Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
DOI 10.1007/s11199-006-9161-5
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Abstract Relationships between the endorsement of Western 1920s, the voluptuous “sweater girls” of the 1940s, the
beauty ideals and practices and measures of hostility toward nearly emaciated supermodels of the 1970s, and the
women and sexism were studied in 159 college men and 194 curvaceously thin beauty icons of the 1990s (Banner, 1983;
college women. The participants were predominately 18 or 19 Harrison, 2003). Although ideal body shapes have shown
years of age and of European American ethnicity. Correlations marked variability, three factors have been constants (Scott,
were computed between five factor analytically derived 1997). First, ideal bodies, regardless of their specifics, have
measures of beauty ideals and practices, two measures of the never represented the bodies of most women. Much to the
thin body ideal, and the following measures: Hostility toward contrary, they have represented physical standards that very
Women Scale (HTWS; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995), few women could attain (Garner, Garfinkel, Schwartz, &
Attitudes toward Women Scale (AWS; Spence & Helmreich, Thompson, 1980; Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore,
1978), and the two subscales of the Ambivalent Sexism 1984). Second, many women, arguably most women, have
Inventory (ASI; Glick & Fiske, 1996): hostile sexism invested substantial amounts of time, energy, and emotional
(ASI-H) and benevolent sexism (ASI-B). It was found that resources in the usually futile effort to conform to these
endorsement of Western beauty ideals and practices was standards. Third, both men and women have habitually
associated with hostility toward women, traditional sexism, scrutinized women’s bodies to see how closely those
hostile sexism, and, to a lesser extent, benevolent sexism. women approximate the beauty standards. This critical
Results support feminist critiques of beauty practices as scrutiny has been accompanied by demeaning character-
oppressive. izations of women who fail to achieve these standards.
Because most women do fail, the consequence has been the
Keywords Beauty ideals . Sexism . Hostility toward women experience of body dissatisfaction so pervasive that Rodin
et al. (1984) described it as a normative discontent.
Over the last century, Western standards of female beauty Although it is clear that physical appearance has greater
have included the slender and flat-chested flappers of the social importance for women than for men, why this is the
case has been and remains a matter of considerable and
rarely dispassionate debate. There is a substantial scientific
G. B. Forbes : L. L. Collinsworth : K. D. Braun : L. M. Wise literature on the nature and meaning of beauty, particularly
Millikin University, facial beauty (for an influential review see Jackson, 1992).
Decatur, IL, USA Some, arguably much, of this literature can be understood
from the evolutionary perspective that conceptualizes
R. L. Jobe
Department of Psychology, Walden University, beauty as a biological adaptation (e.g., Buss, 1994; Etcoff,
Minneapolis, MN, USA 1999). According to this view beauty standards represent a
cluster of cues that provide information about a woman’s
G. B. Forbes (*)
reproductive potential. However, evolutionary forces are
2113 Gila River Road, NE,
Rio Rancho, NM 87144, USA not the only variables contributing to beauty standards. As
e-mail: gforbes@millikin.edu Banner (1983) and others have observed, the human
266 Sex Roles (2007) 56:265–273
genome did not change in the few decades that separate The BIO hypothesis has important implications. For
flappers from sweater girls, and it is abundantly clear that example, it shifts the focus from the specific and individual
beauty, at least to some extent, is socially constructed. In nature of body dissatisfaction to its social meaning and
contrast to the evolutionary perspective, feminist theorists function. Inquiring what social purpose is served by the
have offered a dramatically different and far less benign pervasive body scrutiny and body dissatisfaction character-
explanation for the motivation behind the emphasis on istic of most Western women is a different question and leads
beauty. to different answers than does inquiring why so many
Probably the most influential feminist critiques of Western women are dissatisfied with their bodies. However,
Western beauty standards have been those of Bartky it is important to recognize that neither the two styles of
(1990), Bordo (1993), Brownmiller (1984), and Dworkin inquiry nor the answers they provide are contradictory. Much
(1974). The positions of these authors formed the basis for to the contrary, and illustrated by the success of sociocultural
much of Naomi Wolf’s (1991) influential book, The beauty approaches to the understanding of eating disorders, knowl-
myth: How images of beauty are used against women. edge gained from one approach often compliments knowl-
Recently, Jeffreys (2005) reviewed the major feminist edge gained from the other. When body dissatisfaction is
views of beauty standards and integrated their insights into perceived, not as a problem for an individual, but as a means
her expanded critique of Western beauty practices. Al- of enforcing patriarchal control, this perception offers new
though feminist theorists do not speak with a single voice research opportunities and ultimately new opportunities and
and sometimes have sharp differences of opinion (Jeffreys, techniques for amelioration.
2005), they have in common an examination of the social Furthermore, the BIO hypothesis suggests that individual
and cultural roles of the body in terms of gender, power, differences on these variables should be related, not just to
and the established patriarchy. Examined from this per- one beauty standard, such as the often-studied standard of
spective, beauty standards and practices are seen as vehicles extreme slenderness, but to all beauty ideals. This is
for the oppression of women. because feminist theory states that all beauty standards
This oppression is complex and multifaceted. Among serve the same purpose and have the same motivation: the
other things, beauty ideals and beauty practices signal maintenance of gender inequality (Jeffreys, 2005).
women’s inferior status and identify their differences from Scott (1997) made what appears to have been the most
men, shift social awareness from women’s competencies to ambitious effort to develop empirical measures of the beauty
superficial aspects of their appearance, undermine women’s ideals that are central to the BIO hypothesis. After reviewing
self-confidence, dissipate their emotional and economic the feminist literature on this hypothesis, she identified four
resources, and reduce them to sex objects (Jeffreys, 2005). central themes. These are (Scott, 1997 p. 12): 1) “Beauty is
Wolf (1991), in her argument that beauty standards fundamentally feminine.” This refers to beauty as a gendered
represent a backlash against the feminist goal of gender trait that is both specific to women and required for
equality, stated that “The more legal and material hindran- femininity; 2) “Beauty is imperative for women.” That is,
ces women have broken through, the more strictly and almost irrespective of the consequences and the cost, women
heavily and cruelly images of female beauty have come to are expected to be beautiful; 3) “Beauty is paramount among
weigh upon us” (p. 10). Jeffreys, (2005) recent analysis women’s qualities.” This reflects the belief that beauty is a
suggests that, in the years since the publication of Wolf’s woman’s most important attribute; 4) “Women’s beauty
book, neither beauty standards nor their consequences have requires substantial modification of the natural appearance.”
moderated. Much to the contrary, Jeffreys argued that That is, in its natural state the female body is not beautiful.
women’s economic and social progress has been paralleled To achieve beauty, women must shape, color, shave, or in
by increasingly strict beauty standards and increasingly other ways conceal or modify the natural appearance of their
severe assaults on both women’s bodies and their psyches. bodies. Based on these four characteristics, Scott developed
The processes through which beauty ideals oppress the Beauty Myths Beliefs Inventory. Although the psycho-
women, like the manifestations of the repression, are metric properties of this scale were problematic, Scott’s work
complex. For convenience, we will refer to both the contains many useful ideas and guided the development of
processes and the consequences as the “beauty ideals are the measures used in the present study.
oppressive” (BIO) hypothesis. This hypothesis is not
intended to deny that some of the time, under some
circumstances, and for some women, some beauty standards
may be perceived as empowering (e.g., Lehrman, 1997; see Importance and Measurement of Sexism
Jeffreys, 2005, for a critique of this argument). However,
we have chosen to focus on the far more common negative The assignment of roles and privileges as a function of
consequences of beauty standards and practices. gender is usually described as sexism. Because the roles and
Sex Roles (2007) 56:265–273 267
privileges assigned to women are almost always inferior to Purpose of the Present Study
those assigned to men, sexism plays a central role in
implementing and justifying the oppression of women. This The present study is an investigation of the relationship
suggests there should be strong relationships between sexist between the endorsement of beauty ideals and established
attitudes and endorsement of beauty standards. measures of sexism and hostility toward women. Because
feminist theory states that the pursuit of beauty standards
Attitudes toward Women Scale A major development in the is a form of oppression, we hypothesized that sexist
understanding of sexism occurred in 1972 with the beliefs and hostility toward women would be associated
introduction of the Attitudes toward Women Scale (AWS: with the endorsement of Western beauty ideals and
Spence & Helmreich, 1972) as a measure of attitudes practices.
toward women’s rights and women’s roles. The brief
version of this scale (Spence & Helmreich, 1978) rapidly
became the most widely used measure of sexist attitudes
toward women (McHugh & Frieze, 1997). Method
In the three decades following the introduction of the AWS,
the successes of feminism produced marked changes in the Participants
social roles and privileges of women. Social changes, the
realization that sexism is multidimensional, and the passage of The participants were students in 26 sections of first-year
time have made the AWS appear dated and inadequate. English classes at a small midwestern university. Data
Although it is showing its age, as Spence (1998) has noted, were collected during the regular class period in the
the AWS is a robust and time-proven measure that continues middle of the spring semester. Participants were not
to be used as a benchmark measure of traditional sexism. compensated and all responses were anonymous. All
participants were informed in writing, and again in oral
Ambivalent Sexism Theory The research stimulated by the instructions, of their right to refuse to participate at any
introduction of the AWS scale led to new and important time. Four students declined to participate. Data from 28
insights into the nature of sexism and the development of other students were discarded because important demo-
more sophisticated measures to reflect these insights. One graphic information was missing, numerous items were
of the most important advances in our understanding of omitted, or instructions were not followed. Complete data
sexism has been the ambivalent sexism theory of Glick and were obtained from 159 men and 194 women. Their ages
Fiske (1996, 2001). ranged from 17 to 36 years, but 91% (n=312) of the
This theory recognizes two kinds of sexism. The first, participants were 18 or 19 years of age. The vast majority
hostile sexism, justifies patriarchy, imposes sharp restric- of the participants (95% of men and 94% of women) were
tions on women’s roles, and denigrates women. As the term single, and most identified their ethnicity as European
implies, the most salient element in this form of sexism is American (82% of men and 88% of women).
hostility. The second, benevolent sexism, is more complex
and more subtle. It recognizes, often to the point of Measures
idealizing or romanticizing, traditional women’s roles and
men’s dependency on women. This form of sexism gives Measures of beauty ideals Items designed to measure core
protection and limited privilege to women, particularly in elements of Western Beauty ideals were developed over a
traditional roles. For example, benevolent sexism may 2-year period though group discussions among three faculty
result in legislation that privileges women in property and four to six students in two consecutive research
settlements or “protects” them from physically demanding seminars for advanced undergraduate students in the
employment. Similarly, social rules may provide special behavioral sciences. Only one of the faculty and one of
privileges such as opening doors for women or shielding the students participated in both seminars. The initial intent
them from coarse language, sexual humor, or other threats was to develop independent scales to measure each of the
to their purity or delicate sensibilities. Although these four constructs identified by Scott (1997; see earlier
actions may, as the name indicates, give the superficial discussion). This proved more difficult than expected. For
appearance of benevolence toward women, this “benevo- example, many potential items included multiple concepts
lence” originates from perceptions of women as inadequate, or involved weight concerns. The latter was not surprising
inferior, and subordinate to men. The Ambivalent Sexism considering that slenderness and weight control are a
Inventory (ASI: Glick & Fiske, 1996, 2001) contains the central part of Western definitions of beauty and play a
Hostile Sexism Scale (ASI-H) and the Benevolent Sexism crucial role in feminist discussions of the BIO hypothesis
Scale (ASI-B) to measure these two types of sexism. (e.g., Bordo, 1993). However, the seeming lack of
268 Sex Roles (2007) 56:265–273
independence complicated development of measures that Fitzgerald, 1995). This scale is a modification of an earlier
reflect Scott’s constructs. Consequently, Scott’s four con- measure by Check, Malamuth, Elias, and Barton (1985).
structs were collapsed into two scales: (1) the importance of This scale provides a relatively pure measure of hostility
beauty, and (2) the belief that the female body requires toward women, as it does not contain any items that
modification in order to be beautiful. Issues associated with describe appropriate roles, behaviors, or privileges for
weight were excluded from both scales, and a third scale women. Sample items include: I am easily angered by
was created that included only beliefs associated with women, and Women are responsible for most of my
weight. From a large pool of potential items, 13 items for troubles. Items are answered on a 7-point Likert-type scale
each scale were selected by group consensus. All items anchored by strongly disagree (1) and strongly agree (7),
were answered on a 7-point Likert type scale anchored by and then summed to produce a total score. High scores
strongly disagree (1) and strongly agree (7). indicate high hostility. Coefficient alpha=.78.
The potential scales were pretested in a convenience The 15-item brief Attitudes toward Women Scale (AWS;
sample of 57 women (18 or 19 years old) who were taking Spence & Helmreich, 1978) is the most influential and
introductory classes in the fashion and apparel department frequently used measure of sexist attitudes toward women
of a mid-Atlantic public university. The scales were (McHugh & Frieze, 1997). The AWS measures unsophis-
completed on a secure internet survey site, and participants ticated and blatant sexist beliefs. Sample items include: The
received class credit. Open-ended questions completed by intellectual leadership of a community should be largely in
the participants indicated several potential items that were the hands of the men, and Women should worry less about
ambiguous. These items were discarded or rewritten. their rights and more about being good wives and mothers.
Inspections of correlation matrices and reliability data Items are answered on a 5-point Likert-type scale anchored
identified other potentially problematic items. A total of by strongly disagree (1) and strongly agree (5), and then
five items were discarded, one item was split into two summed to produce a total score. Although the AWS is
items, and six items were rewritten. This resulted in three usually scored so that high scores indicate egalitarian
scales: (1) importance of beauty (12 items), (2) beauty values, the order of the anchors was reversed in the present
requires body modification (14 items), and (3) importance study so that high scores indicate sexism. This scoring
of the thin body ideal (10 items). procedure was used to maintain consistency with the other
Two supplemental measures of endorsement of the thin measures. Coefficient alpha=.78.
body ideal were also constructed. The first measure was The Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI; Glick &
based on ratings from the Figure Rating Scale (FRS; Fiske, 1996, 2001) contains the Hostile Sexism Scale
Stunkard, Sorenson, & Schulsinger, 1983). This scale (ASI-H) and the Benevolent Sexism Scale (ASI-B) to
contains nine consecutively numbered silhouettes of female measure the two types of sexism. Sample items from the
bodies arranged from very slender to very heavy. Partic- ASI-H include: Most women fail to appreciate fully all that
ipants were asked to identify the silhouette that most men do for them, and Most women interpret innocent
closely represented the body of the “average college remarks or acts as being sexist. Sample items from the
woman” and the silhouette that represented the body of ASI-B include: In a disaster, women ought to be rescued
the “ideal college woman.” The number of the ideal before men, and A good woman should be set on a pedestal
silhouette was subtracted from the number of the actual by her man. To maintain consistency with the other
silhouette. A positive discrepancy score represented the measures the items were answered on a 7-point Likert-type
extent to which the average college woman was perceived scale anchored by strongly disagree (1) and strongly agree
as too heavy. The second measure was computed from the (7), and then summed to produce a total score. High scores
item “The average college woman is about 5 ft, 4 in. tall indicate high sexism. Coefficient alphas were: ASI-H=.87,
and weighs about 146 lb. Assuming her height does not ASI-B=.84.
change, to be as attractive as possible, how much should
she weigh?” The values for mean height and weight were Procedure
based on data from Ogden, Fryar, Carroll, and Flegal
(2004). The difference between 146 lb and the reported The data for this investigation were collected in a larger
ideal weight was used as a measure of endorsement of the data collection that included an unrelated investigation.
thin body ideal. Following a common set of demographic variables,
participants completed three unrelated measures for the
Measures of hostility and sexism other investigation. These were followed, in order, by the
ATWS, ASI, and HTWS. The participants then completed
Hostility toward women was measured with the 10-item the measures of the BIO hypothesis items arranged in
Hostility toward Women Scale (HTWS; Lonsway & random order.
Sex Roles (2007) 56:265–273 269
Table 1 Factors, factor loadings by item, coefficient alpha, and percent of variance.
factor measures of beauty ideals. Also as hypothesized, sizes of the relationships were smaller than those found for
similar relationships were found for the AWS and for the the other measures.
ASI Hostile Sexism Scale. The hypothesized relationships Contrary to our hypothesis, in the first set of correlations
between factor measures and the ASI Benevolent Sexism only one significant relationship was found between
scale were found for two of the five factor scores, but the discrepancy measures of endorsement of the thin body
Table 2 Gender differences on measures of beauty ideals, hostility toward women, and sexism.
Mean SD Mean SD t d
Table 5 Correlations between measures of beauty ideals and measures of hostility and sexism.
Set 1 are first order correlations for HTWS and ATWS and partial correlations for the ASI measures (using the other ASI measure as a covariate.)
Set 2 are the same relationships determined by partial correlations with HTWS as a covariate.
* Results are statistically significant using Holm’s sequential Bonferroni correction to maintain familywise (factor measures of beauty ideal family
n=5, discrepancy measures family n=2) alphas at .05.
Types of Sexism All three measures of sexism were related to of sexism. This result is typical of other studies with these
endorsement of factor measures of beauty ideals. The measures (e.g., Glick & Fiske, 1996; Spence & Helmreich,
strongest relationships tended to be found with the AWS, a 1978) and was also expected. The finding that men and
measure that reflects the most blatant and traditional sexist women did not differ on the HTWS is consistent with other
beliefs, whereas the fewest and the weakest relationships studies using this measure (e.g., Forbes, Adams-Curtis, &
were found for the ASI-B, a measure of the least obvious and White, 2004).
most socially acceptable form of sexism. The results with the
AWS indicate, as Spence (1998) suggested, that the AWS Problems with Discrepancy Measures For the two discrep-
remains a robust and useful measure of traditional sexism. ancy-based measures of the thin body ideal, neither the
The relationships between the endorsement of beauty gender differences in the means, nor the correlations with
standards and the ASI-B are of particular theoretical measures of sexism and hostility were as expected. No
interest. Although the term “benevolent sexism” sounds significant correlations were found between the FRS
innocent and some of its surface manifestations, such as discrepancy measure and measures of sexism or hostility
giving preference to women in disasters or idealizing toward women, and only one significant correlation was
traditional women’s roles, are often valued by both men found for the weight discrepancy measure. Women scored
and women, ambivalent sexism theory states that this significantly higher than men on the FRS discrepancy
façade of acceptability masks the same beliefs in women’s measure. This indicates that women perceived a larger
inferiority, and serves to oppress women, as any other form difference than did men between the body of the average
of sexism does (Glick & Fiske, 1996, 2001). As predicted, college woman and the ideal body than did men. This result
we did find relationships between the ASI-B and factor is consistent with previous research that shows that women
measures of beauty ideals. However, it is important to note overestimate the degree of slenderness preferred by men
that relationships found with the ASI-B were smaller and (e.g., Rozin & Fallon, 1988).
fewer than those found with the ASI-H, and were no longer It is difficult to interpret the results for the discrepancy
significant with partial correlations, with the HTWS as a measures. These measures were developed for this inves-
covariate. Taken as a whole, our results with the ASI-B tigation and to our knowledge have not been used by other
were generally consistent with Glick and Fiske’s discussion researchers. The weight discrepancy measure was related
of benevolent sexism, but the associations we found were to other measures of the thin body ideal, but it is important
small and offered only weak support for ASI theory as it to note that the FRS discrepancy measure was not related to
relates to beauty ideals. the factor scores, including Factor 2, the Importance of
Thinness. Although the discrepancy measures appeared to
Gender Differences Men scored higher than women on have good face validity and other FRS-based discrepancy
three of the five factor scores, and differences on the other measures often appear in the literature (e.g., Forbes,
factors were in the same direction. Because men have far Adams-Curtis, Rade, & Jaberg, 2001; Rozin & Fallon,
more to gain from oppressive beauty ideals than do 1988) until the utility of these measures has been
women, this result was expected. Men also scored demonstrated in other studies, results with these measures
significantly higher than women on the three measures should be viewed with caution.
Sex Roles (2007) 56:265–273 273
Limitations of the present study Forbes, G. B., Adams-Curtis, L. H., Rade, B., & Jaberg, P. (2001).
Body dissatisfaction in women and men: The role of gender-
typing and self-esteem. Sex Roles, 44, 461–484.
Like all studies that are restricted to college samples, Forbes, G. B., Adams-Curtis, L. E., & White, K. B. (2004). First and
generalization of our results to noncollege or even to other second generation measures of sexism, rape myths and related
college populations needs to be done with suitable caution. beliefs, and hostility toward women: Their interrelationships and
However, men and women throughout Western societies association with college students’ experiences with dating aggres-
sion and sexual coercion. Violence Against Women, 10, 236–261.
appear to share a reasonably homogeneous set of beliefs Garner, D. M., Garfinkel, P. E., Schwartz, D., & Thompson, M. (1980).
concerning the nature and importance of beauty practices Cultural expectations of thinness in women. Psychological
(Jeffreys, 2005). This suggests that the limitations imposed Reports, 47, 483–491.
by our use of a college sample may be fewer and less Glick, P., & Fiske, S. T. (1996). The Ambivalent Sexism Inventory:
Differentiating hostile and benevolent sexism. Journal of
important than they might appear. Personality and Social Psychology, 70, 491–512.
Like Scott (1997), we found that it was challenging to Glick, P., & Fiske, S. T. (2001). An ambivalent alliance: Hostile and
develop adequate measures of the endorsement of beauty benevolent sexism as complementary justifications for gender
ideals and practices. We had difficulty constructing unam- inequality. American Psychologist, 56, 109–118.
Harrison, K. (2003). Television viewers’ ideal body proportions: The
biguous items that reflected only one concept, and we case of the curvaceously thin woman. Sex Roles, 48, 255–264.
found that, even after pilot testing, almost one-third of our Holm, S. (1979). A simple sequentially rejective multiple test
items did not have meaningful loadings on any of our procedure. Scandinavian Journal of Statistics, 6, 65–70.
factors. However, it is very important to note that our five Jackson, L. (1992). Physical appearance and gender: Sociobiological
and sociocultural perspectives. Albany, NY: State University of
factors had satisfactory reliability, satisfactory face validity, New York Press.
and were related to other measures in expected ways. These Jeffreys, S. (2005). Beauty and misogyny: Harmful cultural practices
features suggest that the factors are conceptually and in the West. New York: Routledge.
statistically adequate measures. Nevertheless, until they Lehrman, K. (1997). The lipstick proviso. New York: Anchor.
Lonsway, K. A., & Fitzgerald, L. F. (1995). Attitudinal antecedents of
have been replicated with other samples, the results should rape myth acceptance: A theoretical and empirical reexamination.
be interpreted with appropriate caution. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 68, 704–711.
Our results, within their limitations, indicate that McHugh, M. C., & Frieze, I. H. (1997). The measurement of gender-
measures of sexism and measures of hostility toward role attitudes: A review and commentary. Psychology of Women
Quarterly, 21, 1–16.
women are related to individual differences in the endorse- Ogden, C. L., Fryar, C. D., Carroll, M. D., & Flegal, K. M. (2004).
ment of Western beauty ideals and practices. These results Mean body weight, height, and body mass index, United States
were almost exactly as predicted by the BIO hypothesis. 1960–2002. [Advance data from vital and health statistics; no.
Although it is very likely that beauty practices are multiply 347.] Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics.
Rodin, J., Silberstein, L. R., & Striegel-Moore, R. H. (1984). Women and
determined through an array of sociocultural and biological weight: A normative discontent. In T. B. Sonderegger (Ed.),
variables, our results suggest that the BIO hypothesis is part Nebraska symposium on motivation: Vol 32. Psychology and
of this complex equation. gender (pp. 267–307). Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press.
Rozin, P. & Fallon, A. (1988). Body image, attitudes toward weight,
Acknowledgement The authors are indebted to our colleagues in and misperceptions of figure preferences of the opposite sex: A
the Millikin University English Department whose generous support comparison of men and women in two generations. Journal of
made this research possible. We also thank Jaehee Jung, Kelly Haas, Abnormal Psychology, 97, 342–345.
and Jessica LeClaire for their assistance. Scott, B. A. (1997). Beauty myth beliefs: Theory, measurement, and
the use of a new construct. (Doctoral dissertation, University of
Minnesota, 1997). Dissertation Abstracts International: Section
B: The Sciences and Engineering, 58, 459.
Spence, J. T. (1998). Commentary. Developing a scale to measure the
diversity of feminist attitudes: A work in progress. [Commen-
References tary.] Psychology of Women Quarterly, 22, 353–359.
Spence, J. T., & Helmreich, R. L. (1972). The attitudes toward women
Banner, L. (1983). American beauty. New York: Knopf. scale: An objective instrument to measure the attitudes toward the
Bartky, S. L. (1990). Femininity and domination: Studies in the rights and roles of women in contemporary society. JSAS: Catalog
phenomenology of repression. New York: Routledge. of Selected Documents in Psychology, 2, 66–67 (Ms. No. 153).
Bordo, S. (1993). Unbearable weight: Feminism, western culture, and Spence, J. T., & Helmreich, R. L. (1978). Masculinity and femininity:
the body. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Their psychological dimensions, correlates, and antecedents.
Brownmiller, S. (1984). Femininity. New York: Simon & Schuster. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
Buss, D. M. (1994). The evolution of desire: Strategies of human Stunkard, A. J., Sorenson, T., & Schulsinger, F. (1983). Use of the
mating. New York: Basic. Danish adoption register for the study of obesity and thinness. In
Check, J. V. K., Malamuth, N. M., Elias, B., & Barton, S. (1985). On S. Kety, L. P. Rowland, R. L. Sidman, & S. W. Matthysse (Eds.),
hostile ground. Psychology Today, pp. 56–58, 60–61. (April) The genetics of neurological and psychiatric disorders (pp. 115–
Dworkin, A. (1974). Woman hating. New York, Dutton. 120). New York: Raven.
Etcoff, N. (1999). Survival of the prettiest: The science of beauty. New Wolf, N. (1991). The beauty myth: How images of beauty are used
York: Doubleday. against women. New York: Morrow.