Running head: WELLESLEY COLLEGE

Wellesley College: Ethos as the Product of Activism

Gabby Bacha, Brandon Ishikata, and Morgan Ruebusch

Loyola University Chicago

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The 1960’s is often characterized as an era of social change within the United States. The

Civil Rights movement, Women’s Liberation movement, and New Left Student movement were

all occurring simultaneously, and their causes often intertwined. Among some of the most

politically active in these movements toward social change were college students. Prior to Dixon

v Alabama (1961), colleges and universities had the ability to strictly and arbitrarily punish

students for a variety of reasons, including student activism. However, the abandonment of in

loco parentis left colleges and universities scrambling to dictate and correct student behavior.

Institutions did not know how to react to students as they advocated and demanded their

perceived needs to be met. This was the particular case at Wellesley College, a women’s college

located just outside of Boston. In the late 1960’s, Wellesley witnessed the formation of Ethos, a

group created toward the advancement of Black women at Wellesley. Ethos challenged several

university policies, including de facto segregated housing, and even threatened a hunger strike in

order to catch the attention of university officials. This paper will discuss the societal and

institutional social movements that influenced the action of Ethos, and the cultural relevance of

Black women activists at an elite all-female institution.

The Importance of Our Topic within Higher Education

During the Civil Rights era, campus activism shocked many college administrators and

leaders. In Chapter 2 of Student Freedom Revisited, author Keith Meiser explains how, “…

college and university leaders of the late ‘60s were unprepared for the cultural change and

dissent they found themselves confronting,” (Meier, 2005, p. 17). Wellesley College’s student

activism and formation of Ethos are important justice issues because both challenged and

changed campus culture. Examining this topic from a larger perspective, analyzing student

activism and the emergence of Ethos at Wellesley gave us an opportunity to evaluate how student
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reactions to the greater climate of racial unrest affected higher education for Black students.

Through our analysis in a social justice lens, we were able to compare and contrast how the

African American experience at Wellesley College compared to other universities facing similar

sentiments during the Civil Rights era.

The student activism for civil rights and formation of the Ethos organization at Wellesley

College involved a justice issue as it touched upon marginalized identities, systems of

oppression, and the power of student campus activism. In terms of marginalized identities, the

two main marginalized identities in this scenario are women and African Americans in higher

education. In African American Women in Higher Education: Issues and Support Strategies,

author Cynthia C. Bartman stated that African American women have faced, “… double

oppression- racism and sexism-was born for African American women when their subordinate

status was assumed and enforced by white and black men as well as white women” (Barton,

2015, p. 1).

We took an interest in Wellesley College and its student experiences during the 1960’s

because of the intersectional lens that could be afforded. Wellesley, being an elite academic all-

Female institution, carries the potential to be a center of student activism and protest like many

of its similarly positioned universities. Looking at the experiences of students of color at an all-

Female university also offers a unique perspective when thinking about identity development.

Intersectional identity development is essential to the understanding of how systems of power

and privilege impact students holding multiple marginalized identities because the more personal

micro social systems that a person belongs to interact within the macro social systems present in

society (Wijeyesinghe & Jones, 2014). Knowing this we were able to see a clear connection
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between the students in Ethos’ experiences in connection to the experiences of other students of

color and other women.

Cultural and Societal Relevance

Student Movements in the 1960’s and 1970’s were often rooted in larger cultural and

societal movements of similar origins. University students, at Wellesley and across the United

States, were exposed to the Civil Rights, New Left, and Women’s Liberation movements

throughout their lives and many of their actions can be tied back to these particular ideologies.

Women’s Liberation is strongly tied to the critical push back of the feminine mystique of

1950’s America. A “women’s place” as a homemaking, child rearing, entertainer for her

husband’s benefit was not what modern American women were buying into as their priority any

longer. The feminist movement was directed by educated, liberated, and mostly white women

who were seeing their opportunities being limited by the ideals of the nation (Evans, 1979).

Women were attending college and being educated to the same standard as their male

counterparts, but were directed and ensured by teachers that their training was only to help

enhance their wifely duties (Evans, 1979). The feminist movement, however, called for a more

fulfilling life for these educated and underemployed women. One of the most effective ways to

create change was for collective action to be taken, and so women’s groups began sprouting up

across the United States (Freeman, 1971). The “housewife” mantra kept women separate and

sequestered from interacting with each other, so the rise of formal gatherings, especially for

middle class homemakers, was vital to the formation of the movement. Colleges and

Universities acted as a similar gathering place for students, like the black women at Wellesley, to

assemble and take action.

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The Women’s Liberation movement also created fuel for further racism, especially

concerning the White Southern women who took interest in missionary and educational work.

The Southern daughters from upper-middle and upper class families took an interest in

delineating from the traditional women’s role and challenged their societal expectations even

further by working with Black Americans who were largely segregated in the south still (Evans,

1979). This overlap between the Women’s Liberation movement and the race issues of the Civil

Rights Era represent a combined contributing factor that influenced the women of Wellesley as a

whole, but specifically the black women who organized and participated in Ethos’ battle to stop

discriminatory practices.

In 1955 a boycott of the Montgomery, Alabama bus system set off the formation of one of

the most critical institutions for the early Civil Rights movement. The Southern Christian

Leadership Conference (SCLC) was born out of the need for an umbrella organization to oversee

and direct various groups throughout the south who were working to fight racial injustice

through civic disobedience and non-violent protests (“Southern Christian Leadership

Conference”, n.d.). Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was one of the ministers who assisted in founding

the SCLC. The organization worked largely to educate communities on issues of injustice and to

assist local organizations in advocating for the needs of their members. Dr. King’s actions were

largely carried out through the SCLC’s organized members who acted as a catalyst for other civil

rights movements. The Student Non-Violent Cooperating Committee (SNCC) was another entity

of the movement for civil disobedience that can be tied to the SCLC leadership and activism

style. The SNCC was founded in 1960 at a meeting of the SCLC to act as an organization that

would oversee and connect the student activists who were already leading sit-ins. (“Student Non-

Violent Coordination Committees”, n.d.). These activists were mostly Black college students
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from across American campuses, but also white students who worked as cooperating partners in

the effort to end racial injustice. While there is little record of the SNCC having direct

interaction with the Wellesley community during this time period, clear connections can be made

between the philosophy of non-violence that both Ethos and SNCC adopted. Ethos used the

platform of non-violence and political interaction to create reasonable and justified change

within their university. These efforts were not unique to Wellesley or colleges in general, yet

young people played an important role in most civil rights actions of the era.

Another societal and cultural occurrence during the 1960’s was the formation and work

of the New Left. The New Left consisted of student groups like the SNCC, who were focused on

race, as well as other groups like the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), who were

primarily white and started with a focus on University functions (Mintz & McNeil, 2016). The

New Left movement was a combination of student activists that combined efforts for free speech,

racial justice, anti-war protests, class equality, and other political movements. The New Left

worked as a loosely structured and self-identified political stance and not as a formal

organization or governing structure like other portions of the civil rights movement (Mintz &

McNeil, 2016). The greater cultural context of the New Left elevated the role that students and

young people could have in political change. While this movement started out with a generally

united manifesto of what their political goals were they quickly disseminated after the non-

violent approach necessary to their foundation was being disregarded. The culture of America

during the Women’s Liberation, Civil Rights, and the New Left was clearly a place where non-

violent change was effectively uniting people and yielding great results. The gathering of Black

women at Wellesley and their desire to increase representation and decrease discrimination
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through non-violent methods and cooperative assistance from their student newspaper was a

clear example of the type of work that was happening in the larger American society at this time.

How Society’s Issues Influenced Higher Education

From a national perspective, African American students at other American colleges and

universities faced their own share of segregation issues. In the South, there was a clear division

and educational opportunity for African American students compared to their White counterparts.

Between the four Southern states with the highest African American population, Alabama,

Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina, only four public institutions would accept Black

students. These four specific institutions also limited the type of education African American

students could receive because graduate and professional education was not offered. In contrast,

White students were given more diverse intuitional choices to pick from 23 public universities.

In addition to enrollment setbacks, African Americans also faced barriers in the classroom:

Not one four-year college degree was offered at any public institution. In the North, the

Institutionalized racism, while influenced by legal and social differences, was an effective

barrier to African American student participation (Anderson, 2002). The few African

Americans admitted had rights only in the classroom, and even then, some were

segregated at the back of the classroom (Wolf-Wendel, 2004a).

The limited opportunities and lack of respect for African American students inspired an action to

integrate themselves into the campus community and culture.

The famous integration case, Brown v. Board of Education (1954), paved the way for

African Americans on college campuses. However, while the law mandated integration of Black

and White students within education, institutions and admissions practices still utilized numerous

strategies to keep these students separate. As a result, students started to challenge institutions
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that were not performing equitably, and on a variety of topics on a variety of levels. Students at

Florida State University, also nicknamed “the Berkeley of the South”, voiced their thoughts

through university protests:

They engaged in a number of quiet violent protests over such issues as the curriculum, a

Black student cultural center, Black power, representation of African Americans on the

faculty and staff, and within the student body, and other campus climate concerns (Wolf-

Wendel, 2004b).

Similar to Florida State’s method of protesting, Howard University in Washington, D.C. fought

for their rights by “...taking over the campus administration buildings” (Wolf-Wendel et al

2004b). Howard students were enraged about the unequal opportunities and brought charges of

racism to professors in their classrooms. Beyond the university, Howard students protested in

the city’s segregated streets, buses, movie houses, and made effort in attempting to segregate the

Gen Echo Amusement Park. Like students at Wellesley College, African American students

rallied as a unified community to spark change within higher education in the United States.

Students advocated for more representation at their institutions so their presence and voice

would be equal to their majority classmates.

During the 1960s, African American students wanted to see a bigger presence of their

identity in the realm of higher education. African American students not only wished to see their

culture through curriculum, faculty members, and administrative affairs, but also a space where

they felt they belonged. The birth of Black Cultural Centers (BCC) unified the students in a

physical space and had deeper meaning. As author Lori D. Patton wrote in the fourth chapter

from her book, Cultural Centers in Higher Education: Perspectives on Identity, Theory and

Practice, she states, “ ...their desire for the centers crew out of an increasingly prominent feeling
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of isolation and marginalization at PWIs (Predominantly White Institutions)” (Patton, 2010, p.

64). To elaborate on Patton’s point, BCCs acted as a space for students to feel safe and protected

from an unwelcoming university environment. The BCCs assisted in making Black students feel

at home and ultimately, “...provide the opportunity for African American, White and all other

students, faculty, staff and administrators, as well as the surrounding campus community, to

interact with and learn about African American culture and experience” (Patton, 2010, p. 66).

With the rise of student demand, BCCs started to emerge in the United States towards the end of

the 1960s. Prestigious institutions such as Rutgers University and Yale University saw the need

to have BCCs on their campuses to enhance and unify the school’s atmosphere.

Formation and Importance of Ethos

Wellesley College, like many other institutions during the 1960’s, faced student protests and

student activism on a regular basis. A closer look at the Wellesley News, the school newspaper,

demonstrated that students took on a variety of causes, ranging from the war to university

decision-making. When looking at the official institutional history, one may believe that students

and administration worked in harmony toward progressive student change. However, an archival

research demonstrates that activism within Wellesley College meant that students employed a

variety of strategies for achieving change. These strategies included working with administrators

to achieve desired change, but also meant pushing back against the institution to highlight

injustice. The rise of the Black student group Ethos demonstrated how students contentiously

pushed university administration toward equitable change for black students at Wellesley

College.

Students at Wellesley, like other students across the nation, took to their campuses to

protest the war in Vietnam. A Wellesley News article from 1967 revealed how Wellesley College
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students canvassed for the whole summer against the war in Vietnam, titled the Wellesley Peace

Project (“Vietnam Canvasses,” 1967). Another Wellesley News article from 1968 discusses the

upcoming strike regarding the war in Vietnam. The strike aims to bring individuals, student

groups, and faculty together to discuss the implications of the war. (“Strike calls,” 1968).

Students also took to fasting in protest during this time “The organizers say they hope to spark a

chain of fast movements in other Wellesley dorms and college in the Boston area” (“Three

Groups”, 1968, p. 1).

Another large point of advocacy and action for Wellesley students was instituting a

pass/fail grading policy at the institution. A Wellesley News article from February 1967 cites

Berkeley College and the rise of the free speech movement as the source for pass/fail grading

policies on campuses, and as a means to prevent, “student-faculty friction from breaking out on

their own campuses” (Sprau, 1967b, p. 1). A 1967 edition of the Wellesley noted that at the

Founders Forum over 1200 students petitioned the Academic Council to introduce the pass/fail

grading option, and to reduce distribution and course requirements (“Without Restrictions,”

1967). The above cases demonstrate tension and activism at Wellesley College, and noted

several ways by which they hoped to achieve change – strikes, canvassing, and petitions.

However, a focused and direct challenge to university policy and administration did not occur

until Ethos started to take action.

The fruition of Ethos, a black student group focused on black power and equity, was the

climax of contention between students and administration. The formation of Ethos was initially

quiet. Karen Williamson, Francille Rusan Wilson, Alvia Wardlaw, Yvonne Smith Madlock, and

Ivy Thomas Riley had all attended a black student conference at Columbia. On their way home

from the event, the women decided to form Ethos as way to combat perceived discrimination on
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campus (Latour, 2008). These women had all felt the ‘unspoken’ rules at Wellesley when it came

to integration. One of their shared experiences was discrimination in university housing, and

consequently this would be the first cause the group would take on.

Ethos’ first course of action was the result of limited admission of African-American

students into the college, and the resulting housing segregation that occurred. According to

student accounts, the university paired African American students together, instead of with white

students (Latour, 2008). In an internal memo between President Adams and Resident Director

Tenney, these tactics proved to be true, “Room a negro girl (asking for a double) in a single or

with another negro unless a white girl has asked for a Negro” (Latour, 2008, p. 27). In an effort

to inspire change, Ethos wrote a letter to National Scholarship and Service Fund for Negro

Students (NSSFNS) explaining the discriminatory housing policies at Wellesley. The President of

NSSFNS wrote to Wellesley’s President Adams stating:

... for this issue (rooming policy at (Wellesley) to come up at this time is about as

anachronistic as it could be. We were involved in adjusting similar problems at a number

of colleges, including Radcliffe, Harvard and Dartmouth, some 12 to 15 years ago. Many

southern colleges appear to be ahead or Wellesley in this respect . . . Since NSSFNS is

a source of referrals for many Wellesley girls, I must urge on you a policy consistent with

1967 ... Whatever Wellesley decided in this matter will have to be made known to future

candidates, just as we do in the case of many other colleges and universities (Sprau,

1967a, p. 1).

In order to influence university policy, Ethos coordinated with the leaders of 19 prominent

student organizations to encourage admissions to send letters to candidates explaining that

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Wellesley does not practice discriminatory housing, and that they should not mark a preferred

background for their roommate on their housing preference forms (Sprau, 1967a).

The September 10th edition of the Wellesley News concluded that Ethos worked in

conjunction with this particular resident director to, “… eliminate the possibility of racial bias in

freshman rooming” (Martin, 1967, p. 1). That very same issue of the Wellesley News features the

main headline: “Student Diversity Is College Goal But '71 Conforms to Stereotype”. The article

noted, “… the classes of 1970 and 1971 shows that present admissions policies are not achieving

the hoped-for “stimulating diversity” among Wellesley student, but rather are perpetuating the

bland and homogenous “Wellesley image” (Martin, 1967, p. 1). The recognition of Ethos’ efforts

gave them more fuel to their fire to incite larger action and push administration farther.

Noting their growing success, Ethos started to push back against the university

administration harder, advocating for demands they feel would add to the Black experience on

campus. Following the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., the group made a list of various

demands and stated that they would go on a hunger strike if the demands were not met (Latour,

2008). Some of the demands included: an increase in Black students and faculty, a Martin

Luther King Lecture Fund, and the introduction of an African American studies program. The

Wellesley News endorsed the demands of Ethos in their May 1968 issue (“Ethos Expands,”

1968). After Ethos students called the chairmen of the Wellesley Board of Trustees, the

university began to rethink their course of action. In the midst of a high-profile press conference

surrounding the impending hunger strike, the university president agreed to the group’s demands

before the strike began (Latour, 2008). After the demands of Ethos were met, The Wellesley

News reported that, “… we regret that it was necessary to apply such extreme pressure in order
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to emphasize an insensitivity on the part of the College to meet the demand of our Community”

(“Meeting Demands,” 1968, p.2).

Nearly four months after Ethos was able to get Wellesley administration to meet their

demands, a Wellesley News article featured this headline: “President Reports Progress on Ethos

Proposals”. This particular article noted that only 7 of the 19 accepted applicants attended

Wellesley in the first-year class of 1968. The article, written by President Adams of Wellesley

College, had stated, “The chief reason that so few black students who are accepted actually enter

is that the number of adequately-trained black girls is insufficient to fill the places offered to

them by institutions with Wellesley’s standards” (Adams, 1968, p. 1). The article elaborates on

further progress by noting Wellesley’s work with NSSFNS to better scholarship and fellowship

opportunities, the increase of 2 Black faculty/staff, and the establishment of an Afro-American

Studies major, and the establishment of the Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial Fund (Adams,

1968).

Analysis of Ethos

The formation and actions of Ethos clearly challenged the administration of Wellesley

College. In the institution’s official history it is noted how Wellesley solves its problems, “…by

endless conversation, by mutual respect, by consideration for the rights of others,” and that, “the

rights of the silent minority were never overlooked” (Hawk, 1975, p. 193). In the entirety of the

approximate 500 pages written about the official history of Wellesley College, Ethos is

mentioned only once, having met with President Adams where she stated that “… every effort

would be made to enroll up to twenty-five additional qualified black students …” (Chaplin,

1975, p. 171). Additionally, although Wellesley administrators eventually cooperated with

students’ demands, it took threats of hunger strikes, and negative publicity via the school
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newspaper to enable them to act. The absence of student activism and minimization of

marginalized students’ experiences demonstrates that Wellesley College does not view activism

as a point of pride. The lack of university-sponsored literature is troubling because it seeks to

hide and attempts to erase a narrative that has widely shaped Wellesley as an institution. It also

provides a gap in response and information about the formation of critical periods at Wellesley.

The neglect of the activist narrative, and the eventual cooperation of university administrators

demonstrate that Wellesley was more concerned with perception of their institution, rather than

the needs of the students at Wellesley.

As an elite institution, it is easy to speculate that the administration wanted to protect

their reputation, and ensure bad exposure on behalf of students did not diminish their academic

standing and cultural relevance. Historically, colleges for women were often viewed as lesser,

and only offered degreed in ‘nurturing’ fields such as education. The creation of women’s

colleges ignited a debate within society, as women were thought to be homemakers who did not

need an education. Some extremists even believed that when women studied, they were harming

their reproductive organs (Miller-Bernal, 2006). Given that this is the context in which

Wellesley was created, achieving elitism as an institution was a difficult task.

Once Wellesley had this elite status, they wanted to maintain it. Elitism makes a college

more competitive, thus making their product worth more. In a world where higher education is

governed by rankings, elitism ensures that a particular school stays competitive in the market,

and thus ensures financial and institutional longevity. Currently in Higher Education, women’s

colleges are having a difficult time financially and their enrollment numbers are dropping. The

status as a women’s college almost automatically puts an institution into jeopardy. Thus in order

to keep the institution from failing, Wellesley depends on their elite and competitive status. A
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‘troubled past’ with students, or the notion of general student dissatisfaction may hurt the elitism

and rankings of Wellesley. This may explain the lack of institutional response during times of

activism, and why activism is notably absent from the institution’s history.

While Wellesley is positioned in a unique place as an elite women’s institution, the

students engaging in activism through Ethos were also positioned in a unique place. During the

time in which Ethos took action, three major social movements enabled this type of activism.

The New Left movement empowered students across the nation to take on university

administration, and encouraged institution’s to allow students to make decisions. The Women’s

Liberation movement not only saw more women attending college, but also empowered women

to become aware of their status as women, and advocate for their needs in this realm. The Civil

Rights movement provided means for successful activism as students across the nation that

challenged de facto segregation. Through these three movements, Ethos was equipped with the

tools to inspire institutional change, but also the momentum to give credence to their demands.

What is particularly special about Ethos was the fact that the women in this group hold

two particularly marginalized identities as Black women. As previously mentioned, Wellesley’s

President felt there was a lack of “adequately-trained” girls to be accepted into Wellesley, hence

the small number of Black women in that particular cohort. This speaks to the general lack of

access to quality education for Black women. Beyond that, the discrimination that Black women

at Wellesley faced made them feel as if they did not belong at the institution. However,

regardless of their small numbers, Black women at Wellesley College were able to generate

support for their causes, thus challenging dominant norms within the institution. Had these

women been only white women, there may not be the support and lived experience within

Wellesley to challenge discriminatory housing practices, and encourage the diverse hiring of
WELLESLEY COLLEGE 16

faculty and staff at the institution. But the intersecting identities of these women empowered

them to change their environment, regardless of the ways in which society and the institution

marginalized them. They produced large and lasting change at Wellesley despite the numerous

barriers they faced.

The goal of Wellesley College is to give women a liberal-arts education, and the tools to

create change in the world. The neglect of Ethos’ work on Wellesley’s campus negates Ethos’

impact on the world, and marginalizes the key experiences and contributions of Black women at

Wellesley College. This speaks to a larger issue as campuses often neglect the history of

activism that has occurred. By doing this, colleges and universities are doing students a

disservice as they learn about the context of their educational journey, and how it shapes their

current experience. Moreover, this neglect also reinforces systems of oppression by erasing the

stories and contributions of marginalized groups, as if they had made no contribution at all.

Although discriminatory and unjust policies may change, the attitudes and self-preservation in

higher education often remain the same.

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News, pp. 1-5. Retrieved from http://repository.wellesley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?

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Southern Christian Leadership Conference (n.d.). in King Encyclopedia. Retrieved from

http://kingencyclopedia.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/encyclopedia/enc_southern_ch

ristian_leadership_conference_sclc/.

Strike call rouses community to examine concerns. (1968, March 28). The Wellesley News,

p. 1. Retrieved from http://repository.wellesley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?

article=2329&context=news
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Student Non-Violent Coordination Committees. (n.d.). in King Encyclopedia. Retrieved from

http://kingencyclopedia.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/encyclopedia/enc_student_non

violent_coordinating_committee_sncc/index.html.

Three groups of students begin fast, protest vietnam conflict serves as gesture, notes

personal concern over war. (1968, February 15). Wellesley News, p. 1. Retrieved

from http://repository.wellesley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1198&context

=wcnews

[Untitled cartoon about diversity] (1967, September 10). [Cartoon]. Wellesley News.

Retrieved from http://repository.wellesley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?

article=1181&context=wcnews

[Untitled photograph of anti-war protest]. (n.d.) [Photograph]. Alternative UF:

Counterculture through the decades. Retrieved from

http://web.uflib.ufl.edu/spec/exhibits/altufwar.htm

[Untitled photograph of student non-violent coordinating committee rally]. (1966).

[Photograph]. New York Times. Retrieved from

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/22/opinion/sunday/why-are-student-

protesters-so-fearful.html?_r=1

Vietnam canvasses end. (1967, September 21). Wellesley News, p. 1. Retrieved from

http://repository.wellesley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2308&context=news

Wijeyesinghe, C.L., & Jones, S.R. (2014). Intersectionality, identity, and systems of power

and inequality. In D. Mitchell (Ed.). Intersectionality & higher education: Theory,

research, & practice (11-19). New York, NY: Peter Lang Inc.

Without restrictions. (1967, September 28). The Wellesley News, p. 2. Retrieved from
WELLESLEY COLLEGE 21

http://repository.wellesley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2309&context=news

Wolf-Wendel, L.E. (2004a). Introduction. Reflecting Back, Looking Forward: Civil Rights and

Student Affairs. Washington, D.C.: NASPA.

Wolf-Wendel, L.E. (2004b). Reflecting back: themes from the cases. Reflecting Back, Looking

Forward: Civil Rights and Student Affairs. Washington, D.C.: NASPA.

APPENDIX
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Figure 1. Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee rally participants singing “We Shall

Overcome” in Farmville, Virginia (Untitled photograph of student non-violent coordinating

committee rally, 1966).

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Figure 2. Members of the Women’s Liberation Movement marching on Fifth Avenue in New

York City in August 1971 (Bettman. & Corbis., 1971, August).

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Figure 3. Anti-War demonstrations of students at the University of Florida

(Untitled photograph of anti-war protest, n.d.)

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Figure 4. Wellesley students, staff, and faculty marching to protest the spray painting of racist

slogans (Hirsh, L.J., 1989)

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Figure 5. Picture published in the Wellesley News commenting on the racial make-up of the

school (Untitled cartoon about diversity, 1967, September 10).

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Figure 6. Copy of the letter members of Ethos sent to the Wellesley President, Ruth Adams,

detailing their demands (Latour, F., 2008, Spring).

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Figure 7. Members of Ethos at a meeting (Latour, F., 2008, Spring).

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Figure 8. Article published in the Wellesley News detailing the work that Ethos and other student

organizations did to discourage incoming students from marking a preferred background on their

housing applications (Sprau, S., 1967a, May 18).

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Figure 9. Editorial notes published in the Wellesley News detailing the reasons Ethos was calling

for action from the college (Ethos Expands, 1968, May 2).
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Figure 10. Article by Wellesley President Ruth Adams detailing the administrations reaction to

the Ethos demands as published in the Wellesley New (Adams, R., 1968, September 13).
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Figure 11. Free speech rally in 1964 at Sproul Plaza with Sproul Hall at University of California

Berkeley in the background (Nestor, H., 1964).

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Figure 12. Article in the Wellesley News detailing the process for housing assignments that led to

all of the black first-year students being placed together (Martin, A., 1967, September 10).