culture. Fragile, because Satan quickly gets to
work. He loves to exploit human sin and sow seeds of distrust among Muslim background believers.
So, while thanking God for the truly amazing way he is gathering together Muslim background believers
into brand new churches in different countries, also pray passionately for the great shepherd to protect
his flock and his under-shepherds from the wolves.
Satan is not the only one who can spoil church growth movements. Missionaries are quite good at it too!
Consciously or subconsciously, they perpetuate the models of church worship and leadership with which
they are familiar. This sets the pattern for coming generations, which become very much harder to
change later. Or they choose certain new believers and spoil them as their favourites, or they pay
national workers in a way which perpetuates dependency. We evangelical missionaries need to learn
from our mistakes!
As one good example of a contextualised Muslim background church, have you seen the video CD
produced by Create International? It shows a real-life example of new believers in Indonesia, meeting as
a home group to worship and study God’s word together. What I really like about it is that instead of
just talking about contextualised worship it actually models it in front of your eyes. Of course no one
model gives the final answers, but I do recommend you get hold of a copy17 and show it to any of your
people involved in church planting among Muslims.
My Request: Give urgent priority to the discipling and training of Muslim background believers. Help
expatriate workers to think through their ecclesiology and contextualisation more carefully. Develop
appropriate methods and materials, and find ways for those to be used as much as possible without
pulling Muslim background believers out of their contexts.
1
Marvin Yukos, Jesus vs. Jihad: Exposing the Conflict between Christ and Islam, pg.8, 87
2
Christine Mallouhi, Waging Peace on Islam (UK: Monarch, 2000) pg.29
3
Jason Burke gives an excellent account of these developments in Al-Qaeda: The True Story of Radical
Islam (UK: Penguin, revised edition 2004)
4
Olivier Roy, The Failure of Political Islam, I.B. Tauris, 1992
5
Abdel Rahman al-Rashed, in the London-based pan-Arabic newspaper Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, September
2004
6 st
Jamal al Banna, An Islamic Strategy for the 21 Century (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-Islami, 2004) translated
by Bob Robertson
7
Philip Jenkins warns of increasingly violent demographic clashes in the next half-century. See The Next
Christendom (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002) pg. 163ff.
8
A. Ahmed, Postmodernism and Islam: Predicament and Promise (London: Routledge, 1992) pg.107
9
Published in 2004, compare also Ibn Warraq Leaving Islam: Apostates Speak Out (2003) and Azar
Nafisi Reading ‘Lolitha’ in Tehran (2004).
10
Syeda, in the BBC documentary ‘Covering Up’, broadcast on BBC World 6th November 2004
St Francis Magazine is published by Interserve and Arab Vision 9
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St Francis Magazine Nr. 4 (March 2006)
11
Gaudel, pg.225,226
12
This is just a summary of the legal position. The actual technicalities are quite complicated.
13
Eg. Divorce from one’s spouse, loss of one’s children and confiscation of one’s property.
14
Quoted by Bernard Lewis, The Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terror (New York: Random
House, 2003), pg.159, writing in the wake of 9/11. See also another leading American academic, John
Esposito, Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam (USA: OUP, 2002)
15
Colin Chapman, ‘The Challenge of Islam’, a paper presented to the World Evangelical Alliance in
Cyprus, 2000.
16
This is the scale well-known since the October 1998 edition of Evangelical Missions Quarterly, with a
C1 believer being culturally furthest from Islam and C6 being culturally closest.
17
contact www.createinternational.com