Neoliberalism

Neoliberalism
Neoliberalism or neo-liberalism[1] refers primarily to the 20th-century resurgence of 19th-century ideas associated with laissez-faire
economic liberalism.[2]:7 Those ideas include economic liberalization policies such as privatization, austerity, deregulation, free
trade[3] and reductions in government spending in order to increase the role of the private sector in the economy and society.[11]
These market-based ideas and the policies they inspired constitute a paradigm shift away from the post-war Keynesian consensus
which lasted from 1945 to 1980.[12][13]
English-speakers have used the term "neoliberalism" since the start of the 20th century with different meanings,[14] but it became
more prevalent in its current meaning in the 1970s and 1980s, used by scholars in a wide variety of social sciences[15][16] as well as
by critics.[17][18] Modern advocates offree market policies avoid the term "neoliberal"[19] and some scholars have described the term
as meaning different things to different people[20][21] as neoliberalism "mutated" into geopolitically distinct hybrids as it travelled
around the world.[4] As such, neoliberalism shares many attributes with other concepts that have contested meanings, including
democracy.[22]
[5] As an economic philosophy, neoliberalism emerged among European

The definition and usage of the term have changed over time.
liberal scholars in the 1930s as they attempted to trace a so-called "third" or "middle" way between the conflicting philosophies of
classical liberalism and socialist planning.[23]:14–5 The impetus for this development arose from a desire to avoid repeating the
economic failures of the early 1930s, which neoliberals mostly blamed on the economic policy of classical liberalism. In the decades
that followed, the use of the term "neoliberal" tended to refer to theories which diverged from the more laissez-faire doctrine of
classical liberalism and which promoted instead a market economy under the guidance and rules of a strong state, a model which
came to be known as thesocial market economy.
In the 1960s, usage of the term "neoliberal" heavily declined. When the term re-appeared in the 1980s in connection with Augusto
Pinochet's economic reforms in Chile, the usage of the term had shifted. It had not only become a term with negative connotations
employed principally by critics of market reform, but it also had shifted in meaning from a moderate form of liberalism to a more
radical and laissez-faire capitalist set of ideas. Scholars now tended to associate it with the theories of Mont Pelerin Society
economists Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman and James M. Buchanan, along with politicians and policy-makers such as Margaret
Thatcher, Ronald Reagan and Alan Greenspan.[5][24] Once the new meaning of neoliberalism became established as a common usage
among Spanish-speaking scholars, it diffused into the English-language study of political economy.[5] By 1994, with the passage of
NAFTA and with the Zapatistas' reaction to this development in Chiapas, the term entered global circulation.[4] Scholarship on the
phenomenon of neoliberalism has been growing over the last couple of decades.[16] The impact of the global 2008–2009 crisis has
[25]
also given rise to new scholarship that criticises neoliberalism and seeks policy alternatives.
Contents
Terminology
Origins
Current usage
Early history
Colloque Walter Lippmann
Mont Pelerin Society
Post-WWII neo-liberal currents
Argentina
Australia
Chile
Germany
China
United Kingdom
United States
Traditions
Austrian School
Chicago School
Political policy aspects
Political freedom
Criticism
Focus on economic efficiency
Class project
Global health
Infrastructure
Corporatism
Environmental impact
Political opposition
Protest
See also
Notes
Further reading
External links
Online lectures
Terminology
Origins
An early use of the term in English was in 1898 by the French economist Charles Gide to
describe the economic beliefs of the Italian economist Maffeo Pantaleoni,[26] with the term
"néo-libéralisme" previously existing in French,[14] and the term was later used by others
including the economist Milton Friedman in a 1951 essay.[27] In 1938 at the Colloque Walter
Lippmann, the term "neoliberalism" was proposed, among other terms, and ultimately chosen
to be used to describe a certain set of economic beliefs.[23]:12–3[28] The colloquium defined
the concept of neoliberalism as involving "the priority of the price mechanism, free enterprise,
the system of competition, and a strong and impartial state".[23]:13–4 To be "neoliberal" meant
advocating a modern economic policy with state intervention.[23]:48 Neoliberal state
interventionism brought a clash with the opposing laissez-faire camp of classical liberals, like
Ludwig von Mises.[29] Most scholars in the 1950s and 1960s understood neoliberalism as
referring to the social market economy and its principal economic theorists such as Eucken, Friedrich von Hayek
Röpke, Rüstow and Müller-Armack. Although Hayek had intellectual ties to the German
neoliberals, his name was only occasionally mentioned in conjunction with neoliberalism
[30]
during this period due to his more pro-free market stance.
During the military rule under Augusto Pinochet (1973–1990) in Chile, opposition scholars took up the expression to describe the
economic reforms implemented there and its proponents (the "Chicago Boys").[5] Once this new meaning was established among
Spanish-speaking scholars, it diffused into the English-language study of political economy.[5] According to one study of 148
scholarly articles, neoliberalism is almost never defined but used in several senses to describe ideology, economic theory,
development theory, or economic reform policy. It has largely become a term of condemnation employed by critics and suggests a
market fundamentalismcloser to the laissez-faire principles of the paleoliberals than to the ideas of those who originally attended the
colloquium. This leaves some controversy as to the precise meaning of the term and its usefulness as a descriptor in the social
sciences, especially as the number of different kinds of market economies have proliferated in recent years.[5]
Another center-left movement from modern American liberalism that used the term "neoliberalism" to describe its ideology formed
in the United States in the 1970s. According to David Brooks, prominent neoliberal politicians included Al Gore and Bill Clinton of
the Democratic Party of the United States.[31] The neoliberals coalesced around two magazines, The New Republic and the
Washington Monthly.[32] The "godfather" of this version of neoliberalism was the journalist Charles Peters,[33] who in 1983
published "A Neoliberal's Manifesto".[34]
Current usage
Shermer argued that the term gained popularity largely among left-leaning academics in the 1970s "to describe and decry a late
twentieth-century effort by policy makers, think-tank experts, and industrialists to condemn social-democratic reforms and
unapologetically implement free-market policies".[35] Neoliberal theory argues that a free market will allow efficiency, economic
growth, income distribution, and technological progress to occur. Any state intervention to encourage these phenomena will worsen
economic performance.[36]
According to some scholars, neoliberalism is commonly used as a catchphrase

and pejorative term, outpacing similar terms such as monetarism, “ At a base level we can say that
when we make reference to
neoconservatism, the Washington Consensus and "market reform" in much
'neoliberalism', we are generally
scholarly writing,[5] The term has been criticized,[37][38] particularly by those referring to the new political,
who often advocate for policies characterized as neoliberal.[39]:74 Historian economic and social
Daniel Stedman Jones says the term "is too often used as a catch-all shorthand arrangements within society that
emphasize market relations, re-
for the horrors associated with globalization and recurring financial
tasking the role of the state, and
crises".[40]:2 The Handbook of Neoliberalism posits that the term has "become individual responsibility. Most
a means of identifying a seemingly ubiquitous set of market-oriented policies scholars tend to agree that
as being largely responsible for a wide range of social, political, ecological and neoliberalism is broadly defined
economic problems". Yet the handbook argues to view the term as merely a
as the extension of competitive
markets into all areas of life,
pejorative or "radical political slogan" is to "reduce its capacity as an analytic including the economy, politics
frame. If neoliberalism is to serve as a way of understanding the and society. ”
transformation of society over the last few decades then the concept is in need The Handbook of Neoliberalism [4]
of unpacking".[4] Currently, neoliberalism is most commonly used to refer to
market-oriented reform policies such as "eliminating price controls,
deregulating capital markets, lowering trade barriers" and reducing state influence on the economy, especially through privatization
and austerity.[5] Other scholars note that neoliberalism is associated with the economic policies introduced by Margaret Thatcher in
the United Kingdom andRonald Reagan in the United States.[6]
There are several distinct usages of the term that can be identified:
As a development model, it refers to the rejection ofstructuralist economicsin favor of the Washington Consensus.
As an ideology, it denotes a conception of freedom as an overarchingsocial value associated with reducing state
functions to those of aminimal state.
As an academic paradigm, it is closely related toneoclassical economic theory.[5]
Sociologists Block and Somers claim there is a dispute over what to call the influence of free market ideas which have been used to
justify the retrenchment of New Deal programs and policies over the last thirty years: neoliberalism, laissez-faire or "free market
ideology".[41] Others, such as Braedley and Luxton, assert that neoliberalism is a political philosophy which seeks to "liberate" the
processes of capital accumulation.[42] In contrast, Piven sees neoliberalism as essentially hyper-capitalism.[43] However, Robert W.
McChesney, while defining it as "capitalism with the gloves off", goes on to assert that the term is largely unknown by the general
public, particularly in the United States.[44]:7–8 Lester Spence uses the term to critique trends in Black politics, defining
neoliberalism as "the general idea that society works best when the people and the institutions within it work or are shaped to work
according to market principles".[45]
Early history
Colloque Walter Lippmann

The worldwide Great Depression of the 1930s brought about high
unemployment and widespread poverty and was widely regarded as a failure of
economic liberalism. To renew liberalism, a group of 25 intellectuals organised
the Walter Lippmann Colloquium at Paris in August 1938. It brought together
Louis Rougier, Walter Lippmann, Friedrich von Hayek, Ludwig von Mises,
Wilhelm Röpke and Alexander Rüstow among others. Most agreed that the
liberalism of laissez-faire had failed and that a new liberalism needed to take
its place with a major role for the state. Mises and Hayek refused to condemn
laissez-faire, but all participants were united in their call for a new project they Per capita income during theGreat
dubbed "neoliberalism".[47]:18–9 They agreed to develop the Colloquium into Depression[46]
a permanent think tank called Centre International d’Études pour la
Rénovation du Libéralisme based in Paris.
Deep disagreements in the group separated "true (third way) neoliberals" around Rüstow and Lippmann on the one hand and old
school liberals around Mises and Hayek on the other. The first group wanted a strong state to supervise, while the second insisted that
the only legitimate role for the state was to abolish barriers to market entry. Rüstow wrote that Hayek and Mises were relics of the
liberalism that caused the Great Depression. Mises denounced the other faction, complaining that ordoliberalism really meant "ordo-
interventionism".[47]:19–20
Mont Pelerin Society

Neoliberalism began accelerating in importance with the founding of the Mont Pelerin Society in 1947 by Friedrich Hayek. The
Colloque Walter Lippmann was largely forgotten.[48] The new society brought together the widely scattered free market thinkers and
political figures.
Hayek and others believed that classical liberalism had failed because of crippling conceptual flaws and that the only
way to diagnose and rectify them was to withdraw into an intensive discussion group of similarly minded
intellectuals.[23]:16
With central planning in the ascendancy worldwide and few avenues to influence policymakers, the society served to bring together
isolated advocates of liberalism as a "rallying point" – as Milton Friedman phrased it. Meeting annually, it would soon be a "kind of
international 'who's who' of the classical liberal and neo-liberal intellectuals."[49] While the first conference in 1947 was almost half
American, the Europeans concentration dominated by 1951. Europe would remain the epicenter of the community with Europeans
dominating the leadership.[23]:16–17
Post-WWII neo-liberal currents
Argentina
In the 1960s, Latin American intellectuals began to notice the ideas of ordoliberalism; these intellectuals often used the Spanish term
"neoliberalismo" to refer to this school of thought. They were particularly impressed by the social market economy and the
Wirtschaftswunder ("economic miracle") in Germany and speculated about the possibility of accomplishing similar policies in their
own countries. Neoliberalism in 1960s meant essentially a philosophy that was more moderate than classical liberalism and favored
using state policy to tempersocial inequality and counter a tendency toward monopoly.[5]
In 1976, the military dictatorship's economic plan led by Martínez de Hoz was the first attempt at a neoliberalist plan in Argentina.
They implemented a fiscal austerity plan, whose goal was to reduce money printing and thus inflation. In order to achieve this,
salaries were frozen, but they were unable to reduce inflation, which led to a drop in the real salary of the working class. Aiming for a
free market, they also decided to open the country's borders, so that foreign goods could freely enter the country. Argentina's industry,
which had been on the rise for the last 20 years since Frondizi's economic plan, rapidly declined, because it wasn't able to compete
with foreign goods. Finally, the deregulation of the financial sector, gave a short-term growth, but then rapidly fell apart when capital
fled to the United States in the Reagan years. Following the measures, there was an increase in poverty from 9% in 1975 to 40% at
the end of 1982.[50]
From 1989 to 2001, another neoliberalist plan was attempted by Domingo Cavallo. This time, the privatization of public services was
the main objective of the government; although financial deregulation and open borders to foreign goods were also re-implemented.
While some privatizations were welcomed, the majority of them were criticized for not being in the people's best interests. Along
with an increased labour market flexibility, the final result of this plan was an unemployment rate of 25% and 60% of people living
under the poverty line, alongside 33 people killed by the police in protests that ended up with the president, Fernando de la Rúa,
resigning two years before his term as president was completed.
Australia
In Australia, neoliberal economic policies (known at the time as "economic rationalism" or "economic fundamentalism") were
embraced by governments of both the Labor Party and the Liberal Party since the 1980s. The governments of Bob Hawke and Paul
Keating from 1983 to 1996 pursued economic liberalisation and a program of micro-economic reform. These governments privatized
government corporations, deregulated factor markets, floated theAustralian dollar and reduced trade protection.[51]
Keating, as federal treasurer, implemented a compulsory superannuation guarantee system in 1992 to increase national savings and
reduce future government liability for old age pensions.[52] The financing of universities was deregulated, requiring students to
contribute to university fees through a repayable loan system known as the Higher Education Contribution Scheme (HECS) and
encouraging universities to increase income by admitting full-fee-paying students, including foreign students.[53] The admitting of
[54]
domestic full fee paying students to public universities was stopped in 2009 by the Rudd Labor government.
Chile
In 1955, a select group of Chilean students (later known as the Chicago Boys) were
invited to the University of Chicago to pursue postgraduate studies in economics. They
worked directly under Friedman and his disciple, Arnold Harberger, while also being
exposed to Hayek. When they returned to Chile in the 1960s, they began a concerted
effort to spread the philosophy and policy recommendations of the Chicago and Austrian
schools, setting up think tanks and publishing in ideologically sympathetic media. Under
the military dictatorship headed by Pinochet and severe social repression, the Chicago
Pamphlet calling for a protest in
boys implemented radical economic reform. The latter half of the 1970s witnessed rapid
1983 following the economic
crisis attributed to neoliberal and extensive privatization, deregulation and reductions in trade barriers. In 1978,
experimentation[55][56] policies that would reduce the role of the state and infuse competition and individualism
into areas such as labor relations, pensions, health and education were introduced.[5]
These policies resulted in widening inequality as they negatively impacted the wages,
benefits and working conditions of Chile's working class.[50][57] According to Chilean economist Alejandro Foxley, by the end of
Pinochet's reign around 44% of Chilean families were living below the poverty line.[58] According to Klien, by the late 1980s the
economy had stabilized and was growing, but around 45% of the population had fallen into poverty while the wealthiest 10% saw
their incomes rise by 83%.[59]
In 1990, the military dictatorship ended. Hayek argued that increased economic freedom had put pressure on the dictatorship over
time and increased political freedom. Years earlier, he argued that "economic control is not merely control of a sector of human life
which can be separated from the rest; it is the control of the means for all our ends".[60] The Chilean scholars Martínez and Díaz
rejected this argument, pointing to the long tradition of democracy in Chile. The return of democracy required the defeat of the
Pinochet regime, though it had been fundamental in saving capitalism. The essential contribution came from profound mass
.[61]
rebellions and finally, old party elites using old institutional mechanisms to bring back democracy
Germany
Neoliberal ideas were first implemented in West Germany. The economists around Ludwig
Erhard drew on the theories they had developed in the 1930s and 1940s and contributed to
West Germany’s reconstruction after the Second World War.[62] Erhard was a member of the
Mont Pelerin Society and in constant contact with other neoliberals. He pointed out that he is
[63]
commonly classified as neoliberal and that he accepted this classification.
The ordoliberal Freiburg School was more pragmatic. The German neoliberals accepted the
classical liberal notion that competition drives economic prosperity, but they argued that a
laissez-faire state policy stifles competition as the strong devour the weak since monopolies
and cartels could pose a threat to freedom of competition. They supported the creation of a Ludwig Erhard
well-developed legal system and capable regulatory apparatus. While still opposed to full-
scale Keynesian employment policies or an extensivewelfare state, German neoliberal theory
was marked by the willingness to place humanistic and social values on par with economic efficiency. Alfred Müller-Armack coined
the phrase "social market economy" to emphasize the egalitarian and humanistic bent of the idea.[5] According to Boas and Gans-
[5]
Morse, Walter Eucken stated that "social security and social justice are the greatest concerns of our time".
Erhard emphasized that the market was inherently social and did not need to be made so.[47]
He hoped that growing prosperity would enable the population to manage much of their
social security by self-reliance and end the necessity for a widespread welfare state. By the
name of Volkskapitalismus, there were some efforts to foster private savings. However,
although average contributions to the public old age insurance were quite small, it remained
by far the most important old age income source for a majority of the German population,
therefore despite liberal rhetoric the 1950s witnessed what has been called a "reluctant
expansion of the welfare state". To end widespread poverty among the elderly the pension
reform of 1957 brought a significant extension of the German welfare state which already
had been established under Otto von Bismarck.[64] Rüstow, who had coined the label
Builders in West Berlin, 1952
"neoliberalism", criticized that development tendency and pressed for a more limited welfare
program.[47]
Hayek did not like the expression "social market economy", but stated in 1976 that some of his friends in Germany had succeeded in
implementing the sort of social order for which he was pleading while using that phrase. However, in Hayek's view the social market
economy's aiming for both a market economy andsocial justice was a muddle of inconsistent aims.[65] Despite his controversies with
the German neoliberals at the Mont Pelerin Society, Ludwig von Mises stated that Erhard and Müller-Armack accomplished a great
act of liberalism to restore the German economy and called this "a lesson for the US".[66] However, according to different research
Mises believed that the ordoliberals were hardly better than socialists. As an answer to Hans Hellwig's complaints about the
interventionist excesses of the Erhard ministry and the ordoliberals, Mises wrote: "I have no illusions about the true character of the
politics and politicians of the social market economy". According to Mises, Erhard's teacher Franz Oppenheimer "taught more or less
the New Frontier line of" President Kennedy's "Harvard consultants (Schlesinger, Galbraith, etc.)".[67]
In Germany, neoliberalism at first was synonymous with both ordoliberalism and social market economy. But over time the original
term neoliberalism gradually disappeared since social market economy was a much more positive term and fit better into the
[47]
Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle) mentality of the 1950s and 1960s.
China
Following the death of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping led the country through far ranging market centered reforms, with the slogan of
Xiǎokāng, that combined neoliberalism with centralized authoritarianism. These focused on agriculture, industry, education and
science/defense.[68]
United Kingdom
During her tenure as Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher oversaw a number of neoliberal reforms including tax reduction, reforming
exchange rates, deregulation and privatization.[69] These reforms were continued and supported by her successor John Major and
although opposed by theLabour Party at the time they were largely left unaltered when the latter came to power in 1997. Instead, the
Labour government underTony Blair finished off a variety of uncompleted privatisation and deregulation measures.[70]
The Adam Smith Institute, a United Kingdom-based free market think tank and lobbying group formed in 1977 and a major driver of
the aforementioned neoliberal reforms,[71] officially changed its libertarian label to neoliberal in October 2016.[72]
United States
David Harvey traces the rise of neoliberalism in the United States to Lewis Powell's 1971 confidential memorandum to the Chamber
of Commerce.[68]:43 A call to arms to the business community to counter criticism of the free enterprise system, it was a significant
factor in the rise of conservative organizations and think-tanks which advocated for neoliberal policies, such as the Business
Roundtable, The Heritage Foundation, the Cato Institute, Citizens for a Sound Economy, Accuracy in Academia and the Manhattan
Institute for Policy Research. For Powell, universities were becoming an ideological battleground, and he recommended the
establishment of an intellectual infrastructure to serve as a counterweight to the increasingly popular ideas of Ralph Nader and other
opponents of big business.[73][74][75] On the left, neoliberal ideas were developed and widely popularized by John Kenneth Galbraith
while the Chicago School ideas were advanced and repackaged into a progressive, leftist perspective in Lester Thurow's influential
1980 book "The Zero-Sum Society".[76]
Early roots of neoliberalism were laid in the 1970s during the Carter administration, with deregulation of the trucking, banking and
airline industries.[77][78][79] This trend continued into the 1980s under the Reagan administration, which included tax cuts, increased
defense spending, financial deregulation and trade deficit expansion.[80] Likewise, concepts of supply-side economics, discussed by
the Democrats in the 1970s, culminated in the 1980 Joint Economic Committee report "Plugging in the Supply Side". This was
picked up and advanced by the Reagan administration, with Congress following Reagan's basic proposal and cutting federal income
taxes across the board by 25% in 1981.[81]
During the 1990s, the Clinton administration also embraced neoliberalism[70] by supporting the passage of the North American Free
Trade Agreement (NAFTA), continuing the deregulation of the financial sector through passage of the Commodity Futures
Modernization Act and the repeal of the Glass–Steagall Act and implementing cuts to the welfare state through passage of the
Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act.[80][82][83] The neoliberalism of the Clinton administration differs from that of
Reagan as the Clinton administration purged neoliberalism of neoconservative positions on militarism, family values, opposition to
multiculturalism and neglect of ecological issues.[69]:50–1 Writing in New York, journalist Jonathan Chait disputed accusations that
the Democratic Party had been hijacked by neoliberals, saying that its policies have largely stayed the same since the New Deal.
Instead, Chait suggested this came from arguments that presented a false dichotomy between free market economics and socialism,
ignoring mixed economies.[84] Historian Walter Scheidel says that both parties shifted to promote free market capitalism in the
[85]
1970s, with the Democratic Party being "instrumental in implementing financial deregulation in the 1990s".
Traditions
Austrian School
The Austrian School is a school of economic thought which bases its study of economic phenomena on the interpretation and analysis
of the purposeful actions of individuals.[86][87][88] It derives its name from its origin in late-19th and early-20th century Vienna with
the work of Carl Menger, Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, Friedrich von Wieser and others.[89]
Among the contributions of the Austrian School to economic theory are the subjective theory of value, marginalism in price theory
and the formulation of the economic calculation problem.[90] Many theories developed by "first wave" Austrian economists have
been absorbed into most mainstream schools of economics. These include Carl Menger's theories on marginal utility, Friedrich von
Wieser's theories on opportunity cost and Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk's theories on time preference as well as Menger and Böhm-
Bawerk's criticisms of Marxian economics. The Austrian School follows an approach, termed methodological individualism, a
version of which was codified by Ludwig von Mises and termed "praxeology" in his book published in English as Human Action in
1949.[91]
The former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, speaking of the originators of the School, said in 2000 that "the Austrian
School have reached far into the future from when most of them practiced and have had a profound and, in my judgment, probably an
irreversible effect on how most mainstream economists think in this country".[92] In 1987, Nobel laureateJames M. Buchanan told an
interviewer: "I have no objections to being called an Austrian. Hayek and Mises might consider me an Austrian but, surely some of
the others would not".[93] Republican Congressman Ron Paul stated that he adheres to Austrian School economics and has authored
six books which refer to the subject.[94][95] Paul's former economic adviser, investment dealer Peter Schiff,[96] also calls himself an
adherent of the Austrian School.[97] Jim Rogers, investor and financial commentator, also considers himself of the Austrian School of
economics.[98] Chinese economist Zhang Weiying, who is known in China for his advocacy of free market reforms, supports some
[99]
Austrian theories such as the Austrian theory of the business cycle.
Chicago School
The Chicago school of economics describes a neoclassical school of thought within the academic community of economists, with a
strong focus around the faculty of University of Chicago. Chicago macroeconomic theory rejected Keynesianism in favor of
monetarism until the mid-1970s, when it turned to new classical macroeconomics heavily based on the concept of rational
expectations.[100] The school is strongly associated with economists such as Milton Friedman, George Stigler, Ronald Coase and
Gary Becker.[101]
The school emphasizes non-intervention from government and generally rejects regulation in markets as inefficient with the
exception of central bank regulation of the money supply (i.e. monetarism). Although the school's association with neoliberalism is
sometimes resisted by its proponents,[100] its emphasis on reduced government intervention in the economy and a laissez-faire
ideology have brought about an affiliation between the Chicago school and neoliberal economics.[12][102]
Political policy aspects
Political freedom
In The Road to Serfdom, Hayek has argued: "Economic control is not merely control of a sector of human life which can be separated
[60]
from the rest; it is the control of the means for all our ends."
Later in his book Capitalism and Freedom (1962), Friedman developed the argument that economic freedom, while itself an
extremely important component of total freedom, is also a necessary condition for political freedom. He commented that centralized
control of economic activitieswas always accompanied with political repression.
In his view, the voluntary character of all transactions in an unregulated market economy
and wide diversity that it permits are fundamental threats to repressive political leaders
and greatly diminish power to coerce. Through elimination of centralized control of
economic activities, economic power is separated from political power and the one can
serve as counterbalance to the other. Friedman feels that competitive capitalism is
especially important to minority groups since impersonal market forces protect people
from discrimination in their economic activities for reasons unrelated to their
productivity.[103]
Milton Friedman and Richard
Amplifying Friedman's argument, it has often been pointed out that increasing economic
Nixon
freedoms tend to raise expectations on political freedoms, eventually leading to
democracy. Other scholars see the existence of non-democratic yet market-liberal
regimes and the undermining of democratic control by market processes as strong evidence that such a general, ahistorical nexus
cannot be upheld.[104] Contemporary discussion on the relationship between neoliberalism and democracy shifted to a more
historical perspective, studying extent and circumstances of how much the two are mutually dependent, contradictory or
incompatible.
Stanley Fish argues that neoliberalization of academic life may promote a narrower and in his opinion more accurate definition of
academic freedom "as the freedom to do the academic job, not the freedom to expand it to the point where its goals are infinite".
What Fish urges is "not an inability to take political stands, but a refraining from doing so in the name of academic
responsibility".[105]
Criticism
Neoliberalism has received criticism both from the political left as well as the right,[106] in addition to myriad activists and
academics.[107]
Focus on economic efficiency

Much of the literature in support of neoliberalism relies on the idea that neoliberal market logic improves a very narrow monetized
conception of performance, which is not necessarily the best approach. This focus on economic efficiency can compromise other,
perhaps more important factors. Anthropologist Mark Fleming argues that when the performance of a transit system is assessed
purely in terms of economic efficiency, social goods such as strong workers' rights are considered impediments to maximum
performance, which given the monetization of time means timely premium rapid networks.[108] Using the case study of the San
Francisco Muni, Fleming shows that neoliberal worldview has resulted in vicious attacks on the drivers' union, for example through
the setting of impossible schedules so that drivers are necessarily late and through brutal public smear campaigns. This ultimately
resulted in the passing of Proposition G, which severely undermined the powers of the Muni drivers' union. Workers' rights are by no
means the only victims of the neoliberal focus on economic efficiency as it is important to recognize that this vision and metric of
performance judgment de-emphasizes literally every public good that is not conventionally monetized. For example, the geographers
Birch and Siemiatycki contend that the growth of marketization ideology has shifted discourse such that it focuses on monetary rather
, environmental concerns and social justice.[109]
than social objectives, making it harder to justify public goods driven by equity
Class project
David Harvey described neoliberalism as a class project, designed to impose class on society through liberalism.[110] Economists
Gérard Duménil and Dominique Lévy posit that "the restoration and increase of the power, income, and wealth of the upper classes"
are the primary objectives of the neoliberal agenda.[111] Economist David M. Kotz contends that neoliberalism "is based on the
thorough domination of labor by capital".[39]:43 The emergence of the "precariat", a new class facing acute socio-economic
[112]
insecurity and alienation, has been attributed to the globalization of neoliberalism.
Sociologist Thomas Volscho argues that the imposition of neoliberalism in the United States arose from a conscious political
mobilization by capitalist elites in the 1970s who faced two crises: the legitimacy of capitalism and a falling rate of profitability in
industry. Various neoliberal ideologies (such as monetarism and supply-side economics) had been long advanced by elites, translated
into policies by the Reagan administration and ultimately resulted in less governmental regulation and a shift from a tax-financed
state to a debt-financed one. While the profitability of industry and the rate of economic growth never recovered to the heyday of the
1960s, the political and economic power of W [113]
all Street and finance capital vastly increased due to the debt-financing of the state.
Several scholars have linked the rise of neoliberalism to unprecedented levels

of mass incarceration of the poor in the United “ The invisible hand of the market
and the iron fist of the state
States.[2]:3, 346[115][116][117][118] Sociologist Loïc Wacquant argues that
combine and complement each
neoliberal policy for dealing with social instability among economically other to make the lower classes
marginalized populations following the implementation of other neoliberal accept desocialized wage labor
policies, which have allowed for the retrenchment of the social welfare state and the social instability it brings
in its wake. After a long eclipse,
and the rise of punitive workfare and have increased gentrification of urban
the prison thus returns to the
areas, privatization of public functions, the shrinking of collective protections frontline of institutions entrusted
for the working class via economic deregulation and the rise of underpaid, with maintaining the social
precarious wage labor, is the criminalization of poverty and mass order. ”
incarceration.[116]:53–54[119] By contrast, it is extremely lenient in dealing Loïc Wacquant[114]
with those in the upper echelons of society, in particular when it comes to
economic crimes of the privileged classes and corporations such as fraud, embezzlement, insider trading, credit and insurance fraud,
money laundering and violation of commerce and labor codes.[116][120] According to Wacquant, neoliberalism does not shrink
government, but instead sets up a "centaur state" with little governmental oversight for those at the top and strict control of those at
the bottom.[116][121]
In expanding upon Wacquant's thesis, sociologist and political economist John L. Campbell of Dartmouth College suggests that
through privatization, the prison system exemplifies the centaur state:
On the one hand, it punishes the lower class, which populates the prisons; on the other hand, it profits the upper class,
which owns the prisons, and it employs the middle class, which runs them.
In addition, he says the prison system benefits corporations through

outsourcing as the inmates are "slowly becoming a source of low-wage labor
for some US corporations". Both through privatization and outsourcing,
Campbell argues, the penal state reflects neoliberalism.[124]:61 Campbell also
argues that while neoliberalism in the United States established a penal state
for the poor, it also put into place a debtor state for the middle class and that
"both have had perverse effects on their respective targets: increasing rates of
incarceration among the lower class and increasing rates of indebtedness—and
United States incarceration rateper [124]:68
recently home foreclosure—among the middle class"-
100,000 population, 1925–2013[122][123]
David McNally, Professor of Political Science at York University, argues that
while expenditures on social welfare programs have been cut, expenditures on
prison construction have increased significantly during the neoliberal era, with California having "the gest
lar prison-building program
in the history of the world".[125] The scholar Bernard Harcourt contends the neoliberal concept that the state is inept when it comes to
economic regulation, but efficient in policing and punishing "has facilitated the slide to mass incarceration.[126] Both Wacquant and
[127][128]
Harcourt refer to this phenomenon as "Neoliberal Penality".
Global health
The effect of neoliberalism on global health, particularly the aspect of international aid, involves key players such as non-
governmental organizations (NGOs), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. According to James Pfeiffer,[129]
neoliberal emphasis has been placed on free markets and privatization which has been tied to the "new policy agenda" in which
NGOs are seen as being able to provide better social welfare than governments. International NGOs have been promoted to fill holes
in public services created by the World Bank and IMF through their promotion of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) which
reduce government health spending and which Pfeiffer criticized as unsustainable. The reduced health spending and the gain of the
public health sector by NGOs causes the local health system to become fragmented, undermines local control of health programs and
[130]
contributes to local social inequality between NGO workers and local individuals.
In 2016, researchers for the IMF released a paper entitled "Neoliberalism: Oversold?", which stated:
There is much to cheer in the neoliberal agenda. The expansion of global trade has rescued millions from abject
poverty. Foreign direct investment has often been a way to transfer technology and know-how to developing
economies. Privatization of state-owned enterprises has in many instances led to more efficient provision of services
and lowered the fiscal burden on governments.
However, it was also critical of some neoliberal policies, such as freedom of

capital and fiscal consolidation for "increasing inequality, in turn jeopardizing
durable expansion".[131] The authors also note that some neoliberal policies
are to blame for financial crises around the world growing bigger and more
damaging.[132] The report contends the implementation of neoliberal policies
by economic and political elites has led to "three disquieting conclusions":
The benefits in terms of increased growth seem fairly difficult to Member nations of theInternational
establish when looking at a broad group of countries. Monetary Fund
The costs in terms of increased inequality are prominent. Such
costs epitomize the trade-off between the growth and equity effects
of some aspects of the neoliberal agenda.
Increased inequality in turn hurts the level and sustainability of growth. Even if growth is the sole or main purpose of
ef [133]
the neoliberal agenda, advocates of that agenda still need to pay attention to the distributional fects.
Writing in The Guardian, Stephen Metcalf posits that the IMF paper helps "put to rest the idea that the word is nothing more than a
political slur, or a term without any analytic power".[134]
The IMF has itself been criticized for its neoliberal policies.[135][136] Rajesh Makwana writes that "the World Bank and IMF, are
major exponents of the neoliberal agenda".[137] Sheldon Richman, editor of the libertarian journal The Freeman, also sees the IMF
imposing "corporatist-flavored 'neoliberalism' on the troubled countries of the world". The policies of spending cuts coupled with tax
increases give "real market reform a bad name and set back the cause of genuine liberalism". Paternalistic supranational bureaucrats
foster "long-term dependency, perpetual indebtedness, moral hazard, and politicization, while discrediting market reform and
forestalling revolutionary liberal change".[138]
Rowden wrote that the IMF’s monetarist approach towards prioritising price stability (low inflation) and fiscal restraint (low budget
deficits) was unnecessarily restrictive and has prevented developing countries from scaling up long-term investment in public health
infrastructure, resulting in chronically underfunded public health systems, demoralising working conditions that have fueled a "brain
HIV/AIDS in developing countries.[139]
drain" of medical personnel and the undermining of public health and the fight against
The implementation of neoliberal policies and the acceptance of neoliberal economic theories in the 1970s are seen by some
academics as the root of financialization, with the financial crisis of 2007–2008 as one of the ultimate
results.[140][42][141][142][39][143]
Infrastructure
Nicolas Firzli has argued that the rise of neoliberalism eroded the post-war consensus and Eisenhower-era Republican centrism that
had resulted in the massive allocation of public capital to large-scale infrastructure projects throughout the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s in
both Western Europe and North America: "In the pre-Reagan era, infrastructure was an apolitical, positively connoted, technocratic
term shared by mainstream economists and policy makers […] including President Eisenhower, a praetorian Republican leader who
had championed investment in the Interstate Highway System, America’s national road grid […] But Reagan, Thatcher, Delors and
their many admirers amongst Clintonian, N
‘ ew Labour’ and EU Social-Democrat decision makers in Brussels sought to dismantle the
generous state subsidies for social infrastructure and public transportation across the United States, Britain and the European
Union".[144]
Following Brexit, the 2016 United States presidential election and the progressive emergence of a new kind of "self-seeking
capitalism" ("Trumponomics") moving away to some extent from the neoliberal orthodoxies of the past, we may witness a "massive
[145][146]
increase in infrastructure investment" in the United States, Britain and other advanced economies:
"With the victory of Donald J. Trump on November 8, 2016, the ‘neoliberal-neoconservative’ policy consensus that
had crystalized in 1979–1980 (Deng Xiaoping’s visit to the United States, election of Reagan and Thatcher) finally
came to an end [...] The deliberate neglect of America’s creaking infrastructure assets (notably public transportation
and water sanitation) from the early 1980s on eventually fueled a widespread popular discontent that came back to
haunt both Hillary Clinton and the Republican establishment. Donald Trump was quick to seize on the issue to make
a broader slap against thelaissez-faire complacency of the federal government".[147]
[148]
Others, such as Catherine Rottenberg, do not see Trump's victory as an end to neoliberalism, but rather a new phase of it.
Corporatism
Mark Arthur has written that the influence of neoliberalism has given rise to an "anti-corporatist" movement in opposition to it. This
"anti-corporatist" movement is articulated around the need to re-claim the power that corporations and global institutions have
stripped governments of. He says that Adam Smith's "rules for mindful markets" served as a basis for the anti-corporate movement,
[149]
"following government's failure to restrain corporations from hurting or disturbing the happiness of the neighbor [Smith]".
Environmental impact
Nicolas Firzli has argued that the neoliberal era was essentially defined by "the economic ideas of Milton Friedman, who wrote that
'if anything is certain to destroy our free society, to undermine its very foundation, it would be a widespread acceptance by
management of social responsibilities in some sense other than to make as much money as possible. This is a fundamentally
subversive doctrine'".[150] Firzli insists that prudent,fiduciary-driven long-term investors cannot ignore theenvironmental, social and
corporate governance consequences of actions taken by the CEOs of the companies whose shares they hold as "the long-dominant
Friedman stance is becoming culturally unacceptable and financially costly in the boardrooms of pension funds and industrial firms
in Europe and North America".[150]
Political opposition
Counterpoints to neoliberalism:
Globalization can subvert nations' ability forself-determination.[151]

The replacement of a government-owned monopoly with private companies, each supposedly trying to provide the
consumer with better value service than all of its private competitors, removes the ficiency
ef that can be gained from
the economy of scale.[152]
Even if it could be shown that neoliberal capitalism increases productivity
, it erodes the conditions in which
production occurs long term, i.e. resources/nature, requiring expansion into new areas. It is therefore not sustainable
within the world's limited geographical space.[153]
Exploitation: critics consider neoliberal economics to promoteexploitation and social injustice.[154]
Negative economic consequences: Critics argue that neoliberal policies produce economic inequality.[2]:7
Mass incarceration of the poor: some critics claim that neoliberal policies result in an expanding carceral state and
the criminalization of poverty.[2]:3, 346[118]
Increase in corporate power: some organizations and economists believe neoliberalism, unlike liberalism, changes
economic and government policies to increase the power of corporations and a shift to benefit the upper
classes.[155][156]
Anti-democratic: some scholars contend that neoliberalism undermines the basic elements of democracy .[104][157]
There are terrains of struggles for neoliberalism locally and socially
. Urban citizens are increasingly deprived of the
[158]
power to shape the basic conditions of daily life.
Trade-led, unregulated economic activity andlax state regulation of pollution lead to environmental impacts or
degradation.[159]
Deregulation of the labor market produces flexibilization and casualization of labor
, greater informal employment and
a considerable increase in industrial accidents and occupational diseases. [160]
Mass extinction: according to David Harvey, "the era of neoliberalization also happens to be the era of the fastest
[68]:173
mass extinction of species in the Earth's recent history".
American scholar and cultural critic Henry Giroux alleges neoliberalism holds
that market forces should organize every facet of society, including economic
“ Instead of citizens, it produces
consumers. Instead of
and social life; and promotes a social Darwinist ethic which elevates self- communities, it produces
interest over social needs.[161][162][163] shopping malls. The net result is
an atomized society of
According to the economists Howell and Diallo, neoliberal policies have disengaged individuals who feel
contributed to a United States economy in which 30% of workers earn low demoralized and socially
powerless. ”
wages (less than two-thirds the median wage for full-time workers) and 35%
Robert W. McChesney [44]:11
of the labor force is underemployed as only 40% of the working-age
population in the country is adequately employed.[164]
The Center for Economic Policy Research's (CEPR) Dean Baker (2006) argued that the driving force behind rising inequality in the
United States has been a series of deliberate, neoliberal policy choices including anti-inflationary bias, anti-unionism and profiteering
in the health industry.[165] However, countries have applied neoliberal policies at varying levels of intensity—for example, the
OECD has calculated that only 6% of Swedish workers are beset with wages it considers low and that Swedish wages are overall
lower.[166] Others argue that Sweden's adoption of neoliberal reforms, in particular the privatization of public services and reduced
[167][168]
state benefits, has resulted in income inequality growing faster in Sweden than any other OECD nation.
The rise of anti-austerity parties in Europe and SYRIZA's victory in the Greek legislative elections of January 2015 have some
proclaiming "the end of neoliberalism".[169]
Kristen R. Ghodsee, ethnographer and Professor of Russian and East European Studies at the University of Pennsylvania, asserts that
the triumphalist attitudes of Western powers at the end of theCold War and the fixation with linking all leftist political ideals with the
excesses of Stalinism, permitted neoliberal, free market capitalism to fill the void, which undermined democratic institutions and
reforms, leaving a trail of economic misery, unemployment and rising inequality throughout the former Eastern Bloc and much of the
gence of extremist nationalisms in both the former and the latter.[170]
West in the following decades that has fueled the resur
In Latin America, the "pink tide" that swept leftist governments into power at the turn of the millennium can be seen as a reaction
against neoliberal hegemony and the notion that t"here is no alternative" (TINA) to the Washington Consensus.[171]
Notable critics of neoliberalism in theory or practice include economists Joseph Stiglitz,[172] Amartya Sen, Michael Hudson,[173]
Robert Pollin,[174] Julie Matthaei[175] and Richard D. Wolff;[156] linguist Noam Chomsky;[44] geographer and anthropologist David
Harvey;[68] political activist and public intellectual Cornel West;[176] Marxist feminist Gail Dines;[177] author, activist and
filmmaker Naomi Klein;[178] journalist and environmental activist George Monbiot;[179] Belgian psychologist Paul Verhaeghe;[180]
journalist and activist Chris Hedges;[181] and the alter-globalization movement in general, including groups such as ATTAC. Critics
of neoliberalism argue that not only is neoliberalism's critique of socialism (as unfreedom) wrong, but neoliberalism cannot deliver
the liberty that is supposed to be one of its strong points.
Protest
In protest against neoliberal globalization, South Korean farmer and former president of the Korean Advanced Farmers Federation
Lee Kyung-hae committed suicide by stabbing himself in the heart during a meeting of the WTO in Cancun, Mexico in 2003. He was
protesting against the decision of the South Korean government to reduce subsidies to farmers. Prior to his death, he expressed his
concerns in broken English:[6]:96
My warning goes out to the all citizens that human beings are in an endangered situation that uncontrolled
multinational corporations and a small number of bit WTO members officials are leading an undesirable globalization
of inhuman, environment-distorting, farmer-killing, and undemocratic. It should be stopped immediately otherwise
the failed logic of the neo-liberalism will perish the diversities of agriculture and disastrously to all human
being.[6]:96[182]
See also
Anarcho-capitalism History of macroeconomic thought
Capitalism Inverted totalitarianism
Classical liberalism Market fundamentalism
Cultural globalization Neoclassical economics
Economic globalization Reagan Democrat
Economic liberalism Right libertarianism
Elite theory Social Darwinism
Free market Technocracy
Globalism Triangulation
Globalization Washington Consensus
Notes
1. See for example: Vincent, Andrew. Modern Political Ideologies(https://books.google.com/books?id=igrwb3rsOOUC&
lpg=PP1&pg=PA337#v=onepage&q&f=false). Hoboken, New Jersey:Wiley-Blackwell. p. 337. ISBN 978-
1405154956.
2. Stephen Haymes, Maria Vidal de Haymes and Reuben Miller (eds),The Routledge Handbook of Poverty in the
United States (http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415673440/), (London: Routledge, 2015),
ISBN 0415673445
3. Goldstein, Natalie (2011).Globalization and Free Trade (https://books.google.com/books?id=bkotGqoG0u0C&lpg=P
P1&pg=PA30#v=onepage&q&f=false). Infobase Publishing. p. 30. ISBN 978-0-8160-8365-7.
4. Springer, Simon; Birch, Kean; MacLeavy, Julie, eds. (2016). The Handbook of Neoliberalism(https://www.routledge.c
om/The-Handbook-of-Neoliberalism/Springer-Birch-MacLeavy/p/book/9781138844001) . Routledge. p. 2 (https://book
s.google.com/books?id=M5qkDAAAQBAJ&lpg=PP1&pg=P A2#v=onepage&q&f=false). ISBN 978-1138844001.
5. Taylor C. Boas, Jordan Gans-Morse (June 2009). "Neoliberalism: From New Liberal Philosophy to Anti-Liberal
Slogan". Studies in Comparative International Development
. 44 (2): 137–161. doi:10.1007/s12116-009-9040-5(http
s://doi.org/10.1007%2Fs12116-009-9040-5).
6. Campbell Jones, Martin Parker, Rene Ten Bos (2005). For Business Ethics. Routledge. ISBN 0415311357. p. 100:
"Neoliberalism represents a set of ideas that caught on from the mid to late 1970s, and are famously associated
with the economic policies introduced by Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom and Ronald Reagan in the
United States following their elections in 1979 and 1981. The 'neo' part of neoliberalism indicates that there is
something new about it, suggesting that it is an updated version of older ideas about 'liberal economics' which
has long argued that markets should be free from intervention by the state. In its simplest version, it reads:
markets good, government bad."
7. Gérard Duménil and Dominique Lévy (2004).Capital Resurgent: Roots of the Neoliberal Revolution(http://www.hup.
harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674011588). Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674011589 Retrieved 3
November 2014.
8. Jonathan Arac in Peter A. Hall and Michèle Lamont inSocial Resilience in the Neoliberal Era(2013) pp xvi–xvii
The term is generally used by those who oppose it. People do not call themselves neoliberal; instead, they tag
their enemies with the term.
9. Collins English Dictionary – Complete and Unabridged © HarperCollins Publishers 1991, 1994, 1998, 2000, 2003
10. "Neo-Liberal Ideas" (https://web.archive.org/web/20040806144320/http://www
.who.int/trade/glossary/story067/en/).
World Health Organization.
11. [4][5][6][7][8][9][10]
12. Palley, Thomas I (2004-05-05)."From Keynesianism to Neoliberalism: Shifting Paradigms in Economics" (http://fpif.o
rg/from_keynesianism_to_neoliberalism_shifting_paradigms_in_economics/) . Foreign Policy in Focus. Retrieved
25 March 2017.
13. Vincent, Andrew. Modern Political Ideologies(https://books.google.com/books?id=igrwb3rsOOUC&lpg=PP1&pg=P
A
339#v=onepage&q&f=false). Hoboken, New Jersey:Wiley-Blackwell. p. 339. ISBN 978-1405154956.
14. "Neoliberalism" (http://oed.com/search?searchType=dictionary&q=Neoliberalism). Oxford English Dictionary(3rd
ed.). Oxford University Press. September 2005. (Subscription or UK public library membership (http://www.oxforddnb.com/
help/subscribe#public) required.)
Slogan". Studies in Comparative International Development . 44 (2): 137–161. doi:10.1007/s12116-009-9040-5(http
s://doi.org/10.1007%2Fs12116-009-9040-5). "Neoliberalism has rapidly become an academic catchphrase. From
only a handful of mentions in the 1980s, use of the term has exploded during the past two decades, appearing in
nearly 1,000 academic articles annually between 2002 and 2005. Neoliberalism is now a predominant concept in
scholarly writing on development and political economy , far outpacing related terms such as monetarism,
neoconservatism, the Washington Consensus, and even market reform."
"Neoliberalism is easily one of the most powerful concepts to emerge within the social sciences in the last two
decades, and the number of scholars who write about this dynamic and unfolding process of socio-spatial
transformation is astonishing."
17. Noel Castree (2013). A Dictionary of Human Geography(https://books.google.com/books?id=eYWcAQAAQBAJ&pg
=PA339). Oxford University Press. p. 339."'Neoliberalism' is very much a critics' term: it is virtually never used by
those whom the critics describe as neoliberals.
"
18. Daniel Stedman Jones (21 July 2014).Masters of the Universe: Hayek, Friedman, and the Birth of Neoliberal Politics
(https://books.google.com/books?id=cMs0AwAAQBAJ&pg=PA13). Princeton University Press. p. 13.ISBN 978-1-
4008-5183-6. "Friedman and Hayek are identified as the original thinkers and Thatcher and Reagan as the
archetypal politicians of Western neoliberalism. Neoliberalism here has a pejorative connotation.
"
19. Rowden, Rick (2016-07-06)."The IMF Confronts Its N-Word" (https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/07/06/the-imf-confronts-
its-n-word-neoliberalism/). Foreign Policy. Retrieved 2016-08-25.
"Neoliberalism is a slippery concept, meaning dif
ferent things to different people. Scholars have examined the
relationships between neoliberalism and a vast array of conceptual categories. "
21. "Student heaps abuse on professor in 'neoliberalism' row"(http://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/student-heaps-abuse-on
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University, recently wrote it was such a broadterm as to be meaningless and few people ever admitted to being
neoliberals"
Slogan". Studies in Comparative International Development . 44 (2): 137–161. doi:10.1007/s12116-009-9040-5(http
s://doi.org/10.1007%2Fs12116-009-9040-5). "Neoliberalism shares many attributes with “essentially contested”
concepts such as democracy, whose multidimensional nature, strong normative connotations, and openness to
modification over time tend to generate substantial debate over their meaning and proper application.
"
23. Philip Mirowski, Dieter Plehwe, The road from Mont Pèlerin: the making of the neoliberal thought collective
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25. Pradella, Lucia; Marois, Thomas (2015).Polarising Development: Alternatives to Neoliberalism and the Crisis(http
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32. Robin, Corey (April 28, 2016)."The First Neoliberals" (https://www.jacobinmag.com/2016/04/chait-neoliberal-new-inq
uiry-democrats-socialism/). Jacobin. Retrieved April 23, 2017.
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34. Charles Peters, A Neoliberal's Manifesto(http://www.unz.org/Pub/WashingtonMonthly-1983may-00008), The
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35. Elizabeth Tandy Shermer, "Review," Journal of Modern History(Dec 2014) 86#4 pp 884–890
36. Kotz, David (2015). The Rise and Fall of Neoliberal Capitalism. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University
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37. Borders, Max (2015-06-26)."Neoliberalism: Making a Boogeyman Out of a Buzzword | Max Borders"
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articles/neoliberalism-making-a-boogeyman-out-of-a-buzzword/)
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48. Jackson, Ben (2010-01-29). "At the Origins of Neo-Liberalism: The Free Economy and the Strong State, 1930–
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160. Feo, Oscar. "Venezuelan Health Reform, Neoliberal Policies and their Impact on Public He
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161. Michael Nevradakis (October 19, 2014).Henry Giroux on the Rise of Neoliberalism(http://truth-out.org/opinion/item/
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162. C.J. Polychroniou (27 March 2013).The Violence of Neoliberalism and the Attackon Higher Education (http://www.tr
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163. Ted Asregadoo (15 June 2014).Truthout Interviews Henry A. Giroux on Neoliberalism (http://www.truth-out.org/new
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164. Howell, David R. and Mamadou Diallo. 2007. "Charting U.S. Economic Performance with Alternative Labor Market
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165. Baker, Dean. 2006. "Increasing Inequality inthe United States.[5] (http://www.paecon.net/PAEReview/issue40/Baker
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166. OECD. 2007. "OECD Employment Outlook. Statistical Annex
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167. Olsson, Per (28 May 2013).The reality of Swedish neo-liberalism(http://www.socialistworld.net/doc/6330). CWI
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168. Higgens, Andrew (26 May 2013).In Sweden, Riots Put an Identity in Question(https://www.nytimes.com/2013/05/27/
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171. Chodor, Tom (2014). Neoliberal Hegemony and the Pink Tide in Latin America: Breaking Up With TINA?
(International Political Economy Series)(http://www.palgrave.com/page/detail/neoliberal-hegemony-and-the-pink-tide
-in-latin-america-tom-chodor/?K=9781137444677) . Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 1137444673.
172. Martin, Will (August 19, 2016)."Nobel Prize-winning economist Stiglitz tells us why 'neoliberalism is dead' " (http://w
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174. Pollin, Robert (2003). Contours of Descent: U.S. Economic Fractures and the Landscape of Global Austerity
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n+of+inhuman+campbell+jones&source=bl&ots=SdYsAmGOkZ&sig=5rK26Q5_aCH3XHktjtCT0XzyZrs&hl=en&sa=X
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Further reading
Ankerl, Guy. Beyond Monopoly Capitalism and Monopoly Socialism
. Schenkman, Cambridge, 1978,ISBN 0-87073-
938-7
Blakeley, Ruth (2009). State Terrorism and Neoliberalism: The Northin the South. Routledge. ISBN 0415686172
Bowles, Samuel; Gordon, David M.; Weisskopf, Thomas E. (1989). "Business Ascendancy and economic Impasse:
A Structural Retrospective on Conservative Economics, 1979–87".Journal of Economic Perspectives. 3 (1): 107–
134. doi:10.1257/jep.3.1.107. JSTOR 1942967.
Brady, David. 2008. Rich Democracies, Poor People: How Politics Explain Poverty
. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Brown, Wendy (2005). "Neoliberalism and the End of Liberal Democracy" inEdgework: critical essays on knowledge
and politics Princeton University Press, ch 3.Abstract
Burgin, Angus. The Great Persuasion: Reinventing Free Markets since the Depression
(Harvard University Press,
2012) 303pp
Buschman, John. Libraries, Classrooms, and the Interests of Democracy: Marking the Limits of Neoliberalsim
. The
Scarecrow Press. Rowman & Littlefield. 2012. 239 pp. notes. bibliog. index.
ISBN 9780810885288.
Campbell, John L., and Ove K. Pedersen, eds.The Rise of Neoliberalism and Institutional AnalysisPrinceton
University Press, 2001. 288 pp.
Clavé, Francis (2015)."Comparative Study of Lippmann's and Hayek's Liberalisms (or neo-liberalisms)"
. The
European Journal of the History of Economic Thought
. 22: 978–999. doi:10.1080/09672567.2015.1093522.
Cooper, Melinda (2017). Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism.Zone Books.
ISBN 978-1935408840
Crouch, Colin. The Strange Non-death of Neo-liberalism, Polity Press, 2011. ISBN 0-7456-5221-2 (Reviewed in The
Montreal Review)
Davies, William. The Limits of Neoliberalism: Authority, Sovereignty and the Logic of Competition.Sage Publications,
2014. ISBN 1446270688
Dean, Jodi (2009). Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies: Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics
. Duke
University Press. ISBN 978-0822345053.
Diaz Molaro, Lucas. "End Neoliberalism, T
ax & Regulate The One Percent". 2012.End Neoliberalism Inc. Ebook.
Eagleton-Pierce, Matthew (2015).Neoliberalism: The Key Concepts. Routledge. ISBN 0415837545
Ferragina, E. and Arrigoni, A. (2016)The Rise and Fall of Social Capital: Requiem for a Theory
. Political Studies
Review.
Ferris, Timothy. The Science of Liberty (2010) HarperCollins 384 pages
Foucault, Michel. The Birth of Biopolitics Lectures at the College de France, 1978–1979. London: Palgrave, 2008.
Gill, Rosalind (2010), "Breaking the silence: the hidden injuries of the neoliberal university
.", in Gill, Rosalind; Ryan-
Flood, Róisín, Secrecy and silence in the research process: feminist reflections , London: Routledge, pp. 228–244,
ISBN 9780415605175
Giroux, Henry (2008). Against the Terror of Neoliberalism: Politics Beyond the Age of Greed (Cultural Politics and
the Promise of Democracy).Paradigm Publishers. ISBN 1594515212
Giroux, Henry (2014). Neoliberalism's War on Higher Education.Haymarket Books. ISBN 1608463346
Griffiths, Simon, and Kevin Hickson, eds.British Party Politics and Ideology after New Labour(2009) Palgrave
Macmillan 256 pp.
Hackworth, Jason (2006).The Neoliberal City: Governance, Ideology
, and Development in American Urbanism.
Cornell University Press. ISBN 0801473039.
Harcourt, Bernard (2012). The Illusion of Free Markets: Punishment and the Myth of Natural Order
. Harvard
University Press. ISBN 0674066162
Larner, Wendy. "Neo-liberalism: policy, ideology, governmentality," Studies in political economy63 (2000) online
Lazzarato, Maurizio (2009). "Neoliberalism in Action: Inequality
, Insecurity and the Reconstitution of the Social".
Theory, Culture & Society. 26 (6): 109–133. doi:10.1177/0263276409350283.
Lyon-Callo, Vincent (2004). Inequality, Poverty, and Neoliberal Governance: Activist Ethnography in the Homeless
Sheltering Industry. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 1442600861
Mirowski, Philip (2014). Never Let a Serious Crisis Go to Waste: How Neoliberalism Survived the Financial
Meltdown. Verso. ISBN 978-1781683026.
Navarro, Vicenç, ed. Neoliberalism, Globalization, and Inequalities: Consequences for Health and Quality of Life
(Policy, Politics, Health, and Medicine Series). Baywood Publishing Company, 2007. ISBN 0895033380
Overbeek, Henk and Bastiaan van Apeldoorn (2012).Neoliberalism in Crisis. Palgrave Macmillan.
ISBN 0230301630
Plant, Raymond (2009).The Neo-liberal State. Oxford University Press.ISBN 0-19-928175-0.
Rottenberg, Catherine (2013)."The Rise of Neoliberal Feminism"(PDF). Cultural Studies. Routledge. 28 (3): 418–
437. doi:10.1080/09502386.2013.857361.
Schram, Sanford F. (2015). The Return of Ordinary Capitalism: Neoliberalism, Precarity
, Occupy. Oxford University
Press. ISBN 978-0190253028.
Solty, Ingar (2012). "After Neoliberalism: Left versus right projects of leadership in the global crisis," in
Stephen Gill
(Ed) (2012). Global Crises and the Crisis of Global Leadership(Cambridge University Press), pp. 199–214.
Springer, Simon (2016). The Discourse of Neoliberalism: An Anatomy of a Powerful Idea (Discourse, Power and
Society). Rowman & Littlefield International.ISBN 978-1783486526
Springer, Simon (2015). Violent Neoliberalism: Development, Discourse, and Dispossession in Cambodia. Palgrave
Macmillan. ISBN 978-1137485328
Stahl, Garth; "Identity, Neoliberalism and Aspiration: Educating White Working-Class Boys" (London, Routledge,
2015).
Verhaeghe, Paul (2014). What About Me? The Struggle for Identity in a Market-Based Society
. Scribe Publications.
ISBN 1922247375
Wacquant, Loïc (2009). Prisons of Poverty. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 0816639019
Wang, Hui, and Karl, Rebecca E. "1989 andthe Historical Roots of Neoliberalism in China,"positions: east Asia
cultures critique, Volume 12, Number 1, Spring 2004, pp. 7–70
External links
"What is Neoliberalism?". Dag Einar Thorsen. University of Oslo.
"The Last Development Crusade".
"Monetarism". The New School's Economics Department's History of Economic Thought website.
"Identities: How Governed, Who Pays?".
"Neoliberalism and the State". John Shields and Bryan Evans. Ryerson University . Toronto.
"The Essence of Neoliberalism". Pierre Bourdieu.
"A Look at Argentina's 2001 Economic Rebellion"– video report by Democracy Now!
"What is Neoliberalism? A Brief Definition for Activists"
. Corpwatch.
"The Scorecard on Development, 1960–2010: Closing the Gap?"– Center for Economic and Policy Researchreport,
April 2011
"The crisis of neoliberalism"– interview with economist Gérard Duménil onThe Real News
"Henry Giroux on Resisting the Neoliberal Revolution" . Moyers & Company. February 21, 2014.
"Neoliberalism, the Revolution in Reverse". The Baffler. January 2014.
"Neoliberalism is creating loneliness. That's what's wrenching society apart"
. George Monbiot. The Guardian.
October 12, 2016.
"The Rise of Jeremy Corbyn and the Death Throes of Neoliberalism" . Pankaj Mishra for The New York Times
Magazine. June 20, 2017.
Online lectures
"The Neoliberal City". David Harvey. University Channel. October 4, 2010.
"Wall St. Crisis Should Be for Neoliberalism What Fall of Berlin Wall Was for Communism". Naomi Klein. University
of Chicago. Democracy Now!. October 2008.
"Neo-Liberalism: An Accounting". Noam Chomsky. University of Massachusetts Amherst. April 19, 2017.
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Neoliberalism

[5] As an economic philosophy, neoliberalism emerged among European

According to some scholars, neoliberalism is commonly used as a catchphrase

Colloque Walter Lippmann

Mont Pelerin Society

Post-WWII neo-liberal currents

Political policy aspects

Focus on economic efficiency

Several scholars have linked the rise of neoliberalism to unprecedented levels

In addition, he says the prison system benefits corporations through

However, it was also critical of some neoliberal policies, such as freedom of

Globalization can subvert nations' ability forself-determination.[151]

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