Вы находитесь на странице: 1из 9
4n072018 WIKIPEDIA 4Ethelstan A Fethostan A - Wikipedia “aBthelstan A" (/'20alstzen’ei/) is the name given by historians to an unknown scribe who drafted charters (or diplomas),! by which the king made grants of land, for King Aithelstan of England between 928 and 935. They are an important source for historians as they provide far more information than other charters of the period, showing the date and place of the grant, and having an unusually long list of witnesses, including Welsh kings and occasionally kings of Scotland and Strathelyde. ‘The "Aithelstan A" charters commence shortly after King Athelstan conquered Northumbria in 927, making hit the first king to rule the whole of England. The diplomas sive the king titles such as "King of the English” and “King of the Whole of Britain", and this is seen by historians as part of a rhetoric which reflected his master's claim for a new status, higher than previous West Saxon kings. rED Original charter $ 416 in the British Library, written by "ethelstan A" in 931 The diplomas are written in elaborate Latin known as the hermeneutic style, which became dominant in Anglo-Latin literature from the mid-tenth century and a hallmark of the English Benedictine Reform. Scholars vary widely in their views of his style, which has been described as "pretentious"! and "almost impenctrable",!*) but also as "poctie"#! and "as enduringly fascinating as itis complex”) ‘working on his own rather than being a member of a royal seriptorium. Contents Background Identity of "€thelstan A” Significance of the charters Style of the charters List of charters Charters See also Notes References Sources Background ithelstan A” ceased to draft charters after 935, and his successors returned to a simpler style, suggesting that he was hitpsven wikipedia orgwiki"KC3%486thelstan_A 19 snonots ‘telson A-Wiipeda After the death of Bede in 735, Latin prose in England declined. It reached its lowest level in the ninth century, when few books and charters were produced, and they were of poor quality. King ithelstan’s grandfather, Alfred the Great (871~ 899) embarked on an extensive programme to improve learning, and by the 890s the standard of Latin in charters was improving.(”1 Few charters survive from the reigns of Alfred and his son, Edward the Elder (899-924), and none from 909 to 925.1 Up to then charters had generally been plain legal documents, and King Aéthelstan's early diplomas were similar.®! Until about 900 diplomas appear to have been drawn up in varying traditions and circumstances, but in later Anglo-Saxon times (¢, 900-1066) charters can be more clearly defined. According to Simon Keynes: In this period, a diploma can be characterised as a formal and symbolic record, in Latin, of an occasion when the king, acting in a royal assembly, and with the consent of the ecclesiastical and secular orders, created an estate of "bookland' at a specified place, and conveyed it on the privileged terms defined by the "book", or diploma, to a named beneficiary, This act of establishing a particular estate as bookland, so that it could be held henceforth on these privileged terms, could be performed only by the king, in a royal assembly; but the diploma itself served hereafter as the title-deed for the land in question. It established that the land was to be held, with its appurtenances, free from the imposition of worldly burdens, with the exception of military service, bridge-work and fortress-work, and with the power to give it to anyone of its owner's choosing.!91 Identity of "thelstan A" In the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries there was a debate among historians as to whether late Anglo-Saxon charters were produced by a royal chancery or by monasteries on behalf of beneficiaries. In the 1910s, W. H. Stevenson argued that charters in different areas of England were drawn up by the same hand, which would be unlikely if they were drawn up locally, supporting the case that the writers were royal clerks. The German scholar Richard Drégereit followed this up in 1935 by examining original charters between 931 and 963, and identified three scribes from their handwriting, who he called "ithelstan A", "Aithelstan C" and "Edmund C. Other charters which only existed in copies he allocated to lstan A" charters, of which two these and other scribes on the basis oftheir style"! In 2002 Keynes listed twenty are original and the rest copies "2 ‘The boundary clauses of the "/ithelstan A" charters were written in correct Old English, so it is unlikely that he was of foreign origin.!*9) The witness lists of the "AEthelstan A” charters consistently place Bishop 42lfwine of Lichfield in Mercia in a higher position than his rank warranted. King Aithelstan was probably brought up in Mercia, and in Sarah Foot's view he was probably intimate with /lfwine before King Edward's death; as /Elfwine disappeared from the witness lists at the same time as the "Aithelstan A" charters ended, she suggests that he may have been "Aithelstan A'."4) However, Keynes thinks it more likely "A2thelstan A" was a king's priest from Mercia, who acquired his learning in a Mercian religious house and respected Elfwine as a fellow Mercian; that "ithelstan A" entered /Ethelstan's service before he became king and was in permanent attendance on him.["5! David Woodman also considers a Mercian origin likely, pointing out that some Mercian ninth-century charters have borrowings from Aldheim, an important source of "Athelstan A"s style. Woodman also puts forward the alternative idea that "/Ethelstan A" had a connection with Glastonbury Abbey in Wessex, which appears to have been a centre of learning at this time, and certainly housed many of the texts which informed "/#thelstan A''s idiosyncratic Latin style.l"9) Significance of the charters htpsen wikipedia orgwiki4C3%486thelatar_A 29 art0n018 ‘ihelsian A- Wikipedia ‘The first charter produced by "#Ethelstan A" in 928 described the king as rex Anglorum, “king of the English”, the first time that title had been used.) By 931 he had become "king of the English, elevated by the right hand of the Almighty to the throne of the whole kingdom of Britain", Some charters were witnessed by Welsh kings, and occasionally by the kings of Scotland and Strathclyde, signifying acceptance of Aithelstan's lordship. In Keynes's view, it cannot be a coincidence that the charters commenced immediately after the conquest of Northumbria, and "A®thelstan A"'s primary aim was to display the “grandeur of Aithelstan's kingship", Foot argues that the king's inner circle quickly seized on the potential of the conquest for "ideological aggrandizement of the king's public standing". To Keynes, the diplomas “are symbolic of a ‘monarchy invigorated by success, developing the pretensions commensurate with its actual achievements and clothing itself in the trappings of a new political order.” He sees the fifty years from 925 to 975 as "the golden age of, the Anglo-Saxon royal diploma Before 928 charters had been produced in various ways, sometimes by royal /thelstan presenting a book to St priests, sometimes by other priests on behalf of the beneficiaries. "A:thelstan coo aneaehteany hele he A" was solely responsible for the production of charters between 928 and 934. oie snrsvs in Chostere Street King ithelstan thus took unprecedented control over an important part of his the eariast surviving portalt of an functions. In 935 "“Aithelstan A" shared the work with other seribes, and he English king "71 then apparently retired." His charters have exceptionally long witness lists, with 101 names for a grant by the king to his thegn Wulfgar at Lifton in Devon in 931, and 92 for a grant to AEligar at Winchester in 934. The witness lists of King thelstan's father and grandfather were much shorter, with the longest in Alfred the Great's reign having only 19 names. In John Maddicott’s view the Tong lists in Aithelstan’s reign reflect a change of direction to larger assemblies. The king established a novel system, with his scribe travelling with him from meeting to meeting, and a uniform format of charters."l The dating clause showed the regnal year, the indiction, the epact, and the age of the moon. In Keynes's view: "Nothing quite like them had been seen before; and they must have seemed magnificent, even intimidating, in their formality and their grandeur." 4 unique feature is that three charters in favour of a religious community require it to sing a specified number of psalms for the king, indicating a particular interest in psalmody by the king or seribe.231 Frankish annalists usually recorded a king's location at Easter and Christmas, but this was not a practice of English chroniclers, and the only period in the tenth and eleventh centuries for which historians can construct a partial itinerary of, the king's movements is provided by the location of assemblies recorded in "thelstan AU's charters of 928 to 935. Other charters rarely named the place of assembly, apart from a group in the 940s and early 950s known as the “alliterative” chartersl24] In 935 a new simplified format was introduced by other scribes, apparently while “Aithelstan A" was still active, and became the standard until the late 950s. This coincided with the disappearance of Wulfstan I, Archbishop of York from the witness lists, and greater prominence of the Bishops of London and Bishop of Winchester, and the new format may have reflected a change of outlook at court. As charters were no longer written in his distinctive style when he ceased producing them, itis likely he was working on his own rather than heading a royal scriptorium.51 Style of the charters hitpsven wikipedia orgwiki"KC3%486thelstan_A a9 art0n018 Rithelston A-Wikipecia The standard of Latin prose improved in the tenth century, especially after about 960, when the leaders of the Benedictine reform movement adopted the elaborate and ornate style of Latin now called by historians the hermeneutic style. However, use of this style, influenced especially by Aldhelm's De virginitate, dates back to King Aithelstan’s reign "“Athelstan A" borrowed heavily from Aldhelm, although he would not copy whole sentences, only a word or a few words, incorporating them in a structure reminiscent of Aldhelm's works.27I In Woodman's view, "/Ethelstan A" varied the language in each charter out of a delight in experimentation and to demonstrate his literary ability. The florid style of seventh century Irish texts known as Hiberno-Latin was influential on the Continent due to the work of Irish missionaries in Europe. Some works were known to English writers such as Aldhelm in the same century, but it is likely that "/thelstan A” learnt of them from continental scholars such as Israel the Grammarian, who brought texts influenced by Hiberno-Latin to King A2thelstan's eourt.291 Woodman states that: "whilst it is true that the main impetus for the literary revival of Latin prose occurred from the mid- tenth century, the beginnings of this style of Latin can actually be found rather earlier and in the most unlikely of places. Infact its diplomas ofthe 920s and 9gos that are the first to display this distinctive Latin in its most exuberant form. "1 According to Scott Thompson Smith "Athelstan A"'s diplomas “are generally characterised by a rich pleonastic style with aggressively literary proems and anathemas, ostentatious language and imagery throughout, decorative rhetorical figures, elaborate dating clauses, and extensive witness lists. These are clearly documents with stylistic ambitions."®") Few listeners would have understood them when they were read out at royal assemblies.) In Charter S 425 of 934, the second of the two originals to survive, "Aithelstan A" wrote (in Smith's translation): The wanton fortune of the deceiving world, not lovely with the milky-white radiance of unfading lilies but odious with the galling bitterness of woeful corruption, raging with venomous jaws tears with its teeth the sons of fetid flesh in the vale of tears; although with its smiles it may be alluring to the unfortunate, it brazenly leads down to the lowest depths of Acherontic Cocytus unless the offspring of the High-Thunderer should intervene. And so because that ruinous [fortune] mortally fades away in its failing, one must especially hasten to pleasant fields of ineffable joy where the angelic music of hymnal jubilation and the mellifluous scent of blooming roses are sensed as sweet beyond measure by good and blessed noses and heard by ears as the delights of musical instrument without end.9] In $ 416 of 93, the first original to survive, after the boundary clause in Old English, he reverted to Latin for the anathema against anyone who set aside the charter: If, however, God forbid, anyone swollen with diabolic spirit should be tempted to diminish or annul this brief document of my arrangement and confirmation, let him know that on the final and great day of judgment, when the archangel's shrill trumpet rings out, when graves burst open by themselves and give up the bodies now revived, when every element trembles, with the traitor Judas, who is called "son of perdition” by the Sower's merciful Offspring, he is to perish in eternal confusion within the hungry flames of unspeakable torments.!*4) Some scholars are not impressed. Michael Lapidge describes "Athelstan AU's style as "pretentious",I and according to Mechtild Gretsch the diplomas are composed in almost impenetrable Latin. Their proems consist of long convoluted sentences, parading an ostentatious display of Greek and glossary-based vocabulary and containing numerous unmistakable verbal reminiscences of Aldhelm's writings. Nothing similar had previously been attempted in Anglo-Saxon diplomatic and although, later in the tenth century, other charters affecting the hermeneutic style were composed, the ferocious lexical and syntactical difficulties of these Ethelstan charters were never to be surpassed.!9] htpsen wikipedia orgwiki4C3%486thelatar_A 49 4n072018 Fethostan A - Wikipedia “41 and Woodman describes him On the other hand, Drogereit describes "Athelstan As style as having a "poetic quali as an “author of no little genius, a man who not only overhauled the legal form of the diploma but also had the ability to write Latin that is as enduringly fascinating as it is complex." In Woodman's view: "Never before had the royal diploma's thetorical properties been exploited to such a degree and it seems no coincidence that these documents appeared following King Aithelstan's momentous political conquest of the north in 927."(5] List of charters Keynes listed the “ithelstan A" charters in Table XXVII of his Atlas of Attestations.819) The charters are in the script 7) called "Square minuscule (Phase 11", with a Latin text and the boundary clause in the vernacular! Charters: htpsen wikipedia orgwiki4C3%486thelatar_A 59 4072018 Date 16 April 928/991 16 April 928/401 3 April 930411 29 April 930!421 23 March 9311431 20 June 931/44) 48 July 991081 12.November 931l48) 30 August 9321) 9 November 932159) 24 December 93251 24 December 9321821 Sawyer number!) s 40091 s 399/401 s 403/411 s 405421 s 4123) sais] 160411 $4168) 4179) 4169150 satel s 4196541 htpsen wikipedia orgwiki4C3%486thelatar_A Place of Exeter 9) Exeter] Lyminster*"! Chippenham(#2] Colchester!*3) Kings Worthy'#51 East Wellow!*®) Lifton!*®) Mitton 2Kent(491 Exeter50] Amesbury] Amesbury!) Fethostan A - Wikipedia Subject “King AEthelstan to Byrhtferth, minister; grant of 12 hides (mansiones) at Odstock, Wits*321 “King Ethelstan to i led; grant of 20 hides (mansiones) at Winterburna"#°) “King AEthelstan to Beomheah, Bishop of Selsey: {grant of 4 hides (cassatac) at Medmerry, with woodland at Eamley and meadow outside Chichester") “King Ethelstan to Eadul, bishop and the familia at Crediton; grant of 3 hides (cassatae) at Sandford near Crediton"!*2) “King AEthelstan to Afric, abbot; grant of 10 hides (cassatae) zet Clere (Ecchinswell, Hants)"!#3) “King Ethelstan to Alri, minister, grant of 20 hides (cassati) at Watchfield, Berks"(*4] “King AEthelstan to 2; grant of land at Bultheswrthe"*6) “King AEthelstan to Wulfgar, minister; grant of 9 hide: (cassatae) at Ham, Wilt (68) “King AEthelstan to ethelgeard (or Ethelweard), minister; grant of 12 hides (cassatae) at (West) Meon, Hants"49) King Ethelstan to Beorhtsige, abbot; grant of 10 hides (cassatae) al Bowers Gifford, Essex") “king Aéthelstan to Alfred, minister; grant of 12 hides (cassatae) at North Stoneham, Hants" “King AEthelstan to Shaftesbury Abbey; grant of 11.5 hides (cassatae) at Fontmell, Dorset"(52] ‘Comments Bishop required to sing psalms for the king,{12) Survives in abbreviated form 471 Original charter in “ethelstan A's hand 87 Milton Regis, Kent or Milton Abbas, Dorset.l49) Beneficiary to provide for 420 destitute daily 5) Nuns asked to sing fity psalms and say mass for the king every day.) 69 4072018 Date 41 January 93312 26 January 93314) 26 January 933151 28 May 934161 7 June 934°] 13 September 934(52) 21 December 93st") 21 December 935t'2) See also Sawyer numberl4) s 37931 $ 422541 8 4230551 s 4256551 40787 426%) 5 434101 $s 4asit Place of Wilton!®3) Chippenham(*) Chippenham(] Winchester'®®) Nottingham!®71 Buckingham/$% Dorchesterl®°) Dorchester! Fethostan A - Wikipedia Subject “King Edward (sic) to Wuifgar, minister; grant of 10 hides (cassatae) at Collingbourne Kingston, Wits 22) “King AEthelstan to the familia of Sherborne Minster, grant of 10 hides (cassatae) at Bradford Abbas, Dorset"4 “King AEthelstan to the church of Sherbome; grant of 5 or 8 hides (familiae) at Stalbridge ‘Weston, Dorset"!®*) “King Athelstan to Awald, minister; grant of 12 hides (cassalae) al Derantune. (probably Durrington, Sussex) 55) “King AEthelstan to the church of St Peter, York: grant of land ‘at Amoundemess, Lancs“®7) “King thelstan to Athelneim, his faithful minister; grant of 15 hides (cassatae) at Kingtone (? Kington St Michael, Wilts" “king Aéthalstan tothe familia grant of 60 ‘at Bremhil, Witts"691, “King Athelstan to the familia. of Malmesbury; grant of 10 hides (cassatl) at Wootton, Wits" ‘Comments Copy of charter of 933, with the date altered to 921 and king to Edward.!*7! Beneficiary to provide food for destitute once a year,*5) Monks asked to sing entire psalter for the king ‘once a year on All Saints Day23 Monks asked to sing ‘entire psalter for the king ‘once a year on All Saints Day 123i Original charter in “Atthelstan A"s hand,l7) Date changed to 930.112 Grant of "a vast tract of the north-west to the Archbishop of York” $8) “Dated 937 but apparently derived from a charter of 935."U121 “Dated 937 but apparently derived from a charter of 935."(12 = Anglo-Saxon charters Notes a. Simon Keynes uses the word ‘diploma’ to denote a formal document, almost ways in Latin, recording a grant of land by the king to another party, approved by a royal assembly. Keynes regards ‘charter’ as a broader term covering diplomas and other forms of written record such as leases and wills { b, There is one possible exception, Charter S 395 in 925 uses the title rex Anglorum, but this only survives in a copy and itis unclear whether the ttle was added later.!"81 . Table XXVII also includes spurious charters which have elements derived from those of "/€thelstan A", and later charters which show the influence of "/thelstan A".("2] htpsen wikipedia orgwiki4C3%486thelatar_A 719 4n072018 Fethostan A - Wikipedia 4, Number in the Sawyer catalogue of Anglo-Saxon Charters!) References 1. Keynes 2013, p. 18,n. 2 31. Smith 2012, p. 37. 2, Lapidge 1993, p. 20, Foot 2011, p. 138 3, Gretsch 1999, 9, 384 33, Smith 2012, p. 177. 4, Drégereit 1935, p. 364 34, Smith 2012, p. 44 5, Woodman 2013, p. 247, 35, Woodman 2013, pp. 217, 247 6, Woodman 2013, p. 217 38. Keynes 2002a; Keynes 2002 7. Lapidge 1998, pp. 5~10 37. Keynes 2013, p. 169. 8, Keynes 2013, p. 73; Woodman 2013, p. 218. 38, Electronic Sawyer 9. Woodman 2013, p. 219: Smith 2012, p. 27 39. 400 (hitpiwwww.esamyer.org.uk/charter!400.htm) 10. Keynes 2013, 0.43 40. S 399 (http: esawyer.org.uk/charter!399.htm) 11, Keynes 1980, pp. 14-17; Drégereit 1935, pp. 345-54. 41, S 403 (htp:/hmw.esawyer.org.uk/charter!403.htm!) 12, Keynes 20028 42. $ 405 (hitpllwww.esawyer.org.uk/charter!40S.htm) 13, Gretsch 1999, p. 336 43, $412 (hitpitwwwwesamyer.org.ubicharter/412.htm)) 14, Foot 2011, p. 98 44, $ 413 (httpslwwmw.esawyer.org.uk/charter/413.html) 15, Keynes 2013, op. 25, 55; Keynes 1987, p. 186 45. Foot 2011, p. 262 16, Woodman 2013, op. 223-25. 46, $ 1604 (tp:!www.esawyer.org.uk/charter/1604.htm)) 17. Foot 2011, pp. 155-56 47. Woodman 2013, p. 248. 18, Foot 2011, p. 27,n. 65 48, $ 416 (http:Awmw.esawyer.org.uk/charter/416.him!) 19, Keynes 1999, p, 470: Keynes 2013, pp. 52,54; Foot 49, S417 (httpi/www.esamyer.org.uk/charter/417.htm)) 2011, pp. 27, 92, 213. 50. S 418a (htp:/ivww.esawyer.org.ukicharter/418a.html) 20. Keynes 1999, p. 470; Gretsch 1999, p. 334. 51, S 418 (htp:/iwww.esawyer.org.uk/charter/418.html) 21, Maddicott 2010, pp, 5-5, 15~16 52, $419 (httpswwu.esamyer.org.ukicharter/419,htm)) 22. Keynes 2013, pp. 54, 77 53, § 379 (http:Imw.esawyer.org.uk/charter/379.htmi) 23, Gretsch 1999, p. 935, 54, $ 422 (nttp:iwwwesawyer.org.uk/charter!422.htm!) 24, Keynes 2013, pp. 35-36; Foot 2011, pp. 80, 82-89. 55. $429 (ttpi/mww.esawyer.org.uk/charter/423.html) 25. Keynes 2013, pp. 55-56. 56, § 425 (htp:/hvwnw.esawyer.org.uk/charter!425.ntml) 26 Foot 2011, p. 72 57. $407 (nttp:www.esawyer.org.uk/charter/407-htm!) 27. Woodman 2013, pp. 218, 220. 58. Nelson 1989, p. 116 28, Woodman 2018, pp. 236-45. 59, § 426 (htp:/hwww.esawyerorg.uk/charter!426.html) 29, Woodman 2013, pp, 225-30; Stevenson 2002 60, $434 (http:/uww.esamyer.org.uk/charter/434,htm)) Pp. 272-75, 61. $ 435 (httpvivww.esawyer.org.uk/charter!435.html) 30. Woodman 2013, pp. 218-19. Sources = Drégereit, Richard (1935). "Gab es eine Angelsachsische Kénigskanzlei2" (hitp:/imww.kemble.asne.cam.ac.ukisites/d efaultfilesifiles/Drogereit.pdf) [Was There an Anglo-Saxon Royal Chancery] (PDF). Archiv flr Urkundenforschung {in German) (13): 335-436, (Translation on Kemble: The Anglo-Saxon Charters Website) “The Electronic Sawyer: O Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon Charters" (hitp:/iwww.esawyer.org.uk/about/index. htm) Kemble: The Anglo-Saxon Charters Website. British Academy-Royal Historical Society Joint Committee on Anglo- Saxon Charters. Retrieved 22 June 2014. htpsen wikipedia orgwiki4C3%486thelatar_A a9 art0n018 ‘ihelsian A- Wikipedia = Foot, Sarah (2011). Ethelstan: The First King of England. New Haven, US: Yale University Press. ISBN 97: 412535-1 + Gretsch, Mechtild (1999). The Intellectual Foundations of the English Benedictine Reform. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-03052-6, + Keynes, Simon (1980). The Diplomas of King Ethelred The Unready' 978-1016. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0:521-227 18-6. + Keynes, Simon (1987). "Regenbald the Chancellor (sic)". Anglo-Norman Studies. Woodbridge, UK: The Boydell Press, 10, ISBN 0-85115-502-2. = Keynes, Simon (1999). "England, c. 900-1016". In Reuter, Timothy. The New Cambridge Medieval History: Volume Il ©, 900-c, 1024. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN. 6447-7 + Keynes, Simon (2002a). "Atlas of Attestations: Table XXVII: The Charters of “thelstan A (https:/web.archive.orgiw eb/20140808053032/http:/ www kemble.asnc.cam.ac.ukisites/defaultfiles/fles/XXVII_%20Charters%2001%20%C3% ‘6thelstan%20A pdf) (PDF), Kemble: The Anglo-Saxon Charters Website. British Academy-Royal Historical Society Joint Committee on Anglo-Saxon Charters, Archived from the original (http:/www.kemble.asne.cam.ac.ukisites/defaul tfilesifies/XXVII_%20Charters%200f%20%C3%86thelstan%20A,pdf) (PDF) on 2014-08-08. = Keynes, Simon (2002b). "Allas of Attestations: Introductory Note" (http:/ww.kemble.asnc.cam.ac.ukinode/30). Kemble: The Anglo-Saxon Charters Website. British Academy-Royal Historical Society Joint Committee on Anglo- ‘Saxon Charters. + Keynes, Simon (2013), "Church Councils, Royal Assemblies, and Anglo-Saxon Royal Diplomas”. In Owen-Crocker, Gale R.; Schneider, Brian W. Kingship, Legislation and Power in Anglo-Saxon England. Woodbridge, UK: The Boydell Press. ISBN 9781-84383-877-7. = Lapidge, Michael (1993). Anglo-Latin Literature 900-1066. London, UK: The Hambledon Press. ISBN 1-85285-01 = Maddicott, John (2010). The Origins of the English Parliament, 924-1327, Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-958550-2. + Nelson, Janet L. (1999). "Rulers and Government”. In Reuter, Timothy. The New Cambridge Medieval History: Volume til c. 900-c. 1024. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-621-36447-7. = Smith, Scott Thompson (2012). Land and Book: Literature and Land Tenure in Anglo-Saxon England, Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press, ISBN 978-1-4426-4486-1 = Stevenson, Jane (2002). "The Irish Contribution to Anglo-Latin Hermeneutic Prose”. In Richter, Michael; Picard, Jean Michel. Ogma: Essays in Celtic Studies in Honour of Prionseas Ni Chathain. Dublin, Ireland: Four Courts Press. ISBN 1-85182-671-8, = Woodman, D, A, (December 2013), "'#thelstan A’ and the rhetoric of rule” (http:/journals. cambridge. org/actionidispla yAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=30996408{ulltextType=RA&fileld=S0263675113000112). Anglo-Saxon England. ‘Cambridge University Press. 42. doi:10.1017/S0263675113000112 {(https:lidoi.org/10.1017%2FS0263675113000112). ISSN 0263-6751 (https://www.worldcat org/issn/0263-6751). Retrieved from “https://en.wikipedia.orgiwlindex.php title=Ethelstan_A&oldid=835710199" This page was last edited on 10 April 2018, at 09:24, Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization. hitpsven wikipedia orgwiki"KC3%486thelstan_A 99

Вам также может понравиться