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in sustaining
New Zealand
- the sector’s contribution to
the economy
NZIER is a specialist consulting firm that uses applied economic research and analysis
to provide a wide range of strategic advice to clients in the public and private sectors,
throughout New Zealand and Australia, and further afield.
NZIER is also known for its long-established Quarterly Survey of Business Opinion and
Quarterly Predictions.
Our aim is to be the premier centre of applied economic research in New Zealand. We pride
ourselves on our reputation for independence and delivering quality analysis in the right
form, and at the right time, for our clients. We ensure quality through teamwork on individual
projects, critical review at internal seminars, and by peer review at various stages through a
project by a senior staff member otherwise not involved in the project.
Authorship
Prepared by: Chris Schilling, James Zuccollo and Chris Nixon
Version: Final
Acknowledgements:
Key points
o greater than the GDP contribution of the fishing, forestry and mining sectors
combined
o over a third of the GDP contribution of the entire primary sector (dairy and meat
farming and processing, horticulture, fishing, forestry, mining)
o 40% larger than the entire utilities sector (electricity, gas and water)
o $7.5 billion is used to purchase raw milk from the dairy farming sector.
o $1.5 billion is retained as returns to labour and capital (i.e. wages and rate of return).
o $625 million is spent on intermediate inputs from New Zealand. This includes $85
million of plastic containers, $45 million on electricity and $22.5 million on financial
services.
o Imported intermediate inputs account for $310 million – largely plastic containers
($182 million) and other food products to be used in processing ($30 million).
o $730 million is spent on retailing/wholesaling costs that get the dairy products from
the plant to market.
• Of the $7.5 billion value of raw milk output, $3.0 billion is retained as returns to land,
labour and capital. A further $3.6 billion is spent on domestically produced intermediate
inputs, such as fertilizer ($447 million), feed ($723 million), agricultural services ($446
million), financial services
• It provides more jobs than each of the finance and accommodation sectors; around 65%
more than the sheep and beef farming sector; 75% more than the fruit growing sector
and double the jobs in the wood processing sector.
• In districts such as South Taranaki, Waimate, Otorohanga and Matamata-Piako, the dairy
sector directly accounts for between 1 in 4 and 1 in 5 of the total number of jobs in the
region.
• A $1 per kg payout increase results in the wealthier dairy sector and upstream and
downstream industries employing approximately 4,600 more full time equivalent workers.
• This contribution far outstrips that of any other goods export sector. Dairy exports are
twice those of the meat sector, over 6 times larger than all fruit exports, nine times larger
than wine exports, twelve times larger than aluminium exports and 17 times larger than
wool exports.
• In fact, dairy exports are about the same as the sum of the next four largest export
sectors: meat, wood, mineral fuels (oil) and fruit & nuts.
• Through its export earnings, the dairy sector makes a positive contribution to narrowing
the current account deficit. Without this export growth, New Zealand would have had to
face increased foreign liabilities and interest on foreign debt.
• A smaller deficit reduces New Zealand’s country risk premium on mortgage and other
borrowing costs, which benefits all households and firms that are borrowers.
• The volume growth in the dairy sector over the last decade has resulted in New Zealand
households being a cumulative $6.4 billion better off than if dairy activity had stagnated
at 1999 levels.
• A $1 dairy payout increase delivers additional income of over $270 per year of additional
spending per man, woman and child in New Zealand. This year’s increase of $1.17 per kg
will generate an extra $316 per person in New Zealand.
• And because the sector has raised taxation revenue, benefits flow not just to the dairying
districts but across the country as a whole.
• Increased tax revenue coming in means more money to spend on essential services such
as schools, hospitals and police. In 2009, these sectors are 0.7%, 0.6% and 0.2% better off
because of the growth in the dairy sector over the past decade.
• For smaller district economies such as Ashburton ($471 million), Waipa ($361 million)
and Selwyn ($270 million), the value of dairy production, relative to the total size of the
economy, is likely to be significant.
• As noted above, as many as 1 in 4 jobs in some rural areas are in the dairy farming and
processing sectors.
• The dairy volume expansion over the past decade has delivered an additional $650 of
income per person in the Southland region and $590 per person in the Canterbury region
above what would otherwise have happened. Northland ($110 per person) and the
Waikato ($270) have also been major winners.
• A $1/kg increase in milk solid prices delivers $170 per person of additional income in
Northland and Taranaki, $130 per person in the Waikato and $140 in the Manawatu-
Wanganui region.
• Households benefit from the additional government spending that is facilitated by the
tax revenue generated by the dairy sector.
• They also pay lower mortgage and business borrowing costs due to the reduction in the
current account deficit (and thus the interest rate premium on overseas funds) due to
dairy export revenue.
• The dairy sector’s strong export growth over the last decade has improved New Zealand’s
balance of trade, and allowed for increased consumption spending. This export growth
reduced New Zealand’s net foreign liabilities to GDP ratio by over 1%. Together with the
exchange rate appreciation, this has saved households a cumulative $1.2 billion in interest
repayments on foreign debt over the past decade.
5. Conclusion 24
Figures
Figure 1 Impacts of dairy growth on the rest of the economy F
Figure 2 Growth in dairy exports over past decades 4
Figure 3 Importance of dairy to regional employment 5
Figure 4 Model structure of the sector 6
Figure 5 Change in milk solids price: 1998-2009 11
Figure 6 Processed milk solids 11
Figure 7 Gross regional product impacts 17
Figure 8 Dairy gains since 1998/99 21
Figure 9 2009 Gross regional product impacts 23
Figure 10 Components of a CGE model 25
Figure 11 The MONASH-NZ database 27
Figure 12 Production structure 28
Figure 13 Changing markets for New Zealand’s dairy exports 39
Tables
Table 1 Value of regional dairy production 2
Table 2 Export values 3
Table 3 Farming industry structure 7
Table 4 Dairy processing industry structure 7
Table 5 Indirect impacts 2010 15
Table 6 National results 16
Table 7 Increase in gross regional product 17
Table 8 Average Cap Farm Cashflow 18
Table 9 Indirect impacts 2008/09 21
Table 10 National results 2009 22
Table 11 Increase in gross regional product 23
Table 12 IO vs. CGE multipliers 31
• is greater than the GDP contribution of the fishing, forestry and mining sectors combined
• accounts for over a third of the GDP contribution of the entire primary sector (dairy and
meat farming and processing, horticulture, fishing, forestry, mining)
• is 40% larger than the entire utilities sector (electricity, gas and water)
• accounts for 15% of the total GDP of the goods producing industries
Note that these figures are the direct contributions only. They do not take into account the
links that the dairy sector has with the wider economy. In reality, the dairy sector also has
indirect and induced effects on the New Zealand economy. The indirect effects accrue via
the industries supporting the dairy sector (fertiliser, agricultural services, transport, etc). When
the dairy sector grows, these supporting industries will also grow. The induced effects are
attributable to the additional spending of dairy sector farmers and workers following a boost
in dairy returns. This spending will be directed into sectors such as housing, clothing, bars and
cafes, entertainment, etc. Some of these linkages are discussed in section 1.7 below.2
1. Calculated from Statistics New Zealand SNA GDP by industry data and NZIER’s industry database. Measured in 2010 prices.
2. Unless one uses an unrealistic and non-credible methodology, it is not possible to calculate the total (direct plus indirect
and induced) GDP contribution of dairy. See section 2.3 and Appendix B for further explanation
Dairy production injected over $700 million into the Southland district economy in 2009, with
South Taranaki and Matamata-Piako both receiving well over half a billion dollars. For smaller
district economies such as Ashburton ($471 million), Waipa ($361 million) and Selwyn ($270
million), the value of dairy production, relative to the total size of the district economy, is likely
to be significant3. Also see Box story 1.
In fact, dairy exports are about the same as the sum of the next four largest export sectors:
meat, wood, mineral fuels (oil) and fruit & nuts.
3. Regional GDP information at this level of detail is not available from Statistics New Zealand, so the shares cannot be
calculated.
The strength of the dairy sector has been very evident as New Zealand recovers from the
global financial crisis and domestic recession. With domestic demand continuing to be
anaemic, it is the export side of the economy that is being relied on to generate economic
growth. It has recently been noted that dairy’s growth has resulted in New Zealand’s trade
surplus being at its highest level for eight years.
National
The dairy sector in New Zealand is a major employer, and is vital for a number of districts.
On-farm employment is around 24,000 nationwide, with dairy processing providing another
10,000 jobs. These figures do not include those dairy farmers who are registered as self-
employed.
Although dairy employment does not reach the employment levels present in a number of
services sectors (for example, there are 110,000 workers in pre-school and school education
alone), it provides more jobs than each of the finance and accommodation sectors (both
around 32,000); around 65% more than the sheep and beef farming sector (20,500); 75% more
than the fruit growing sector (19,300) and double the jobs in the wood processing sector.
Regional
In districts such as South Taranaki, Waimate, Otorohanga and Matamata-Piako, the dairy sector
directly accounts for between 1 in 4 and 1 in 5 of the total number of jobs in the region.
The sector will indirectly support many more jobs in industries that supply dairy, and that
experience the benefits of additional income flowing into the region due to dairy volume
and/or price growth.
5. There is no official count of self-employed dairy farmers, but the figure has been estimated by Dairy NZ at around 10,000 based on
owner-operator and sharemilker numbers.
A complete
A complete table table
ofofdairy
dairy employment
employment statistics for eachfor
statistics of New Zealand’s
each of New74 Territorial
Zealand’s Local 74
Authorities is contained in Appendix E.
Territorial Local Authorities is contained in Appendix E.
1.7 Contribution to other sectors’ performance
Of course, the dairy farming and processing sector do not operate in isolation. They have
strong upstream and downstream links to other parts of the New Zealand economy.
1.7 Contribution to other sectors’ performance
1.7.1 Supply chain
Of course, the dairy farming and processing sector do not operate in isolation. They
The dairy sector can conceptually be broken into a dairy farming industry and a dairy
have strong upstream
processing and farming
industry. Dairy downstream
generateslinks tomilk
the raw other parts
that the dairyofprocessing
the New Zealand
industry
economy.
uses as an input, and produces processed dairy products for sale to domestic consumers,
export markets and other industries.
1.7.1 Supply chain
The dairy sector can conceptually be broken into a dairy farming industry and a dairy
processing industry. Dairy farming generates the raw milk that the dairy processing
industry uses as an input, and produces processed dairy products6 for sale to
domestic consumers, export markets and other industries.
6
In our model, we have a variety of processed dairy products, but for simplification for this work,
we consider one generic processed dairy product. Similarly, farm income from other sources than
just milk
6. In(e.g. stock
our model, anda variety
we have otherof processed
sales) dairy
is included
products, butinforthe modelling
simplification for thisbut
work, not singled
we consider out inprocessed
one generic the
reporting.dairy product. Similarly, farm income from other sources than just milk (e.g. stock and other sales) is included in the modelling but
not singled out in the reporting.
Source: NZIER
At each stage of production there is also labour, capital and other intermediate employment.
At each stage of production there is also labour, capital and other intermediate
employment.
1.7.2 Dairy farming
The structure of the farming industry is shown in Table 3. The farming sector produced around
1.7.2 $7.5
Dairy farming
billion worth of raw milk in the 2009/10 production year for sale to the processing
operations. As expected, farming uses a lot of land and the labour is not a large part of the
The structure of the farming industry is shown in Table 3. The farming sector
farm’s costs. The on-farm sector employs around 24,000 full time equivalent (FTE) workers. The
produced around $7.5 billion worth of raw milk in the 2009/10 production year for sale
primary cashflow costs for farmers are fertiliser for the land and feed for the animals. These
to the processing
two industriesoperations. As expected,
are heavily affected by movements farming usesfor
in demand a milk
lot of land and the labour
products.
is not a large part of the farm’s costs. The on-farm sector employs around 24,000 full
We can break down the $7.5 billion of raw milk into the following parts:
time equivalent (FTE) workers. The primary cashflow costs for farmers are fertiliser
for the • land
$3.0and
billion is retained
feed as returns
for the animals.to land, labour
These andindustries
two capital. are heavily affected by
movements in demand for milk products.
• $3.6 billion is spent on domestically produced intermediate inputs, such as fertilizer ($447
million), straw and feed ($723 million), agricultural services ($446 million), financial services
We can break
($341down
million),the $7.5 billion
machinery repairsof($198
rawmillion)
milk into
and the following
petrol/diesel parts:
($80 million).
• $3.0• billion
$440 million is spent
is retained asonreturns
imported
toinputs
land,such as fertilizer
labour ($138 million), pharmaceuticals
and capital.
($111 million), feed ($31 million), agricultural equipment ($26 million) and pesticides ($16
• $3.6 billion
million).is spent on domestically produced intermediate inputs, such as
fertilizer ($447 million), straw and feed ($723 million), agricultural services ($446
• $290 million is spent on margin services such as transport.
million), financial services ($341 million), machinery repairs ($198 million) and
petrol/diesel ($80 million).
• $440 million is spent on imported inputs such as fertilizer ($138 million),
pharmaceuticals ($111 million), feed ($31 million), agricultural equipment ($26
million) and pesticides ($16 million).
• $290 million is spent on margin services such as transport.
Source: NZIER
The vast majority of the industry’s input costs are the purchase of the raw milk, which
accounts for 70% of the industry’s costs. In addition, the processing industry uses about $1.1
billion of capital and employs close to 10,000 FTE employees.
• $7.5 billion is used to purchase raw milk from the dairy farming sector.
• $1.5 billion is retained as returns to labour and capital (i.e. wages and rate of return).
• $625 million is spent on intermediate inputs from New Zealand. This includes $85 million
of plastic containers, $45 million on electricity and $22.5 million on financial services.
• Imported intermediate inputs account for $310 million – largely plastic containers ($182
million) and other food products to be used in processing ($30 million).
• $730 million is spent on retailing/wholesaling costs that get the dairy products from the
plant to market.
Source: NZIER
With dairy exports at 26% of goods exports, the impact of the dairy industry on
economic activity is considerable. The money that farmers spend in their communities
and in other parts of the country drives further economic activity – the more they earn
on international markets the more they spend in New Zealand. Dairy farmers’ success is
mirrored not only in their local communities but also in the cities of New Zealand which
produce the goods and services that are bought by farmers. Even imports have a local
component since they have to be transported to the point of sale.
Nobody understands this more than the mayors of the districts, regions and cities of New
Zealand. Peter Tennent, Mayor of New Plymouth, says that “while the dairy industry in his
region only makes up 2% of the workforce, 100% of the community are the benefactors
of their efforts. When dairy farmers are smiling, the region smiles”. Hugh Vercoe, Mayor of
the Matamata Piako District, also knows how important dairy is to his district: “not only
are we reliant on the dairy [farming] industry, we have five dairy processing plants and
very active sale yards. This helps to maintain a vibrant community”. David Adamson, CEO
of the Southland District Council says that the dairy industry has “changed the face of
Southland”. He adds that “its economy has weathered the recession well, mainly because
of the influence of the dairy industry”.
In the first instance farmers spend their incomes on industries that directly support
their activities. They buy more cows, upgrade equipment, buy fertilizer, repay debt and
make land improvements. David Adamson suggests that this is the most visible sign
of the impact of dairy growth on the Southland region: “most of the money earned by
farmers is spun out into the community”. Since most of the goods and services come
from outside of the provinces, other communities benefit as well. In work done by
NZIER (2003) it is shown that it takes about 18 months for this economic ‘ripple’ effect of
additional export revenue to fully work through the New Zealand economy, all of which
leads to stronger household spending and business investment.
What would New Zealand look like without the dairy industry? Peter Tennent finds it
difficult to imagine this situation but one thing he does know is that “New Plymouth
would not have been judged the best place to live on the planet by the United Nations
backed Liv.com Awards without the dairy industry … we’d still be smiling but not as
wide … and there’d be far fewer businesses here”. Similar sentiments are echoed by
David Adamson and Hugh Vercoe. Both said there would be fewer businesses, less
vibrant community, and fewer job opportunities. Not only would there be fewer job
opportunities and increased movement of people to the cities, those cities would also be
poorer.
The dairy industry has had a major impact on New Zealand society and economy for
over 130 years. Those involved in running districts and cities closest to the dairy industry
well understand the positive impact of dairying, not just on their regions and cities but
on the rest of New Zealand.
• The longer term impacts of volume growth in the sector over the last 10 years.
We examine these two aspects using a relatively newly developed economic model of the
New Zealand economy.
• It does not adequately consider the reallocation of resources following a ‘shock’ to the
economy, such as a surge in demand for dairy exports. In particular, multiplier analysis
assumes that resources (land, labour, capital, energy, intermediate inputs) are available
• It does not account for relative price changes. For example, it assumes that wage rates
do not change as the demand for labour rises or falls, and that the prices of intermediate
goods such as transport and business services do not change in response to shifts in
demand. In reality, if there is additional demand for workers in the dairy sector, this will
place upward pressure on wages across the economy. Even though this wage pressure
might be relatively small, it will still have a negative impact on input costs for other firms
in the economy, and could lead to a drop in output. A similar story is true for intermediate
inputs. As the dairy sector demands more of these inputs, their price rises for all other
firms in the economy, causing their output to fall.
Multiplier analysis therefore tends to vastly overstate the economic impacts of changes
in demand in a specific sector. These unrealistically large impacts are thus not particularly
informative for policy makers or firms.
CGE models explicitly address both resource allocation and relative price shifts, allowing for
a more credible, richer analysis of economic contribution. These models tend to produce
more conservative estimates of impacts, but are more consistent with economic theory and
practice. See Appendix B for a fuller discussion.
These two scenarios jointly capture both the benefits to the economy of the long term
growth in the sector and the short-run wealth gains from increased milk solids payouts.
These two scenarios jointly capture both the benefits to the economy of the long term
growth in the sector and the short-run wealth gains from increased milk solids payouts.
This first scenario assesses the effects on the economy of changes in the milk solids price paid
to farmers. In order to generate higher prices for milk solids we assume that the world price
has risen due to increased world demand for dairy produce. Increased world demand for
New Zealand’s dairy produce leads to rises in both milk prices for New Zealand dairy farmers
and over a sustained period a rise in the quantity of milk solids produced domestically.
We calibrate the price increases in this simulation to be ± $1/kg milk solids in Fonterra’s
payout. So we are asking: what are the flow-on impacts for the New Zealand economy from a
$1 increase or decrease in the Fonterra payout?
Source: Dairy NZ
2.4.2 Scenario
Source: 2: The
Dairy NZgrowth of dairying over the past decade
We then analyse the flow-on or indirect impacts on other industries. We split indirect impacts
into the following industry categories:
• Supplying industries – industries that supply dairy with intermediate inputs are likely to
benefit from a stronger dairy sector. These are industries such as agricultural services and
the fertilizer industry.
• Competing export industries – industries that compete for resources (such as land and
labour) with the dairy sector lose from dairy’s growth.
Finally, we examine the macroeconomic effects. Here we report both value-add (GDP) and
Net Economic Benefit/welfare (private and public consumption) measures.
There are two ways to think about the way that export growth will affect GDP:
(i) GDP is the sum of the value of expenditure on goods and services made in New
Zealand and exports are a component of that expenditure, so a change in exports
directly affects the level of GDP. The change in exports will then have flow-on effects
on other parts of the economy, as described in our results section.
(ii) GDP is also the sum of the value of resources utilised in the economy. Increased dairy
exports are generated, in part, by gains in productivity. Greater productivity allows
the same resources – capital, land and labour – to generate greater value, so GDP
increases as productivity rises. Thus we expect export growth to have a direct impact
on GDP and, in the long run, a positive impact.
Although GDP is the most commonly used measure of economic performance, it does
not capture necessarily how ‘well off’ we are as a country. GDP is essentially a measure of
how many goods and services New Zealand produces – it shows the size of the economy.
Consumption shows how much household and government spending increases following
a change in the economy. It is more appropriate than GDP as a measure of welfare (see
Coleman, 2008), particularly in cases where we expect changes in the terms of trade7.
Ultimately, the objective of an economic development is to raise the living standards of the
population. Living standards are better proxied by household and government spending
ability than by GDP. Thus our preferred NEB/welfare measure is consumption. Our CGE model
allows us to determine, once all inter-industry effects and factor price changes have occurred,
the additional boost to New Zealand’s GDP and NEB/welfare resulting from a price change
in the milk solids payout or volume growth in the sector. In addition, we also report other
macroeconomic indicators such as wages and employment.
7. We use the term ‘welfare’ here not in the technical economic sense but merely as a synonym for ‘wellbeing’. The claim is merely that
changes in consumption better proxy changes in welfare than do changes in GDP. We do not claim to actually measure welfare in
the technical sense.
The welfare gain is larger than the GDP gain due to the impact of exchange rate movements:
• the improved terms of trade allows us to consume more of our GDP (i.e. we have to
export less to pay for a given amount of imports – making the country better off as a
whole)
• the currency appreciation leads to a reduction in the value of New Zealand’s foreign debt.
Both effects improve New Zealanders’ household purchasing power and allow greater
consumption of goods and services.
The increased payout causes investment in the farming industry to grow by 44%, and
employment by 20%. Investment in the processing component of the industry grows by
14% and employment by 5.5%, relative to what would otherwise have occurred. Investment
growth is higher than employment growth because capital accumulation tends to lag behind
employment growth. The farming component of the sector grows more strongly because
we have assumed that the benefits of higher world prices will be passed on to farmers. If
dairy processors were to increase their profit margins instead then the differences would
diminish10.
8. This is on top of the income generated by the ‘base’ price. That is, if the 2011 price (say) is $5 and the 2012 payout is $6, our results
look just at the additional income generated by the $1 price increase.
9. The direct impact on the economy of a $1 increase in the milk solids price is a $1.3 billion increase in gross output. That gross
output generates about $590 million of GDP once the cost of intermediate inputs is subtracted. Furthermore, the effect of the
increased dairy output is to increase the price of resources to other industries and thus reduce their output. The net effect on GDP
of the $1.3 billion injection, once all these effects have been taken in to account, is the $400 million we report.
The indirect impacts can be broken down into the industry categories described in section
2.5. The numerical results are summarised in Table 5.
• Supplying industries – industries that supply dairy with intermediate inputs are likely
to benefit from a stronger dairy sector. However, the fertilizer industry loses 0.2% of its
sales. That counterintuitive result arises from the movements in the exchange rate, which
will be discussed further in the next section. As exports rise, imports become relatively
cheaper and that causes primary producers to switch away from domestically produced
fertiliser in favour of imported fertilisers.
• Competing export industries – industries that compete for resources with the dairy
sector suffer from the dairy sector’s increased spending power. That is particularly so
for the sheep and beef sector, which uses many of the same resources. In addition,
the appreciation of the New Zealand dollar that results from increased exports of
dairy products hurts all exporters, as seen by the drop in production of the textile and
horticulture sectors.
10. The second simulation with a $1 per kilogram price decrease shows near identical effects in the opposite direction. In the interests
of brevity we report only the results for the price increase here.
Source: NZIER
The national results follow naturally from the direct and indirect impacts described above. We
focus on the key macroeconomic variables described in section 2.5: employment and Gross
Domestic Product (GDP), as well as consumption, which is a measure of NEB (how ‘well off’
we are).
The NEB/welfare gain for New Zealand, proxied by private and public consumption is an
increase of 1.2%. That represents an extra $1.2 billion of goods consumed in New Zealand,
relative to the situation if the price of milk solids had remained constant. This equates to over
$270 of additional spending per man, woman and child in New Zealand due to the $1/kg
price increase.
The change in real GDP of 0.24%, or $395 million, represents the increase in the value of
goods and services produced in the economy. The benefits arise from the increased flows of
income to farmers being distributed throughout the economy via supplying industries and
government and household spending.
The NEB gain is larger than the GDP gain for two reasons:
• An increase in the price of dairy exports improves New Zealand’s terms of trade. An
increase in the terms of trade allows us to consume more of our GDP.
• The assumed increase in demand for dairy exports causes a currency appreciation that
leads to a reduction in the domestic currency value of New Zealand’s interest repayments
on foreign debt. This improves New Zealanders’ household purchasing power and allows
greater consumption of goods and services. Under different assumptions about the
mechanisms of foreign investment, this contribution is dampened (see Appendix C).
Overall, the increased milk solids price draws wealth into the country via dairy exports and
that leads to an increase in New Zealand’s wealth and, thus, our living standards.
The impact on export competing industries is negative because of the appreciation of our
currency. However, that same appreciation allows us to buy more from overseas as can be
seen by the rise in imports and private consumption (see Table 6).
Source: NZIER
The impact on the districts is in proportion to the importance of the dairy industry to the
region. The majority of New Zealand’s dairying is in the central North Island and that is
reflected in the strong growth of Taranaki, Waikato and the Manawatu. However, dairy is
also very important to the small Northland economy, which is why the large gains are seen
there. Districts that have strong red meat industries, such as Canterbury, suffer due to the
competition for resources from the growing dairy sector in this simulation. Similarly, districts
that depend on exports, such as Tasman’s wine and Auckland’s manufacturing, see low
growth due to the costs imposed by the appreciation of the exchange rate.
The impacts of a $1/kg price increase on per person consumption or living standards in each
region are shown in Table 7.
Source: NZIER
Source: NZIER
A substantial part of farmers’ expenses are the farm working expenses. Farm working
expenses typically include wages, animal health and breeding, feed made and purchased,
stock grazing fertiliser, expenditure on removing weed and pests, repairs and maintenance,
fuel, vehicle charges, administration, insurance, ACC, and rates.
This leaves what is known as the cash operating surplus. This is less than half of the initial
cash income. From this farmers pay off interest and rent (this includes overdraft and term
payments and also rent of land), tax (terminal and estimated tax), and drawings (family living
expenses). This leaves the cash available for farm development, any investments made and
repaying principal on debt.
This demonstrates that most of the money received by farmers as their cash income in one
form or another is spent in New Zealand. This is of fundamental importance for the New
Zealand economy since it drives further income generation and has a major impact on
domestic economic activity.
• New Zealand’s 2009 GDP increasing by $690 million, relative to what it would have been
had the dairy sector stagnated at 1998/99 levels. While labour and land can switch to
alternative uses should dairy have stagnated, productivity gains and capital accumulation
within the sector are net gains to the economy.
• New Zealand’s 2009 welfare as proxied by private and public consumption being
$1.1 billion higher than it would otherwise been. From the point of view of 1999, the
cumulative net present value (NPV) of the decade’s consumption growth to 2009 is $6.4
billion.
• The dairy sector’s strong export growth over the last decade has improved New Zealand’s
balance of trade, and allowed for increased consumption spending. This export growth
reduced New Zealand’s net foreign liabilities to GDP ratio by over 1%. Together with the
exchange rate appreciation, this saved $231 million in interest repayments on foreign
debt in 2009, or cumulatively $1.2 billion from 1999.
• Real wages in 2009 increasing by 0.9% as increasing incomes means increased demand
for goods and services, which in turn results in higher wages for employees.
Significantly, the gains from the growth in the dairy sector, including wage rises, are not just
felt within the sector itself, but more widely throughout the economy:
• Growth in the fertilizer and agricultural service industries, which supply the dairy sector
with intermediate inputs, are up by 0.9% and 4.3% in 2009, relative to what they would
have been if dairy stagnated.
• Industries where households spend their income, such as retail and housing, also benefit
from the growth in the dairy sector, with activity in 2009 0.5% and 0.9% higher than had
dairy not grown as experienced.
• These positive flow-on impacts have further flow-on impacts to the tax-take of the
government. Increased tax revenue coming in means more money to spend on essential
services such as schools, hospitals and police. In 2009, these sectors are 0.7%, 0.6% and
0.2% better off because of the growth in the dairy sector.
• Conversely, there are industries that have lost from growth in the dairy sector, most
notably the sheep and beef sector which competes for resources. Our modelling
suggests that this industry would have grown by an extra 10% over the last decade,
had dairy stagnated rather than grown. Similarly, other export industries such as textiles
and apples and pears suffered from a higher exchange rate, down by -2.3% and -3.0%
respectively.
Regionally, the results favour those areas where dairy farming has grown the most:
• Canterbury and Southland 2009 regional GDP levels are 1.4% and 1.3% higher than they
would have been had dairying not increased the economic activity within their districts.
• Hawkes Bay, with a strong dependence on fruit and horticulture, is 0.3% worse off
because of the currency appreciation caused by the growth in dairying.
Source: Dairy NZ
Source: NZIER
• Competing export industries – industries that compete for resources (such as land and
labour) with the dairy sector lose from dairy’s growth. Sheep and beef, in particular, grew
by 10% less, crowded out by the growth in dairying. Similarly, apple and pear and the
textiles industry both suffer from a higher currency that is a result of the growth in dairy.
Source: NZIER
• export, capital and productivity gains that accrued over the last decade within the dairy sector
The NEB/welfare gain for New Zealand, proxied by private and public consumption
(household and government spending respectively), is an increase of 0.8%. That represents a
gain of $1.1 billion of consumption in 2009, relative to BAU. The NEB result is greater than the
GDP gain for the same reasons given in section 3.2.3.
An alternative way to think about the gains from growth in dairy production is through
their cumulative effect. In each year there is an increase in consumption that is enjoyed
by consumers. So far, we have measured that by giving the gain in 2009 of $1.1 billion.
Examining instead the net present value (NPV) of the years’ consumption gains gives a better
picture of the cumulative benefit to the nation.11 From the point of view of 1999, the NPV
of the decade’s consumption growth to 2009 is $6.4 billion. That is to say the gains realised
from 1999-2009 are equivalent to the nation’s consumption increasing by $6.4 billion in 1999,
which would have been 4.3% of 1999’s total consumption.
The significant export gains from dairying reduce the ratio of New Zealand’s foreign debt to
GDP by over 1%. Together with the exchange rate appreciation, this saves the country $231
million in interest repayments on foreign debt. Across the decade, the NPV of the interest
savings from the viewpoint of 1999 total $1.2 billion.
These positive impacts are partially offset by crowding out of the sheep and beef and other
exporting industries that suffer from a currency appreciation, and the decreased availability
of resources (capital, labour and land). Our modelling captures the fact that land or labour not
being used by a growing dairy sector could have been used by other industries such as sheep
and beef. This dampens the impact of the growth in the dairy sector, but doesn’t fully offset it. 12
12. We do not consider Crown costs associated with the increased greenhouse gas emissions resulting from dairy production. In our
modelling framework, if dairy had not grown since 1998/99, other sectors would have soaked up the spare resources (land, labour,
capital, energy, etc). These sectors would then have produced additional emissions. Ascertaining the net effect of this shift in
production is difficult.
Overall, a combination of higher output and higher exports means New Zealand is
fundamentally wealthier because of the growth in the dairy sector. In terms of the nation’s
overall productive capacity, labour and land are able to switch to alternative uses (and
therefore could have been used by alternative industries); however productivity and capital
gains during the growth of the dairy sector lead to an increase in New Zealand’s GDP.
Source: NZIER
(1) Change in interest repayments on foreign debt
Northland and Waikato districts also benefit significantly from growth in the dairy industry.
Increases in government spending lead to a benefit to the Wellington regional economy,
while Hawkes Bay, which is home to a large fruit and horticulture sector, has been slightly
crowded out by the growth in the dairy sector.
The impacts of volume growth on per person consumption or living standards in each region
are shown in Table 11.
Source: NZIER
Source: NZIER
Table711
Table Increase
Increase inin grossregional
gross regionalproduct
product
Region Per person increase in GRP
Region Per person increase in GRP
Northland $110
Northland $170
Auckland $8
Auckland -$4
Waikato $270
Waikato $130
Bay Of Plenty $84
Bay Of Plenty
Gisborne $66 $74
Gisborne
Hawkes Bay $100 -$100
Hawkes
TaranakiBay $39 $140
Manawatu-Wanganui
Taranaki $160 $120
Wellington
Manawatu-Wanganui $140 $160
Tasman-Nelson
Wellington $140 $12
Marlborough -$4
Tasman-Nelson $12
West Coast $7
Marlborough $54
Canterbury $590
West Coast $69
Otago $39
Canterbury $41
Southland $650
Otago $82
Source: NZIER
Southland $68
Source: NZIER
For this study we have calibrated the dairy industry in our database to match the aggregate
dairy industry figures provided by Fonterra and Dairy NZ. More technical detail on the model
is presented below.
Source: NZIER
In addition to solving a ‘static’ problem in each period, the MONASH-NZ model improves
upon ORANI-NZ simulations by adding three dynamic adjustment processes:
• Labour market adjustment: We assume that wages are sticky in the short run and
gradually adjust over time. A mechanism in the model allows employment to first
respond to increases in aggregate demand and then return to the NAIRU over time as
wages adjust.
• Balance of payments adjustment: The model tracks changes in the current account and
capital account over time. Changes in net foreign liabilities affect domestic consumption
through the level of interest that must be paid to service the foreign debt.
• 131 industries
• 210 commodities
• 14 regions
• 1 household
• 24 occupations
The database has been sourced initially from Statistics New Zealand 1995/96 Inter-Industry
tables, updated using the subsequently released 2003 Supply and Use tables, and finally ‘up-
scaled’ to 2007 levels using latest Statistics New Zealand macroeconomic data.
Absorption Matrix
1 2 3 4 5
6
Change in
Producers Investors Household Export Government
Inventories
Size ← I → ← I → ← 1 → ← 1 → ← 1 → ← 1 →
↑
Basic
C×S V1BAS V2BAS V3BAS V4BAS V5BAS V6BAS
Flows
↓
↑
Margins C×S×M V1MAR V2MAR V3MAR V4MAR V5MAR n/a
↓
↑
Taxes C×S V1TAX V2TAX V3TAX V4TAX V5TAX n/a
↓
↑
Labour O V1LAB C = 210 Commodities
↓ I = 131 Industries
↑
Capital 1 V1CAP S = 2: Domestic, Imported
↓ O = 24 Occupation Types
↑
Land 1 V1LND M = 5 Commodities used as Margins
↓
↑
Production
1 V1PTX
Tax ↓
↑
Other
1 V1OCT
Costs ↓
Joint Produc-
Import Duty
tion Matrix
Size ← I → Size ← 1 →
↑ ↑
C MAKE C V0TAR
↓ ↓
Figure
Figure 12 12 Production structure
Production structure
13. A CET function is identical to a CES function except that the transformation parameter has the opposite sign (i.e. increasing price
increases output in a CET; in a CES, increasing price reduces demand)
The primary issue with IO models is that they assume that supply is unconstrained. That is,
inputs such as labour, capital and land are always available for expanding a sector. There is no
recognition of the reality that resources used in one part of the economy are not available for
use elsewhere. Labour and capital are unconstrained and available at a constant price in an IO
framework. That is important because they are also assumed to be used in fixed proportions.
Hence an IO model excludes any consideration of substitutability between factors of
production.
Furthermore, since IO models exclude prices, they also assume that supply is perfectly elastic.
This means that no matter how much labour (for example) is used, there is no change in
wages. The consequence is that they exclude all supply constraints, rigidities and price
effects, leading to unrealistically large shifts in resource use and economic activity.
The absence of substitution effects also extends to demand. There is no substitution between
different goods as incomes rise. Rather, consumption is assumed to rise linearly with incomes
and the proportion of different goods consumed remains constant. In reality, as incomes rise,
people tend to buy relatively more luxuries and fewer necessities, and more services (such as
tourism).
IO models also exclude a treatment of exports and imports. Imports do not compete with
domestic goods and exports are exogenously determined. Neither depends on prices, since
relative prices cannot change.
Among the other drawbacks, savings are fixed as a proportion of incomes, so financial
markets are not included in the model. Technology is exogenous so technological progress
cannot be modelled. This reflects the static nature of the model, which has no dynamic (time)
element to it. The lack of explicit dynamics is problematic for a model which seeks to capture
the change in industry flows over time.
IO models are only appropriate for circumstances where there are no supply constraints
and demand considerations completely dominate the analysis (Bandara, 1991). This set of
circumstances may hold in small regional economies (Dwyer et al, 2005). In such economies
factor and commodity flows from outside the region tend to be very free. If the region is
small enough then relative prices can safely be regarded as exogenous, which allows IO
models to be safely used so long as the assumptions and deficiencies are recognised.
CGE models explicitly address many of the shortcomings in IO analysis. They allow resources
to move between sectors in response to a shock, and the demand and supply of goods and
factors respond to relative prices. CGE models tend to produce smaller economic impacts
than IO models, primarily because they consider the opportunity costs of the expansion (or
contraction) of a sector.
As expected, the CGE multipliers are far lower than the IO multipliers, primarily due to the
price and resource constraints included in the CGE model. The CGE estimates in this study are
between 20% and 55% of the IO multipliers. Such differences are not unusual in the literature.
The widespread usage and acceptance of CGE results over the last thirty years reinforces the
view taken in the literature that it is now the best method available for analysing the impact
of economy-wide shocks.
14. For example, Dixon, Parmenter and Rimmer (2000); Adams et al (1994); Dixon, Picton, and Rimmer (2005), Dixon, Madden, and Peter
(1993); Dixon and Rimmer (1999).
• Foreign debt accounting. We employ a standard ‘MONASH’ method for accounting for
the foreign debts – changes in net foreign liabilities come about if our investment is not
met by domestic savings. We pay interest on foreign debt that is subtracted from national
income. The interest, in foreign currency, is converted to domestic currency by the
exchange rate. In this simulation, the exchange rate appreciation leads to a decrease in
the domestic currency value of the interest repayments. It could be argued that much of
the interest on this foreign debt is likely to be dividend payments on equity. In this case,
the appreciation of the exchange rate should not decrease overseas payments.
• ‘Top-down’ regional modelling. Regional data is by far the most difficult data to obtain
across the diverse range of industries and commodities that we have incorporated within
our model. ‘Bottom-up’ regional modelling provides a clearer picture of regional activity
and in-particular cross-region flows, however requires significant data resources. The top-
down approach here provides indicative regional splits.
• Model structure. The CGE model is based on Statistics New Zealand Input Output tables,
with decisions based on neoclassical economics. Structural changes to the economy from
the reforms are therefore not captured in the modelling, nor are any non-competitive
market structures. This means the distributional elements of the results may differ in
reality if firms with market power do not pass on benefits.
Coleman, W. (2008). ‘Gauging economic performance under changing terms of trade: real
gross domestic income or real gross domestic product?’ Economic Papers, Vol. 27 no.4,
December 2008, pp. 329-343.
Dixon, P. B., J. R. Madden, and M. W. Peter. (1993). ‘The effects of reallocating general revenue
assistance among the Australian states’. Economic Record 69, no. 207 (1993): 367–381.
Dixon, P. B., and B. R. Parmenter. (1996). ‘Computable general equilibrium modelling for policy
analysis and forecasting’. Handbook of computational economics 1 (1996): 3–85.
Dixon, P. B., B. R. Parmenter, and M. T. Rimmer. (2000). ‘Forecasting and policy analysis with a
dynamic CGE model of Australia’. Contributions to Economic Analysis 248 (2000): 363–406.
Dixon, P. B., and M. T Rimmer. (1999). ‘Changes in indirect taxes in Australia: A dynamic general
equilibrium analysis’. The Australian Economic Review 32, no. 4 (1999): 327–348.
Dwyer, L, P. Forsyth, and R. Spurr. (2005). “Estimating the Impacts of Special Events on an
Economy’. Journal of Travel Research 43, no. 4 (May 1, 2005): 351-359. http://jtr.sagepub.com/
cgi/content/abstract/43/4/351
Mules, T. (1999). ‘Estimating the economic impact of an event on a local government area,
region, state or territory’. Valuing tourism: Methods and techniques.
NZIER. (2003). Globalisation a New Zealand perspective. CEDA chapter March 2003.
Source: Calculated by NZIER from Department of Labour, ‘Regional Industry Tool 2009’ http://www.dol.govt.nz/services/LMI/tools/regional-industry-tool.asp
Figure 13 Changing
Appendix markets fordairy
G Changing New Zealand’s
export dairy exports
markets
% of export value
Figure 13 Changing markets for New Zealand’s dairy exports
% of export value
1989
2009
Source: NZIER
Source: NZIER