Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1

Ethnic Conflict and Politics in Bosnia And Herzegovina:

Past, Present, Future
Zachary Valverde
Global Studies Academy at Tallwood High School
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 2

Table of Contents:

Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………….3

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………...4

Limitations………………………………………………………………………………………5

Literary Review………………………………………………………………………………….6

Discussion……………………………………………………………………………………....10

History………………………………………………………………………………..…10

Politics & Economy…………………………………………...………………………...15

Ethnic Relations & Protests……………………………………………………...……...19

Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………...….22

Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………….25

Appendix………………………………………………………………………………………..28
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 3

Abstract

After centuries of war and devastation, the Balkan ethnicities of Croatians, Bosniaks, and

Serbians all live peacefully in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnia and Herzegovina, recovering

from the deep scar of the Bosnian War, must now look on to a future of peace in the Balkans.

The history of the Balkans provides context of the ancient hatred that fuels the ethnic conflict in

Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnia and Herzegovina’s government’s efficiency to administrate and

represent the people is critical to the future of their country. Current problems that are faced by

the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina include high levels of bureaucratic corruption and an

economy in tatters. A terrible economy leads to high unemployment and poverty. With high

dissatisfaction from the citizens, destabilization is highly likely unless there are reforms to clean

corruption and better the economy. The people of Bosnia and Herzegovina are separated both

physically and politically. Though there has been few instances of mixed ethnicity activities,

Bosnia and Herzegovina still remains ethnically divided. The future depends on the

governmental reforms and the peoples will to unite and put away their violent history.
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 4

Introduction

The conflict between Catholic Croatians, Orthodox Christian Serbs, and Islamic Bosnians

(Bosniaks) have been going on for centuries. This centuries old conflict establishes the

foundation of the deeply ingrained ethnic divide seen in modern Bosnia and Herzegovina. The

disputes we see in modern Bosnia are a direct result of the violent history that intensified under

Ottoman rule in the 15th century, Serb-Yugoslavian rule in the early 20 century, Fascist Croatia
th

during World War II, and Josip Tito’s Communist Yugoslavia during the Cold War, who’s

devolution lead to a horrendous conflict between Croatians, Bosniaks, and Serbs in the 1992

Bosnian War. During the Bosnian War, war crimes were committed by all the warring factions,

with the Serbians committing the most during their campaign of genocidal rape and ethnic

cleansing, to which is now known as the Bosnian Genocide. The conflict prompted military

intervention by N.A.T.O, which lead to Operation Deliberate Force, an air campaign that striked

against Bosnian Serb military targets who threatened U.N. safe zones. After the successful

NATO operation, a peace conference was held in Dayton, Ohio to end the Bosnian War, of

which Serbia, Bosnia, and Croatia attended. The peace talks set up a system of one country

(Bosnia) controlled by two entities (the primarily Bosniak Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina

and the Serbian Republika Srpska), and three presidents (one Croat, one Serb, and one Bosniak).

The government of Bosnia and Herzegovina is renowned as one of the most complicated

political systems in the world and consists of a constant power struggle between the once

warring ethnic groups. After centuries of war, the presiding government of Bosnia and

Herzegovina must accommodate all the once warring ethnicities to maintain peace. An analysis

of the history of Balkans, the politics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the current relations
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 5

between Bosnia’s different ethnic groups will tell if Bosnia’s violent history of war has truly

come to an end.

Limitations

There are unavoidable limitations associated with research of Bosnian politics and history

that must addressed. The lack of reliable information limits the researcher in finding unbiased,

fact-based sources to back-up certain claims made throughout the research. With the politics of

Bosnia being associated with three different ethnic groups, information that does not have bias

linked to one of the ethnic groups will be rare; therefore, this limits the validity of research in

regard to claims about each of the ethnic groups. However, such information will be cited

properly according to who made the source and who they may be biased towards, giving insight

of the social thought of one ethnic group on another. The researcher also holds his own cultural

biased as he is from the United States and during the Bosnian War, the U.S. and NATO aided the

Bosnians and Croatians in the fight against the Serbs. The researcher has never experienced the

Bosnian War, and nor ever has travelled to Bosnia; therefore, the researcher cannot rely on

personal experiences with Bosnian culture and personal observations on ethnic relations in

Bosnia. Instead, the researcher is limited to only sources made by those who have travelled or are

from Bosnia about the social cultural aspects of the ethnic groups. The span of Bosnian politics

is so vast that there are majors at some universities that focus on studying for years on Bosnia

alone; therefore, the researcher is limited to a time constraint that only allows for a partial

portion of information to be gathered within the time limit. Since there is a time constraint that

limits the amount of research to be gathered, the researcher must consolidate sources to only

include extremely relevant facts towards the research of Bosnian politics to create concise
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 6

information. Though there are limitations on the research, the goal of the research will not be

effected drastically.

Literary Review

The history of Bosnia and its current political situation has been widely discussed and

researched by historians and political scientists alike. This brings a plethora of past studies to

review and utilize for the research and prediction of the possible future of Bosnia. An in-depth

look at the history of Bosnia will give context to what created the deep ethnic cleavage that

exists today in Bosnian culture and demographics. The sociality of Bosnia’s ethnically diverse

people and the effectiveness of its current governmental system to equally represent its

population will determine the future of Bosnia. The following studies of each of these fields will

assist in the research of formulating a prediction.

History of Bosnia

The Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations gives an extensive view on the history of

Bosnia-Herzegovina. Bosnia holds a rich, but violent history that must be understood and known

to understand why there is such a wide ethnic divide present in Bosnia and how history will

shape the future. The encyclopedia does a very good job on highlighting all the important events

of Bosnian history with an extensive focus on detailing each of the events in history. History tells

us that Bosnia has been fought over since the 11th century when Catholic Croatians and

Orthodox Byzantines battled for control over the region. During this time, Bosnia came under

settlement by Croatian and Serb settlers, giving the native Bosnians not-so-friendly neighbors.

The Bosnian Church, the Bogomils, was an offset of Christianity as a direct result of the isolation

of Christianity in Bosnia from the mainstream Catholic or Orthodox churches. This is when we
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 7

first see ethnic tensions arise. Catholics and Orthodox Christians considered Bogomilism a

heretical religion, creating a religious divide between Bosnians and their Croatian and Serbian

neighbors. When the Ottomans invaded, Bosnian Bogomils who were tired of constant

persecution by other Christians were quick to convert to Islam, thus giving them benefits under

the Ottoman Empire that Serbs did not receive because they were Christian. These events would

create the foundation for religious and ethnic wars to come post-Ottoman rule, which the article

highlights as well.

Sociality of the Bosnian Population

The topic of ethnic sociality of the population of Bosnia will determine the status

of the people of Bosnia post-Bosnian War, and what the current opinions are of the ethnicities

for each other. In a world news article by Julian Borger (2012), Borger reports about the people

of Bosnia two decades after the infamous conflict that ravaged Bosnia and how the war still

haunts them and what has changed and what has stayed the same. Borger’s report states that

Bosnia is more divided than it was 20 years ago as intermarriage between ethnic groups are far

less common and that children who grow up in either of the two entities that make up Bosnia

barely have any contact with each other. However, there are signs of inter-ethnic cooperation as

soldiers, who once fought against one another, are now working together to gain their pensions

from the government for their part in the war. Bosniaks are leading fundraising drives for former

Serb soldiers who were denied pension by their entity of government, the Republic of Sprska.

One Bosniak, as Borger reported, now that the war is over, and that people need to look towards

the future. This article will help in predicting the two sides of Bosnian sociality, one that

perpetrates further ethnic division, and another that shows ethnic cooperation and unity.

Bosnian Political System

 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 8

Regarded as one of the most complicated political structures in the world,

Bosnia’s government is critical to keeping peace in Bosnia. Nardelli, Dzidic, and Jukic world

news report for the Guardian produces an overview of the government of which was produced by

an enforced peace treaty. The article outlines some basic issues that are present in Bosnia, which

include corruption, social issues, economic issues, and a staggering unemployment rate of 59%

for young people and 31% for the population as a whole. The article also explains the current

governmental system in Bosnia, a parliamentary democracy with a three-member rotating

presidency. Bosnia and Herzegovina is made up of two entities, the Bosniak-Croat Federation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosnian-Serb Republika Srpska. Ethnic based parties outline

objectives that contradict each other, thus creating a power struggle between the parties and the

ethnicities. There is a rotating presidency of three presidents represent each of the three

ethnicities residing in Bosnia and Herzegovina – one Bosniak, one Serb, and one Croat. The

government system is very complicated and tries to appeal towards all three ethnicities. A further

analysis of corruption and national issues will assist in researching the performance of the

government and if it is efficient enough to maintain peace between the ethnic groups.

Conclusion

The use of these sources and other like sources to further analyze the fields of

study will benefit the research of predicting Bosnia’s political future. Sources about Bosnia’s

history will provide context to the modern Bosnian dilemma we see today, and why there is such

a big ethnic divide in the country. Researching Bosnia and Herzegovina’s sociality will provide

valuable information on whether the three ethnic groups are dividing themselves even further or

are they rather uniting themselves for the greater good. Analyzing the current political situation

and government system allows further research on whether the government of Bosnia and
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 9

Herzegovina will maintain the peace between ethnic groups, and what needs to be changed if

they are headed in the direction of ethnic conflict. With the combination of research from these

three topics, further research on predictions of Bosnia’s future are needed in order to identify

early symptoms of balkanization in Bosnia and prevent the possibility of another ethnic conflict
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 10

Discussion:

History of the Balkans and Bosnia and Herzegovina

As Winston Churchill said, “The Balkans produce more history than they can consume.”

Knowing the extensive history of the Balkan region proves critical in understanding the present

ethnic divide among the former Yugoslavian ethnicities and predicting a possible future for

Bosnia and Herzegovina. The history of the western Balkans expands from the 11 century,
th

throughout Ottoman Rule, through both World Wars, the Cold War, and the 1992 Bosnian War.

The conflict between Bosnians and Serbs can be traced back to even before Islam was

introduced to Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Ottomans. Before Ottoman rule, the religion in

Bosnia and Herzegovina was a sect of Christianity called Bogomilism, which unlike the

mainstream Christian denominations did not have a religious hierarchy, thus creating a weak

central church in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Kayahan 2016). The primary religion in Serbia was

Orthodox Christianity, which included a strong central religious hierarchy. The Orthodox

Christian church in Serbia declared Bogomilism a heretical offset of Christianity and classified

Bosnians as heretics (Kayahan 2016). When the Ottomans invaded and took over Serbia in 1459

and Bosnia in 1463, Islam was introduced. While the Ottomans did not force conversion to

Islam, converting Islam came with many benefits including being allowed to become a

government official, not paying a tax specific to Christians, and not having your son kidnapped

to become an elite soldier for the Sultan (Savich 2001). The Bosnians, because of their weak

Bogomil Christian system that had already branded them as heretics, converted to Islam with

ease and included themselves into Ottoman society (Savich 2001). Serbia however, established

their national identity through their strong Orthodox Christian Church; therefore, they did not

convert to Islam (Göransson 2017). The Serbs keeping their Christian Orthodox values while
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 11

Bosnians converted to Islam created a divide in the ethnicities not only in belief, but also status

and privileges under Ottoman rule for almost three centuries until both ethnicities gained

independence in the 19th Century. While Serbia retained their independence, Bosnia came under

control of the Austro-Hungarians.

In the early half of the 20th Century, the conflict between Orthodox Christian

Serbs and Islamic Bosniaks transition from internal Yugoslavian politics to all-out war and

genocide in the upcoming second World War, with religion being the deciding factor in

classifying a Balkan citizen’s ethnicity. Prior to the formation of the first Yugoslavian Kingdom,

the Serbians set off World War I with the killing of the archduke Ferdinand, and the Habsburgs

found themselves using Bosnian troops to their aid in the war. The Treaty of Versailles

disintegrated the Austro-Hungarian empire, including the release of Slovenia, Croatia, and

Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, the post-WW1 newly formed Kingdom of Yugoslavia was

formed to unite Croats, Serbs, Slovenes, and Bosniaks under one flag, even though ethnic

turmoil was still vibrant in the young nation’s politics. The Catholic Croats and Orthodox Serbs

battled for which political structure to adopt, with Croats supporting a federal structure that

would respect the diversity in culture present in Yugoslavia while the Serbs supported a unitary

structure to centralize the state (Lampe 2017). The Serb unitarist idea prevailed after the shooting

of Croatian political leader and nationalist, Stjepan Radić (Hewitt 2017). Thus, the centralized

state abolished its parliament and became a royal dictatorship with the Serbian Karadjordjević

dynasty creating a string line of monarchal dictators to rule the culturally divided kingdom

(Lampe 2017). During this time, Islamic Bosniaks weren’t acknowleged as a distinct ethnic

group and they were exploited by having their lands were seized violently through land acts.

Compensation was offered, but often didn’t materialize fully. The dictatorship limped on and
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 12

even survived the assassination of its king, King Alexander, up until 1941 (Goransson 2017). In

1941, World War 2 ravaged Europe and Nazi forces brought devastation and occupation to the

Balkans with a declaration of war. The Balkans were divvied up to Hungary, Italy, and a Nazi

puppet regime called the Independent State of Croatia, which encompassed both Serb and

Bosniak territory. Anti-Serb sentiment was ramped as the Ustaše, the Croatian nationalist party

installed by the Nazis, proclaimed Catholicism and Islam as the official religions of the puppet

state, and that Eastern Orthodoxy was a symbol of Serbian identity, thus a foe (Ramet 2006). The

Ustase held three goals; to convert, deport, and kill a third of its Serbian population. The goals of

the Ustase resulted in nearly five-hundred-thousand Serbs killed, with most of the killing carried

out by the Nazi and puppet regime’s military divisions recruited from the Muslim Bosniak and

Croatian population. Muslim Bosniaks were recruited to fight for the Axis in carrying out

military actions on the front and anti-partisan operations in the Balkans, and these volunteeres

accounted for 12% of the puppet state’s military (Savich 2001). Most volunteers were refugees

from eastern Bosnia where the Chetniks, an Eastern Orthodox Serbian nationalist anti-Axis

partisan militia, were carrying out massacres against Bosniaks (Dejan & Savich 2001). The

Chetniks had a goal of cleansing areas of Muslims to create a pure “Greater Serbia” and so

Herzegovina was especially targeted for genocide because of their significant Muslim population

(Tomasevich 1975). As the Nazi’s sphere of influence dwindled and capitulation drew near in

the later years of World War 2, the Ustase’s power declined significantly, leaving the two most

prominent resistance armies in Yugoslavia, the communist partisans led by Josip Broz or Tito

and the Serbian Chetniks, to fight each other for who gets to control post-war Yugoslavia

(Goransson 2017). Tito supported an ethnically different, but united communist Yugoslavia,

while the Chetniks wanted a Serbian dominated Yugoslavia that supported the persecution of
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 13

Muslims and other non-Serbs (Tomasevich 1975). After the crumbling of the Nazi German

Reich and the Independent State of Croatia in 1945, Tito reigned victorious over the Chetniks

and was hailed as a national liberator, thus paving the way for Yugoslavian communism

(Goransson 2017).

Tito became the leader of post-war Yugoslavia and established a communist state

called the Federal Peoples Republic of Yugoslavia, which included six federal republics within;

Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro, Slovenia and Macedonia. The government, to

stabilize the country, became very centralized and modeled their constitution to that of Stalin’s.

To unite Yugoslavia, nationalism was banned, culture was restricted, and talk of the violence that

occurred in World War 2 was prohibited (Goransson 2017). Muslim Bosniaks were still treated

as just a religion and not an ethnicity, being classified as either Croat-Muslim, Serb-Muslim, or

ethnically undeclared Muslim (Banac 2015). These policies and classifications diminished after

the communist state began decentralizing in the 1970s-80s, establishing Bosniaks as a separate

ethnicity and nationality (Banac 2015). During Tito’s regime, it was a time of peace enforced by

the government, and as a result, ethnicities began to see each other as brethren and intermarriage

was popular, especially in Sarajevo. However, with the death of Tito in 1980 and the

continuation of decentralization, nationalism became popular again, spiraling the communist

nation into turmoil. Balkanization began in Yugoslavia with Slovenia first declaring it’s freedom

in 1990, and after ten days of fighting and fewer than a hundred dead, they were left with their

independence. In 1991, Croatia declared their independence and war between Croatia and

communist Yugoslavia (later turned into the Serb dominated Federal Republic of Yugoslavia)

raged until 1995, leaving tens of thousands dead because of combat, and aggressive campaigns

of ethnic cleansing committed by both sides. Following the Croatian War for independence, the
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 14

predominantly Muslim state of Bosnia and Herzegovina declared its independence, which

sparked the infamous 1990s conflict, the Bosnian War.

The Bosnian War was a Balkan conflict a part of the breakup of Yugoslavia, taking place

in Bosnia-Herzegovina from 1992-1995. The war broke out between three ethnically different

factions, which included the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which aided ethnic Serbians

residing in Bosnian territory, Islamic Bosniaks, and Bosnian Croatians supported by the newly

formed Republic of Croatia. Bosnia and Herzegovina held a successful referendum for

independence in February of 1992, and Bosnian Serbs were against the referendum as they

wanted to remain a part of FR Yugoslavia (Lampe 2017). On April 7th, 1992, 8 days after

Bosnia declared its independence, Bosnian Serb paramilitary forces, supplied by FR Yugoslavia,

and the Yugoslav army began an attack on Sarajevo and various Bosniak towns (Lampe 2017).

Propaganda encouraged Bosnian Serbs to carry out unthinkable atrocities against Bosniaks as it

roused them to believe the false notion that the Bosniaks had an intent on creating a

fundamentalist Islamic state with the goal of persecuting Serbs (Hewitt 2017). The Bosnian Serb

forces, at the order of Radovan Karadžić and his generals, orchestrated a vicious campaign of

ethnic cleansing to rid Bosnia of non-Serbs to achieve a pure Serb “Greater Serbia” (Hewitt

2017). Bosnian Serb Militia units would invade a town and kill anyone they saw indiscriminately

(Hewitt 2017). Bosniak families would be rounded up and have their throats slit. Mosques would

be ransacked and blown up. Bosniaks would be sent to concentration camps and be

systematically killed. Genocidal rape was a strategy used by the Bosnian Serbs to break family

bonds (Hewitt 2017). The genocide included the atrocious establishment of “rape camps,” which

were concentration camps for Bosniak women to be systematically raped by Serb soldiers and

held captive until it was too late for an abortion, so when released, they’d have to bear a child
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 15

forced upon them by their enemy (Hewitt 2017). Massacres of civilians were committed by both

sides; however, they were mostly perpetrated by Serbs against Bosniaks. The most severe

massacre would be the Srebrenica Massacre, where Republic of Srpska forces (Bosnian Serb

forces) besieged a proclaimed U.N. safe zone to which Dutchbat soldiers failed to prevent the

Serb massacre of eight thousand Bosniaks (BBC 2008). The massacres prompted N.A.T.O.

involvement and the launching of Operation Deliberate Force against the Bosnian Serbs, which

included the bombing of Belgrade and other Serb targets (Hewitt 2017). Within months of

N.A.T.O involvement, the war seized with the signing of the Dayton Accords in 1995, Dayton,

Ohio.

Politics and Economy

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political and economic situation is in a state of dismay as a

result of a complicated political system, ramped corruption, and widespread poverty and

unemployment.

The Dayton Accords left Bosnia and Herzegovina as a single state made up of two

autonomous constituent entities with a central government. One being called the Federation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina, representing the 48% of Bosniaks and 14.3% of Croats, and the other

being Republika Srpska, representing the 37% of Bosnian-Serbs. Each of the entities have a

significant amount of autonomy with each entity having their own constitutions, parliaments,

directly-elected presidents, entity-parliamentary appointed prime ministers, and cabinets of

ministries. The entities’ own governments decide on healthcare, education, agriculture, veteran

issues, labor, police, and internal affairs (Nardelli, Dzidic, Jukic 2014). Local level governments

include the ten cantons containing seventy-nine municipalities in the Federation of Bosnia and

Herzegovina and the sixty-three different municipalities in Republika Srpska. On the national
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 16

level a tripartite presidency is utilized with three separate presidents representing the three major

ethnic groups, the Serbs, Bosniaks, and the Croats and they are directly-elected by the ethnic

groups to a four-year term and rotate every eight months to be the Chairman of the Presidency of

Bosnia and Herzegovina, represents the head of state (the presidents of the whole nation are not

to be confused with the presidents of each of the entities, which are separate officials with

differing jurisdictions) (Nardelli, Dzidic, Jukic 2014). The constitution of Bosnia and

Herzegovina also specifies a House of Peoples containing fifteen delegates, five for each ethnic

group, and a forty-two seat House of Representatives with two-thirds from the Federation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina and 1/3 from the Republika Srpska. The presidents nominate a

parliamentary approved national prime minister to coordinate the nine ministries in the Council

of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, along with the presidents, represent the

executive branch of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The legal system in Bosnia and

Herzegovina is based on a civil law system, which means the law is based on a referable code,

rather than past judicial decisions. The constitution establishes a nine-member constitutional

court, which has jurisdiction over disputes between the Republika Srpska and the Federation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina or between the national government and the entity governments. There

are 10 cantonal courts in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and 5 district courts in

Republika Srpska, and both have their own municipality courts. Both entities also hold their own

form of a supreme court.

The governmental system of Bosnia and Herzegovina is undeniably complicated, and that

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s federal parliamentary constitutional republic has been regarded as the

most complicated political system in the world (Nardelli, Dzidic, Jukic 2014). With sixety-five

political parties, twenty-four independent candidates, and twenty-four coalitions having been
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 17

able to run in the 2014 election, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political system is swamped with

differing political ideologies (Balkan Insight Editors 2014). However, there are three major

political parties, the Serb Democratic Party in the Republika Srpska, the Bosniak dominated

Party for Democratic Action, and the Croatian Democratic Union. The current system of

government in Bosnia and Herzegovina creates severe gridlock because the ethnically-centered

parties present staunch demands to the political stage that were once warred over twenty years

prior. Bosniak politicians seek centralization towards the federal government, Serb politicians

support the retainment of the autonomy of Republika Srpska, and Croat politicians either support

unification or the creation of a third Croat dominated entity (Balkan Insight Editors 2014).

Corruption is ranked by its citizens as the fourth most important problem being faced in

Bosnia and Herzegovina today (United Nations 2013 & see appendix figure A for the rankings of

issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina provided by the UN). Graft, cronyism, bribery and

embezzlement are a part of political life in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Balkan Insight Editors

2014). Only 2% of corruption experiences are reported because the citizens believe that they’ll

benefit personally from it or because they think nobody will care (United Nations 2011).

According to the United Nations, 20% of citizens have been exposed to bribery. 80% of bribes

are paid in cash and 15% in food or drink (United Nations 2011). Nearly 40% of bribes paid are

offered by the citizens themselves, displaying the citizens’ distrust in ability of the government

to function without some sort of informal payment (United Nations 2013 & (See appendix C

provided by the UN). Bribes are paid to officials for various reasons like securing job positions,

avoiding fines, and to speed up government procedure in the very complicated, bureaucratic

administration (See figure B in appendix provided by the UN). Judicial rulings against corruption

are weak as former president of the Federation of Bosnia & Herzegovina, Živko Budimir, was
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 18

arrested for corruption, but was released after a month in custody. Irregular payments in the form

of bribes are given to judges in exchange for favors regarding judicial decisions. Bribery is also

highly common with police, tax officials, customs administrators, and legislators (Gan Integrity

2016). Law makers in Bosnia and Herzegovina make six times as much than the average wage as

well (Balkan Insight Editors 2014). Nearly all economic sectors suffer because of corruption as it

creates a serious obstacle for any business looking to invest in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Gan

Integrity 2016). In Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is common for a business to bribe police officers

for the protection of their business. Though the legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina conjured

up a strict legal anti-corruption framework called the 2009-2015 Anti-Corruption Action Plan,

the enforcement was poor with only 9.8% of its plans being implemented (Gan Integrity 2016).

However, another anti-corruption strategy and action plan for 2015-2019 has been created, and it

provides protections for whistleblower, but for only the state-level public sector (Gan Integrity

2016).

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s economy is suffering, and as a result widespread poverty and

unemployment plagues the nation. Ranked as one of the poorest nation in Europe, Bosnia and

Herzegovina’s economy is in disarray (Hill 2017). Before the war, industry accounted for 50% of

the GDP, and while Bosnia and Herzegovina was primarily agricultural, the farms were small

and insufficient. When the Bosnian War sparked, a sharp decrease occurred in the economy with

a drop of 80% in the GDP between the years 1992 and 1995 (Hill 2017). Since then economic

growth has been unstable with significant increases followed by sharp decreases. Nearly 26.5%

of GDP is generated by the country’s informal economy and accounts for 30% of totally

employment. Bosnia and Herzegovina has the highest youth unemployment rate in the world at a

staggering 57%. Only one in three has a job and only one in four has a formal job (Goldstein,
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 19

Davies, Fengler 2015). There are three main problems with Bosnia’s economy: a large public-

sector limiting the private-sector, a consumption-based economy, and an inadequate export

sector (Goldstein, Davies, Fengler 2015). Bosnia and Herzegovina’s public expenditures account

for half of the GDP and causes taxes to be raised to pay for overly expensive state-owned

enterprises. The taxes take a significant amount out of a worker’s salary, making it difficult for

private-sector employers to create formal jobs. Also, private-sector employers and foreign

investors face many regulations, high-risk corruption, and bureaucratic obstacles, making formal

business in Bosnia and Herzegovina near impossible (Goldstein, Davies, Fengler 2015). After

the Bosnia War, financial inflows and aid created a consumption-based economy for Bosnia and

Herzegovina, rather than creating a foundation for sustainable economic growth (Goldstein,

Davies, Fengler 2015). Bosnia and Herzegovina will have to shift towards an economic model

based on production to create economic growth (Goldstein, Davies, Fengler 2015). Exports in

Bosnia and Herzegovina account for only 30% of the GDP because of poor foreign investment,

high cost of employment, and poor transport connections. Exports work in tandem with

production, and with production comes formal employment by private-sector employers and the

elimination of a dominant public-sector enterprises. However, until the economy is balanced,

economic growth will not be achieved in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Ethnic Relations and Protests

The demographics of the multi-ethnic state that is Bosnia and Herzegovina is an anomaly.

The once viciously warring ethnicities now living in peace under one national flag. However, the

Bosnian War nearly two decades prior has left a scar on its people, and with current events, the

citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are also expressing their disapproval of the current
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 20

government. The citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina will ultimately decide the fate of their

country.

Nearly two decades have passed since the infamous Bosnian War ravaged the citizens of

Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Bosnian War brought on the worst atrocities in Europe since the

Nazis such as ethnic cleansing, systematic rape, and genocide. Looking on, to the 21 century,
st

Bosnia and Herzegovina seems more divided than ever (Borger 2012). Intermarriage between the

three ethnic groups are less common than before the war (Borger 2012). Now, since ethnic

politics play to the extreme, mixed-marriages are considered a threat to the ideologies associated

with the ethnicities and ultimately those who engage in are considered traitors to the ethnicity

(Hundley 1996 and Matejcic 2009). Also, children that live in either of the two entities in Bosnia

and Herzegovina are growing up with minimal contact with each other (Borger 2012). Children

end up going to separate kindergartens, and Zeljko Sabo, a major of a Croatian city, stated that at

three years old when a child asks why they cannot go to the school closer to them, their parents

simply say, “‘you can’t go there because they slaughtered our people,” (Matejcic 2009). Two out

of three Bosnian-Serbs would support the full independence of Republika Srpska and Milorad

Dodik, the president of Republika Srpska, announced that in 2018 an independence referendum

will be held (Jones, Loizides, Stefanovic 2015 & Lyon 2015). If Republika Srpska were to

secede, western intervention would occur as a secession would be in direct violation of the

Dayton agreements; however, Russia, who has shown earlier support for the Serbs never signed

the Dayton Agreements, creating a possible conflict between the international community (Lyon

2015).

Despite the visible divide among the ethnic groups, there has been efforts by the people

to work and live together. In the capital of Republika Srpska, Banja Luka, 300 citizens and
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 21

activists rallied for a peaceful march in 2014 to call for unity of Bosnia’s ethnicities. Also,

though in fewer numbers, intermarriages still happen in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Aleka Ban, a

Bosniak women and her family was helped by a Bosnian-Croat Soldier during the war by hiding

them in his apartment from the ethnic cleansers, and a year later they married despite the

criticism they would receive from both Bosniaks and Croatians alike. Those who engage in

intermarriage are considered heroes by those who support interethnic reconciliation (Matejcic

2009). An interview was conducted by the researcher with Mr. and Mrs. Hadžikić, a proud

Bosniak and Croatian mixed-marriage, about their experiences and thoughts on the situation in

Bosnia and Herzegovina. The couple were married prior to the war, and as soon as war broke

out, they sought to immigrate somewhere else, and with the help of NGOs and the U.N. they

managed to go the U.S. They stated that before the war, the ethnicities were not as separated as

they are now. They are saddened that the ethnicities in Bosnia and Herzegovina are now so

divided up that intermarriage has become very rare. They specifically said that, “marriage and

love should not be stopped because of ethnicity, that only separates peoples.” As an

intermarriage themselves, they firmly believe that the ethnicities Bosnia and Herzegovina can

only put their differences aside through love for one another as brothers and sisters. Cases of

brotherly love can be found in Bosnia and Herzegovina today however. In 2010 the parliament

decided that soldiers over thirty-five years old on both sides of the war should be pensioned off,

and while the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina scrapped up £150 a month for their soldiers,

Republika Srpska refused to pay any sort of pension to their once praised soldier (Borger 2012).

The only people to help the former Bosnian-Serb soldiers were the men they fought against by

gaining donations from federation veterans to hand to their Bosnian-Serb counterparts (Borger

2012). A former Bosniak sergeant, Semsadin Pojata, stated that "Who better than those who were
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 22

in the trenches, the people who were shooting each other, to lead the way?" and Rade Dzeletovic,

a Serb veterans leader, stated "If we can do it, why not students, why not governments? And no

one can accuse [us] of disloyalty. No one has more right to do this than the warriors," (Borger

2012).

Civil disorder in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a result of a faltering economy and

inefficient government have caused news outlets to consider the wave civil disobedience in

Bosnia a Balkan spring (Judah 2014). A series of protests all over Bosnia and Herzegovina were

perpetrated over the multitude of problems facing its citizens. Workers from several factories,

which were privatized by corrupt politicians and bankrupted as a part of a corrupted strategy to

gain quick money, are left jobless, and with a staggering 27.3% total unemployment rate and

57% youth unemployment rate, the workers took the streets to demand action over jobs, unpaid

salaries, and pensions (Judah 2014). Protests in the federation are an act by the people to take

action against the corruption in the government that ruined the economy. In Republika Srpska,

divided Bosnian-Serbs rally for and against the government (Sito-Sucic and Katana 2016). Those

rallying for the government marching in support of Republika Sprska president Milorad Dodik

with 10,000 supporters and some carrying pictures of Russian president Vladimir Putin. The

opposition other hand demanded early parliamentary elections, economic reforms, and

investigations on political murders and corruption (Sito-Sucic and Katana 2016). Serbian Prime

Minister Aleksandar Vucic urged Bosnia and Herzegovina to prevent the protests from getting

violent to prevent destabilization in Serbia.

Conclusion

Research on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s expansive history, governmental system and

political situation, and sociality among ethnic groups give insight on what is to happen in the
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 23

years to come. The social strife between ethnicities in Bosnia derives from the region’s history of

ancient ethnic hatred. For centuries Croats, Bosniaks, and Serbs have been warring, but now they

must live in harmony. History proves that a peaceful Bosnia and Herzegovina is possible as

under the communist regime of Josip Tito, it was a relatively peaceful time for its citizens;

however, the communist system was flawed as it did eventually lead to disintegration of the

state. In modern times, Bosnia and Herzegovina must look towards reforming their nightmarish

corruption filled system of government. Corruption must be cleansed from the government of

Bosnia and Herzegovina for any positive change to come about. Once corruption is removed, the

economy will improve as corrupt strategies in the privatization of businesses will be abolished,

foreign investors and employers will come to Bosnia and Herzegovina to provide formal jobs (a

formal job is an occupation recorded by the state as employed and pays income taxes),

exportation and production will increase, and money will start to flow throughout Bosnia and

Herzegovina. A better economy means a lower unemployment rate, a higher standard of living,

and overall more money to the government to give back to the people in the form of clean public

goods and services. To end the trouble between the ethnicities, the current governmental system

in Bosnia must be reformed. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the government divides people as the

ethnicities are associated with the ideologies of their respected parties. Parties tend to go towards

the extreme ideology for ethnicities they want to represent, creating an ethnic battle on the

political stage. The reformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political system requires more

research as there needs to be a way to separate ethnicity from political ideologies. Once they are

separated, citizens of differing ethnicities will not be afraid to work together in forming multi-

ethnic parties to further unify the country. Cooperation between both the Federation of Bosnia

and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska is critical to maintaining peace in Bosnia and
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 24

Herzegovina. If Republika Srpska ever follows through will secession, war will spark again in

the Balkans, and as Otto von Bismark once said three decades prior to World War 1, “One day

the great European War will come out of some damned foolish thing in the Balkans (1888),” and

with the probable involvement western nations and Russia, the possibilities of what might come

out of another war in the Balkans could be devastating.

 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 25

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Appendix

Figure A
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 29

Figure B
 Ethnic Conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina 30

Figure C