Walker

The Arts of Africa

at the dallas museum of art

Roslyn Adele Walker

Roslyn Adele Walker is Senior Curator of the Arts of Africa, the Americas,
and the Pacific and the Margaret McDermott Curator of African Art at the
Dallas Museum of Art.
the arts This beautifully illustrated book showcases 110 objects from the Dallas Museum
of Art’s world-renowned African collection. In contrast to Western “art for art’s
of africa
sake,” tradition-based African art served as an agent of religion, social stability, or
at the social control. Chosen for their visual appeal, compelling histories, and cultural
significance, the works of art in this volume are presented under the themes of
dallas leadership and status, the cycle of life, decorative arts, and influences (imported
and exported). Also included are many fascinating photographs that show the
museum
context in which these objects were originally used.
of art

The Arts of Africa

Dallas Museum of Art | Yale University Press

Distributed by Yale University Press for the Dallas Museum of Art
at the dallas museum of art
222 color illustrations

Front cover: Janus reliquary guardian figure (front view), attributed to Semangoy of Zokolunga,
Gabon, Franceville area, Kota peoples, Obama group. Late 19th or early 20th century, brass,
copper, iron, wood, and fiber. Dallas Museum of Art, Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art
Fund, Inc.
ISBN 978-0-300-13895-5
Back cover: Janus reliquary guardian figure (rear view)

Jacket design by Jeff Wincapaw printed in china

the arts of africa
the arts of africa
at the dallas museum of art

Roslyn Adele Walker

Dallas Museum of Art

Yale University Press, New Haven and London
 contents

9 Director’s Foreword and Acknowledgments  Bonnie Pitman

13 African Art at the DMA: A Brief History
29 African Art in Context

Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 4

39 Icons and Symbols African Art in the Cycle of Life 219 African Decorative Arts 261 African Art and the Influences
of Leadership and Status 101 Part One: Art to Aid Conception and Birth
of Foreign Trade
121 Part Two: Art for Coming of Age
139 Part Three: Art for Security and Well-Being
179 Part Four: Art for the Afterlife

298 Map
300 Peoples of Africa
308 Abbreviated References and Selected Bibliography
316 Index
320 Illustration and Copyright Credits
director’s foreword and acknowledgments

The publication of this catalogue coincides with the fortieth anniversary

of the founding of the Dallas Museum of Art’s collection of African art. The
establishment of the African collection helped to determine the nature
of our encyclopedic holdings—the Museum has works of art from many
cultures and time periods—and the African collection is one of its jewels.
Inaugurated in 1969, our world-renowned African art collection, with
its great strengths in Congo sculpture and textiles and its wide range of
media and forms, now numbers almost two thousand works and forms a
vital part of the Museum’s entire collection in telling the story of art from
around the world.
A catalogue of this nature has long been the ambition of the Museum’s
friends and family. The Arts of Africa is our first publication devoted solely
to this collection, taken both as a whole and with emphasis on many of its
most dazzling treasures. It is also the first in a series of catalogues that will
document the important riches housed in our Museum.
I am especially grateful to Margaret McDermott and, in memoriam, to
Eugene McDermott, to whom this book is warmly dedicated. Their initial
gift of the Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo Sculpture con-
stitutes the foundation on which the DMA’s African art collection has been
built. The African Art Acquisition Endowment Fund that Mrs. McDermott
established in 1997 has furthered the development of one of the most out-
standing African art collections in the world, and her endowment in 1999
of the permanent position of a curator for African Art secured the future of
scholarship on the collection and ensured its continuing growth. Through
their almost half-century of philanthropy and outstanding leadership
in the ongoing development of this stunning collection, their generous
financial and moral support, and their passion for the arts of Africa, the
McDermott family has enabled the Dallas Museum of Art to influence the
cultural life of its visitors by broadening their horizons through the experi-
ence of the art of diverse cultures.
A project of this magnitude is achieved through the contributions of a
multitude of people. I would like to thank all of the past and current trust-
ees and donors, whose guidance has nurtured the Museum’s collecting
vision, and to thank my predecessors and their staffs, who have cultivated
the programs and contributed to the growth of the collection. I sincerely
thank all of the generous donors of works of art and funds that have
enabled the Museum’s African collection to attain both depth and qual-
ity throughout the years: The African Collection Fund, The Art Museum
League Travel Fund, The Bezalel Foundation, Inc., Alta Brenner, The
Alfred and Juanita Bromberg Collection, Joel Cooner, Drs. Nicole and John
Dintenfass, The Dozier Foundation, The Otis and Velma Davis Dozier Fund,
The Foundation for the Arts Collection, The Friends of African and African-
American Art, Rita Gaples, The General Acquisition Fund, The Cecil and Ida
Green Foundation, Henry H. Hawley III, Mr. and Mrs. S. Roger Horchow, Mr.
and Mrs. James H. W. Jacks, Dr. Penn Jackson, The Junior Associates, The

9
10 d ire ctor’s f ore word and ack nowledgment s di r ector ’s f or ewor d a nd acknow l edgment s 11

Levy Memorial Fund, The Lot for a Little Fund, John Lunsford, Linda and Director, Institut des Musées nationaux du Zaire; and Dr. Hans Witte, inde-
Stanley Marcus, The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc., The pendent scholar and specialist in Yoruba art.
Eugene McDermott Foundation, Alma L. McKinney, Mr. and Mrs. Algur H. I offer profound thanks to Dr. Roslyn Adele Walker, Senior Curator, the
Meadows and the Meadows Foundation Incorporated, Edward H. Merrin, Arts of Africa, the Americas, and the Pacific and The Margaret McDermott
David T. Owsley, The Alvin and Lucy Owsley Foundation, Pace Primitive Curator of African Art, for her leadership role as author of this publica-
Gallery, New York, George and Sidney Perutz, The Professional Members tion. Roz joined the DMA staff in 2003. Immediately, she enthusiastically
League, Dr. Hebe Redden and Dr. Kenneth Redden, Gustave and Franyo undertook to further the growth of the collection, carefully directing the
Schindler, Victoria Scott, Elsa von Seggern, Mr. and Mrs. George A. Shutt, development of future holdings. For this publication she selected the
Mr. and Mrs.  Lee M. Singleterry, The Textile Purchase Fund, Denni Davis objects featured, amassed a vast store of research notes, references, and
Washburn and Marie Scott Miegel, Carolyn C. and Dan C. Williams, Lester bibliographic material, wrote all of the texts herein, and guided the publi-
Wunderman, and several anonymous donors. cation to its successful completion. For her dedication, expertise, and many
Gratefully, I acknowledge the connoisseurship and specialized knowl- contributions to the enrichment of the DMA’s African collection, I offer my
edge of the scholars and collectors who have had a particular influence on most sincere appreciation.
the growth and development of the African art collection: Ramona Austin, A publication of this size, scale, and ambition requires the dedicated
Michael Kan, John Lunsford, Dr. Christopher Roy, Gustave and Franyo expertise of a team of people to bring it to fruition. I would like particularly
Schindler, Clark and Frances Stillman, and Susan Mullin Vogel. We also to recognize Tamara Wootton-Bonner, Director of Exhibitions and Publica-
extend our thanks to the curators, academicians, and other specialists, tions, for her contributions in directing the planning for the publications
who provided advice and answers to the author’s questions about specific focused on our collection and for her work on this catalogue. Eric Zeidler,
objects in the Dallas collections: Professor Rowland Abiodun, Amherst Col- Publications Coordinator, and Jessica Beasley, Curatorial Administrative
lege; Professor Barbara Blackmun (retired), San Diego Mesa College; Profes- Assistant in the Ancient and Non-Western Art division, deserve special
sor Elisabeth Cameron, University of California, Santa Cruz; Dr. ­Theodore acknowledgment for their efforts on behalf of this project—both worked
Celenko, Curator (retired), Indianapolis Museum of Art; ­Professor tirelessly to compile information and assist with every detail related to
­Herbert  M. Cole (retired), University of California, Santa Barbara; Profes- the publication. Brad Flowers, the lead photographer for this publica-
sor William Dewey, University of Tennessee, Knoxville; Profes­sorToyin tion, worked meticulously with object after object to recreate the unique
Falola, University of Texas, Austin; Marc Leo Felix, independent scholar, texture and complexity of each one on the printed page. Giselle Castro-
Brussels; Dr. Till Förster, University of Basel; Dr. ­Christraud Geary, Curator, ­Brightenburg, the Manager of the Imaging Department, supervised the
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; David Gelbard, the Gelbard Photographic shooting and sorting of all the photography and worked with Roz Walker,
Archives of African Expressive Culture; Professor Paula Gershick, Indiana Eric Zeidler, and Marquand Books to coordinate the selection of images. It
University, Bloomington; Dr. Burkhard Gottshalk, Germany; Professor is with deep gratitude that Roz Walker and I acknowledge the contributions
William A. Hart, University of Ulster-Coleraine, Northern Ireland; Profes- of the DMA staff and other colleagues who have also helped in some way
sor Christian Kordt Højberg, University of Copen­hagen; Dr. Sidney Kasfir, to bring this publication to its realization, making particular mention of
Emory University, Atlanta; Dr. Frederick Lamp, Curator, Yale University Shannon Karol, Anna Lessenger, and Lauren Hughes, McDermott Graduate
Art Gallery; Professor Babatunde Lawal, Virginia Commonwealth Univer- Curatorial Interns; Carol Robbins, The Ellen and Harry S. Parker III Curator
sity, Richmond; Dr. Andrea Nicolls, Curator (retired), National Museum of of the Arts of the Americas and the Pacific; Mary Leonard and Jacqueline
African Art, Smithsonian Institution; Professor Simon ­Ottenberg (retired), Allen, Mayer Library and DMA Archives; Jeff Zilm of the Imaging Depart-
University of Washington, Seattle; Dr. Diane Pelrine, Associate Director and ment; Queta Moore Watson of the Marketing Department; Gabriela Truly,
Curator, Indiana University Art Museum, Bloomington; Professor John John Dennis, and Vince Jones of the Collections Department; Sidney Perutz
­Pemberton III (retired), Amherst College; Dr. Louis Perrois, ethnographer and Sandra Youngblood, DMA docents; Natalie H. Lee, independent art his-
and art historian, Honorary Director of Research, Institut de Recherche pour torian; the editors Migs Grove and Frances Bowles; the proofreader Sharon
le Développement, Marseilles; Dr. ­Constantine Petridis, Curator, Cleve- Rose Vonasch; Ed Marquand, Marie Weiler, and Jeff Wincapaw of Marquand
land Museum of Art; Professor Ruth Phillips, Carle­ton University, Ottawa; Books; Patricia Fidler and Carmel M. Lyons of Yale University Press; and
Dr.  Mary Nooter Roberts, Deputy Director and Curator, Fowler Museum John Lunsford, who was the inaugural curator of the African art collection
of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles; Dr. ­William and, before he retired, its keeper for twenty years (1969–1989).
­Siegmann, Curator (retired), Brooklyn Museum of Art; Dr. Robert Soppelsa, For many years the Dallas Museum of Art has collected, exhibited, and
Senior Curator, Art in Embassies Office, U.S. Department of State; F. Amy championed the arts of Africa. This catalogue, published on the fortieth
Staples, Chief Archivist, Eliot Elisofon Photographic Archives, National anniversary of its establishment, is the first permanent record devoted
Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution; Professor Zöe Strother, solely to this important and internationally acclaimed collection. On behalf
Columbia University; Louis de Strycker, independent scholar; Dr. Barbara of the donors, trustees, scholars, staff, and most especially the McDermott
Thompson, Curator, the Iris and B. Gerald Cantor Center for Visual Arts, family, I am delighted to share these treasures with you on this momen-
Stanford University; Professor Robert Farris Thompson, Yale University; tous occasion. We hope that this volume will bring pleasure and enlighten-
Lucien Viola, Galerie Rê, Morocco; and, in memoriam, William B. Fagg, Keeper, ment to its readers and encourage a deeper understanding of the beauty
African Ethnology, the British Museum, London; Joseph-Aurélien Cornet, and importance of all of the arts of Africa.

Bonnie Pitman
The Eugene McDermott Director
African Art at the DMA:
a brief history

Part One: 1969–1989

The Dallas Museum of Art (DMA) has long championed the inclusion of
African art in the discourse of the world’s art. Before acquiring its first
African object in 1969, the Dallas Museum of Fine Arts (DMFA, as the
Museum was known then) hosted and organized a number of exhibitions
that introduced the public to this non-Western visual expression. Among
these exhibitions were African, Oceanic and Pacific Primitive Artifacts (1954), The
Sculpture of Negro Africa (1961), and The Arts of Man: A Selection of World Art from
Ancient to Modern Times (1962). The Sculpture of Negro Africa included a diverse
selection of sculptures from twenty-seven ethnic groups that were made of
ivory, forged iron, cast copper alloy (bronze), terracotta, and wood between
the sixteenth and twentieth centuries (fig. 1). The exhibition, organized by
the Art Center in La Jolla, California, and arranged by the Stolper Galleries of
Primitive Arts in New York and Los Angeles, showcased sculptures from the
Stolper collection and works from a group of private collectors that included
William Moore of Los Angeles and Jay C. Leff of Uniontown, Pennsylvania.
Paul S. Wingert, the leading American authority on African art at the time
and a professor of art history at Columbia University, authored an informa-
tive introductory essay for this groundbreaking exhibition.1
As this exhibition toured the West Coast and its Texas venues of Dallas
and San Antonio, the Museum was in the throes of organizing The Arts of
Man, which featured more than eight hundred objects from the world’s
major civilizations. The twenty carved wood masks and figures, gold and
copper alloy (bronze) castings, and carved ivory sculptures of ancient Egypt
and sub-Saharan Africa included in the exhibition were borrowed from
the Museum of Primitive Art, the Heeramaneck Collection, the Carlebach
Gallery of New York City, and Mr. and Mrs. Stanley Marcus of Dallas.
The works of art selected for The Arts of Man exhibition reinforced a fact
established in The Sculpture of Negro Africa—significant works of African art
existed before the late nineteenth or early twentieth century, when most

fig 1  Installation from the 1961 exhibition, The Sculpture

of Negro Africa.

13
14 af ric an art at t h e d ma: a brie f h istory a f r i ca n a rt at t h e dma : a br i ef h i s tory 15

extant examples were made, and in materials other than wood. A reporter on permanent display that is not only relevant to their search for black
reviewing the exhibition for the Dallas Times Herald noted, “some of the soci- identity, but fits well into the pattern of broadening their knowledge of
eties we think of as primitive or aboriginal produced art of great technical African history and development of race pride.9
skill and highly sophisticated design.”2 He must have had in mind a cast-
This extraordinary gift was, as Lunsford describes it, a “watershed event
ing that in the catalog is identified as a sixteenth-century statue of a Benin
[which] . . . set for [the McDermotts] a new level of committed interest that
“king” from Nigeria (fig. 2).
would grow by geometric progressions over the ensuing years.”10 It was
The Arts of Man, undoubtedly the most ambitious exhibition the Museum
also a watershed event for the Museum, as the Clark and Frances Stillman
had undertaken up to that point, was the brainchild of Mrs. Eugene
Collection of Congo Sculpture was “esteemed all over the world and . . .
(Margaret) McDermott, president of the Dallas Art Association from 1962
its final museum resting place has long been a matter of excited competi-
to 1964.3 According to John Lunsford, then the curator of collections,
tion and interest.”11 With the acquisition of the Stillman Collection, the
Mrs. McDermott “simply came in and in her sweet way said [to Lunsford
Museum now numbered among the institutions with significant collec-
and the director Jerry Bywaters] ‘I think we ought to do a history of art . . .
tions of African art.
I mean a ­history of all art, everywhere.’ ”4 Several months later her ambi-
The Stillmans began collecting African art in the early 1930s in Brussels,
tious idea came to fruition in that extraordinary exhibition, which was
where Clark Stillman was a cultural attaché at the American Embassy. In
the Museum’s most significant accomplishment in its fifty-year history
those days, one could find genuine objects—and sometimes major trea-
and garnered national attention. It would also expand popular notions
sures like the Boma figure (fig. 4, overleaf)—at the Sunday flea market and
about “art.”
art dealers’ shops.12 The couple was mentored by Frans M. Olbrechts (1899–
Art of the Congo followed in 1968 and left a lasting impression. Organized
1958), a Belgian anthropologist and author of Les Arts plastiques du Congo belge
by the Walker Art Center, a museum of modern and contemporary art in
(1959) who eventually became the head of the Royal Museum for Central
Minneapolis, the more than one hundred sculpted masks, figures, fur-
Africa in Tervuren (the source of the Art of the Congo exhibition).13 Under
niture, and personal objects (e.g., elaborately decorated hair combs and
Olbrechts’ guidance, the Stillmans became connoisseurs of Congo art and
tobacco pipes) made in the Congo (which had recently gained indepen-
knowledgeable about the original context in which the objects functioned.
dence from Belgium) were selected from the vast holdings of the Royal
The collectors patronized the Belgian art dealers Jeanne Walschot (1896–
Museum for Central Africa (Koninklijk Museum voor Midden-Afrika / Musée
1977 [Kanyok water pipe]), who had inherited a vast collection of old African
Royal de l’Afrique Centrale) in Tervuren, a suburb of Brussels. The exhibi-
objects from relatives who had been well-placed colonial bureaucrats in the
tion catalogue included an essay written by Clark Stillman, a connoisseur
Belgian Congo;14 Gustave De Hondt (also spelled Dehondt, d. 1952 [Luba
of African art, who with his wife Frances had amassed one of the most out-
male figure standing on animal and Mbala female with child]), who was in
standing private collections of Congo art in the world.5
charge of the Belgian Pavilion at the New York World’s Fair of 1939 and also
In the meantime, Eugene and Margaret McDermott had met Clark
had colonialist family connections;15 and Raoul Blondiau (Chokwe chief’s
and Frances Stillman in 1966. They were introduced by Ida and Jerry
fig 2 (left)  This “Standing King, 16th-century Benin chair). Blondiau was a connoisseur of African art whose collection was
Rubin, friends and fellow supporters of the Massachusetts Institute of bronze from Nigeria” lent by Carlebach Gallery, New
the foundation for the Blondiau-Theatre Arts Collection of Primitive Art
Technology, who were also friends and neighbors of the Stillmans. The York, was part of the dmfa’s 1962 exhibition, The Arts
of Man. Current scholarship identifies the figure as an that was exhibited in New York and Chicago in 1927, nearly a decade before
McDermotts went to New York to visit them and their African art collec- Ewua official who awakened the king daily and may
the epoch-making African Negro Art exhibition at the Museum of Modern
tion, which Margaret McDermott described as “just so splendid.”6 Her date from the 18th century.
Art (1935).16
admiration for African art evolved, through study and collecting, to reflect
fig 3  The Stillman Collection, installed in the dmfa’s The collection, presented to the public in 1969, was named the Clark
the acumen of a seasoned connoisseur. The McDermotts and Stillmans Congo Gallery, 1972.
and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo Sculpture to honor the previ-
became lifelong friends.
ous owners and to reflect the geographic origin of the objects. Lunsford
When the Stillmans began downsizing their possessions, the McDermotts
organized the inaugural exhibition, which was enthusiastically received by
offered to purchase their collection of African sculptures, which had been
the art critics and public alike. African Art and the Modern Tradition, an exhibi-
assembled over a period of almost forty years. The offer was accepted, and
tion mounted in an adjoining gallery, revealed the relationship between
the McDermotts acquired the collection, but not to keep. Instead, they
traditional African art and twentieth-century art through the use of origi-
donated a large portion of it (224 objects) to the Museum in 1969.7 They
nal works, photographs, texts, and quotations from the early European
also provided funds to renovate a gallery in which to display the objects
modernists.
(fig. 3, opposite). In addition to filling a gap in the Museum’s encyclope-
Inspired by the collecting activity at the Museum, several Dallas collec-
dic collection, the McDermotts’ donation of African art “could present the
tors became enthusiasts and began to acquire African works for their own
extraordinary cultural heritage of Dallas’s African-American citizens.”8 Their
collections. They patronized both established art dealers and “runners,” as
motivation may not have been public knowledge, but an African American
itinerant art dealers from Africa were called. In 1972, African Art from Dallas
reporter at the Dallas Morning News noted:
Collections showcased over three hundred diverse works of art grouped under
African Art is as strange to Negro students as it is to whites or any other the themes of Metal: Adornment, Amulets, and Power; Figures: Spirits to
race, because it historically has been pretty much unknown to them. Man to Spirit; Instruments of Magic: Status and Control; and Masks and
Now, the Dallas Museum of Fine Arts has a collection of Congo ­sculpture Dance: Transformation, Discipline, Theater. Those identified as lending to
16 af ric an art at t h e d ma: a brie f h istory a f r i ca n a rt at t h e dma : a br i ef h i s tory
fig 4  Standing Figure, Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Boma, 19th–20th century. Wood and fiber. The Clark and
Frances Stillman Collection of Congo Sculpture, gift of
Eugene and Margaret McDermott, 1969.S.6.
17
the exhibition included Bernard Brister, Mr. and Mrs. Alfred L. Bromberg,
Mr. and Mrs. Otis Dozier, Steve Farr, Mr. and Mrs. E. E. Fogelson, Mr. and Mrs.
Walter Foxworth, Donald W. Greaves, Mr. and Mrs. James A. Ledbetter, Mr.
and Mrs. Stanley Marcus, Mr. and Mrs. Richard K. Marks, Madelon Mosier,
Mr. and Mrs. Raymond D. Nasher, Mr. and Mrs. George Perutz, Judith
Robinson, Linda Robinson, and Mr. and Mrs. Dan C. Williams.17 Several of
these lenders later donated their treasures to the Museum.
The Museum continued to bring traveling exhibitions of African art to
Dallas. African Art of the Dogon: The Lester Wunderman Collection (1974) was orga-
nized by Michael Kan, the curator of African art at the Brooklyn Museum
and the DMA’s first Eugene McDermott Visiting Curator (1986). Kan main-
tained ties with the Museum, serving as a consultant on new acquisitions.
Primitive Art Masterworks (1975) afforded Dallas citizenry an opportunity
to view the African, Oceanic, and ancient American art collections of the
Museum of Primitive Art (MPA), which co-organized the exhibition with
the American Federation of Arts, New York.
The Museum’s African art collection reached another milestone in 1974
when its holdings grew to include the important and well-known collec-
tion of Gustave and Franyo Schindler of New York City. Presided over by the
then-director Harry S. Parker III, the acquisition was made possible by the
Eugene McDermott Foundation in honor of Eugene McDermott, who had
died in 1973. At the time Margaret McDermott said,
My husband possessed a genuine joy in giving. His interest and the
majority of his giving were directed toward education. The arts, he felt,
were an integral part of education—vital for individuals and communi-
ties. So he would have approved, I know, of our gift of the Schindler
Collection of African Art to the museum. Besides adding to its grow-
ing collection of art, he would have derived pleasure from supporting
the museum’s fine staff while making a gift to Dallas—a city which had
been so good to him and for which he had an enduring affection.18
Named The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection of African Sculpture,
the assemblage of fifty works extended the stylistic and geographical reach
of the Dallas holdings with objects from West Africa (Mali, Upper Volta
[now Burkina Faso], Guinea, Liberia, the Ivory Coast [Côte d’Ivoire], Ghana,
and Nigeria). The Museum’s Central African holdings were augmented
by objects from Gabon and Congo (Brazzaville) as well as Zaire (now the
Democratic Republic of the Congo). In contrast to most of the small-scale
objects and focus on figurative sculpture in the Stillman Collection, the
Schindler Collection offered large-scale statuary and masks. The acquisi-
tion of the Schindler Collection established the Dallas Museum of Fine Arts
as the leading repository of African art in the Southwest.
Gustave and Franyo Schindler first encountered African art in the late
1940s in Germany at a display of German Expressionist paintings ­coupled
with African sculptures. Franyo Schindler was a painter who had a special
eye for the African forms and “was fascinated by the mysticism connected
with them.”19 Because few American art museums displayed or collected
African art, the Schindlers developed their connoisseurship by studying
African works at the British Museum in London, the Musée de l’Homme in
Paris, and the Royal Museum for Central Africa in Tervuren. As they began
to build their collection, the Schindlers primarily patronized art dealers
in New York City. They did not try to collect all the sculpture-producing
18
cultures or seek only rare objects, but were attracted to objects that dis-
played “. . . a certain simplicity and purity of conception, and the presence
in a piece of the dignity and the almost religious force which makes one
feel that it had actually served in the ceremonial rites for which it was cre-
ated.”20 Indeed, the result of their efforts was a collection of rare finds,
among which are a centuries-old pre-Dogon standing female figure from
Mali, an elegant Senufo rhythm pounder from Côte d’Ivoire, a colossal
Baga D’mba headdress from Guinea, an Igbo standing female figure from
Nigeria, and a Hemba ancestor figure and Zande yanda figure, both of which
are from the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The acquisition of the Schindler Collection prompted Parker to declare,
“The extraordinarily high quality of these pieces combined with the
Stillman Collection of Congo Art moves us into the top ranks of African art
collections in the country.”21 The collection was installed in the renovated
West Wing in galleries adjacent to the Ancient American and Pacific art on
one side and the classical collection on the other.
Both the Stillmans and the Schindlers continued to be involved in the
Museum’s collection building efforts until they died. In 1971, for example,
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc., acquired a group of
nine masks from Clark Stillman, and in 1978, following the death of his wife,
the McDermott Art Fund acquired fourteen more sculptures from their col-
lection. In 1980, Stillman donated the couple’s extensive collection of books
about Congo art and culture to the Museum’s Mildred R. and Frederick M.
Mayer Library. Most of the books, like the rare works of art in the Stillman
Collection of Congo Sculpture, are collectors’ items today. For their part,
between 1976 and 1987 the Schindlers donated several more sculptures to
the Museum, including a Bobo mask from Burkina Faso, a Mumuye stand-
ing figure from Nigeria, and an Ovimbundu pipe from Angola. A Dogon
door lock was a joint donation with the Bezalel Foundation.
The African art collection continued to grow in depth and quality with
generous financial assistance from the McDermott Fund and donations of
art from local and out-of-state supporters. In 1975 the Museum acquired
an Igbo headdress from Nigeria—rarely encountered in public or private
collections—through The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc.,
and the generous contributions of Mr. and Mrs. Algur H. Meadows, the
Meadows Foundation Incorporated, and Stanley and Billie Marcus. Lester
Wunderman, a New York art collector whose passion was the art of the
Dogon peoples, donated a nommo statue. The acquisition of a male effigy
vessel by Voania Muba, a Woyo potter from Congo, and an effigy bell from
the Lower Niger River area of Nigeria resulted from the generosity of Mr.
and Mrs. Eugene McDermott. With these additions, the African art col-
lection offered a wider range of materials, works by named artists (which
countered the notion that traditional African art is anonymous), and art
that reached back in time.
Dallas was one of three venues for the 1978 exhibition The Arts of Ghana,
which was organized by Herbert M. Cole and Doran H. Ross for the Museum
of Cultural History at the University of California, Los Angeles. The exhibi-
tion presented an array of object types, from popular kente cloth and akua’ba
figures that had become part of American fashion and popular culture
to the visual arts of lesser-known cultures such as the Lobi, Nafana, and
Moba. Nearly twenty years later, a Vagala mask displayed in this exhibition
entered the Museum’s collection as a gift from John Lunsford.
af ric an art at t h e d ma: a brie f h istory
Gallery space designed by Barney Delabano,
Fair Park, 1979.
a f r i ca n a rt at t h e dma : a br i ef h i s tory 19
The 1970s closed with the purchase of a rare terracotta ritual bowl by a
Yoruba or Edo (Bini) artist from Nigeria. Gifts included a large-scale Igbo
standing female shrine figure from Mr. and Mrs. Lee  M. Singleterry and
a Songye male figure from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and a
Yoruba ivory tapper carved in the form of a kneeling female figure from
Nigeria that were donated by the Art Museum League Travel Fund. The
Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc., acquired the fourteen
aforementioned sculptures from the Clark and Frances Stillman Collection,
including a Bwa standing male figure from Burkina Faso, a Pende cup with
back-to-back standing male and female figures, a Luba headrest with a
female caryatid, a Lulua standing figure with an extraordinarily long neck,
and an elegant Zande figurative harp from the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. The Schindlers donated the Bobo Nwenka mask from Burkina Faso
that still bears traces of the original pigment.
Despite the two-story wing that was added to the building in 1965, the
museum was bursting at the seams. Dallas voters agreed on Novem­ber 6,
1979, that a new and larger building was in order. This new building was to
be designed by Edward Larrabee Barnes and built downtown in what has
become the Arts District. While the new building was under construction,
exhibitions and collection building continued in the existing facility. In
addition to the Schindlers’ largesse, there were gifts from the local art col-
lector Henry W. Hawley III, who donated an Asante akua’ba fertility figure, an
Asante hair comb (both from Ghana), and, from Côte d’Ivoire, a Baule oint-
ment box with an anthropomorphic head. A monumental arugba caryatid
vessel that was later attributed to the Yoruba sculptor Akobi Ogun Fakeye
and a Senufo footed drum decorated with relief figures were donated by
Stanley and Linda Marcus, also of Dallas, to the Foundation for the Arts.
The Foundation for the Arts was established in 1964 as a holding agency for
the collection formerly held by the Dallas Museum for Contemporary Arts
(which had merged with the DMFA in 1963), with the power to solicit funds
and acquire art objects to be placed at the disposal of the Museum.
The new museum building, which was renamed the Dallas Museum of Art,
was opened to the public in 1984. The Director Harry S. Parker III explained
the reason for the name change, saying, “This title better describes this
inclusive collection which ranges from painting and sculpture to textiles
and photographs, African masks and pre-Columbian pottery.”22 In celebra-
tion of opening the new building, the longtime supporters Gustave and
Franyo Schindler donated a monumental Dogon “ark,” and Stanley and
Linda Marcus donated over one hundred fertility figures from around the
world and covering a time span from 5,000 BC to the mid-twentieth century.
Twenty-two of the figures originated in African countries, among them
Ghana, Nigeria, Burkina Faso, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
An Igbo ikenga seated male shrine figure and an elaborately decorated,
lidded bowl by the renowned Yoruba sculptor Arowogun (Areogun) of Osi-
Ilorin were donated by Carolyn C. and Dan C. Williams of Dallas.
Although growing, the DMA’s African art collection essentially still con-
sisted of sculpture. This situation changed in 1984 when Carol Robbins,
then the curator of textiles, acquired four woven raffia cloths from Zaire
(now the Democratic Republic of the Congo) with funds from The Eugene
and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc., and an anonymous donor. Three of
the textiles, which are between fifteen and twenty feet long and ­decorated
with appliqué, were originally worn by Kuba women as wrapper-style skirts
20 af ric an art at t h e d ma: a brie f h istory a f r i ca n a rt at t h e dma : a br i ef h i s tory 21

on ceremonial occasions. The fourth and smallest panel is decorated with
cut-pile embroidery, a technique for which the Shoowa, a Kuba subgroup,
have long been famous. In addition to providing two-dimensional art
forms, the textiles provided much needed examples of women’s art in the
collection. In 1985, the estate of Robert Plant Armstrong—a professor at
the University of Texas at Dallas, an avid art collector, and the author of
many articles and books on African art—donated a Teke mantle from the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, then Zaire.
Between 1985 and 1989, the Dallas Museum of Art hosted three major
traveling exhibitions focused on African art. The Museum of Modern Art’s
“Primitivism” in 20th-Century Art: Affinity of the Tribal and the Modern explored
the impact of so-called tribal African, Oceanic, American Indian, and Eskimo
art on the art of such European modernists as Picasso, Brancusi, Modigliani,
Klee, Giacometti, and others. Dallas was one of three venues and the only
one west of the Mississippi River. While the Dallas Museum of Art did not
lend to this exhibition, a Baule sculpture in the exhibition became part of
the Dallas collection several years later. It should be noted that the Eugene
McDermott Foundation supported publication of the exhibition catalogue.
The singular focus of Ancestral Arts of Gabon, which was organized by the
Barbier-Mueller Museum in Geneva, Switzerland, nicely complemented
the Museum’s sculptures from that country. Art /Artifact, organized by the
Center for African Art, New York, explored the changing methods of exhib-
iting and interpreting African art in Western museums with objects from
the collections of the Buffalo Museum of Science, the Hampton University
Museum, and the American Museum of Natural History.
In 1989 the Museum’s adjunct curator of African American Art, Alvia
Wardlaw, organized the traveling exhibition Black Art—Ancestral Legacy: The
African Impulse in African American Art. Works from the collection featured
in the exhibition included the Fang four-faced helmet mask and the Lega
figure with four heads from the Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection
of African Sculpture that inspired and influenced African American artists.
Following its Dallas debut, the exhibition traveled to the High Museum of
Art, Atlanta, the Milwaukee Art Museum, and the Virginia Museum of Fine
Arts, Richmond.
In his preface to the Black Art—Ancestral Legacy catalogue, the then-director
Richard Brettell wrote
fig 5  A selection of African trade beads collected by
Velma Davis Dozier, including drawn-glass chevron
beads made in Europe, marbled beads made in Europe,
mille­fiore beads made in Venice, 17th-century glass
beads from the Netherlands, seed beads, cowrie shells,
and metal beads made in Africa. Dallas Museum of Art,
gift of The Dozier Foundation.
in 1988. Vogel, one of several renowned African art specialists called upon to
help guide the African art collection, suggested enlivening the African gal-
lery with colorful African trade beads. The assistant curator Carol Robbins
knew that Velma Dozier had amassed an outstanding collection of beads
and her husband Otis had bought masks and figures from itinerant African
art dealers. In addition to displaying a wide array of colors, textures, and
shapes, trade beads reflect Africa’s contact with the outside world (Asia and
Europe). Beads adorned both sculpture and human beings. In some soci-
eties, they signified an affiliation with a particular religious practice, but
because of their value as imported objects, they generally indicated indi-
vidual or group prestige and prosperity. The Otis and Velma Davis Dozier
Fund established in 1988 also enabled the Museum to purchase, among
other objects, a classic Ndebele woman’s beaded cape from South Africa
in 1991.
In 1991 the Museum acquired 258 Coptic Christian crosses. Ranging in size
from a few inches to over two feet tall, the crosses made of carved wood
and cast metal alloys date from about the sixteenth to the twentieth cen-
turies. This important collection was assembled between 1964 and 1967 in
Ethiopia by the professors Hebe and Kenneth Redden. Because Ethiopia did
not have a law governing the exportation of cultural property at the time, it
was legal to collect cultural objects. At the behest of Emperor Haile Selassie,
Kenneth Redden—a member of a legal team from the U.S. Department of
State that established the first law school in Ethiopia—drafted Ethiopia’s
first Antiquities Protection Law. Redden was allowed to keep the crosses

The Dallas Museum of Art had the wisdom and foresight to purchase
two internationally significant private collections of African art as early
as 1969 and 1974. Indeed, the Stillman and the Schindler Collections
represent the core of a collection of African sculpture that rivals that of
the Metropolitan Museum of New York and is among the greatest col-
lections of African art in any American art museum.23

By 1989 the collection of African objects amounted to 350 and was destined
to continue growing in both depth and quality.

Part Two: 1990–Present

The 1990s began with an extraordinary gift of approximately one thousand
loose and strung African trade beads from the Dozier Foundation. The
Museum became the repository of one of the largest public collections of
such objects (fig. 5). The donation was inspired by comments that the art
historian Susan Mullin Vogel had made to Velma Davis Dozier during a visit
22
he had collected as a token of the emperor’s appreciation and with the
understanding that the crosses would “ultimately be placed in an educa-
tional setting, where scholars and the public could learn from them about
Ethiopian culture.”24 The collection was subsequently exhibited at the
Grand Palais in Paris (1966), the Musée Dynamique à Dakar, Senegal, during
the first World Festival of Negro Arts (1967), and at the University of Virginia
(1972). Originally donated to St. Mary’s University in San Antonio, the col-
lection of crosses was permanently moved to the Dallas Museum of Art so
that it could be accessible to a broader public. In addition, the Museum had
“remarkable African holdings” and was willing to share the collection with
the African American Museum. Presented to the public in 1992–1993 in an
exhibition organized by Anne Bromberg, The Cecil and Ida Green Curator of
Ancient and South Asian Art, the crosses have since been displayed selec-
tively in installations such as “Afterlife,” a long-term multicultural exhibi-
tion on the theme of death and the hereafter.
In 1992 the Museum hired the art historian and African art specialist
Christopher D. Roy as an adjunct curator to research and organize a tem-
porary exhibition of the African art collection (figs. 6 and 7). In this role, he
advised Jay Gates, the Museum’s director, to acquire types of African art
(such as royal art or textiles) especially from West African cultures to create
a balanced collection. Broadening the collection in this way would also
demonstrate that African societies are not monolithic but differ in terms
of sociopolitical and religious structures and associated art forms.25
Roy’s advice was duly acted upon and in 1992 two examples of prestige
headwear were acquired: a Yaka chief’s beaded bihorn headdress donated
by Linda and Stanley Marcus and an Ekonda chief’s tiered basketry hat
(botolo) donated by the Friends of African and African-American Art. In
1993 the Otis and Velma Davis Dozier Fund supported the purchase of
an important Guro gye helmet mask from Côte d’Ivoire. That same year,
Africa Explores: 20th Century African Art, an exhibition organized by the Cen­
ter for African Art, New York, and Eternal Egypt: Objects of Daily Life, People,
and Religion, the second phase of a three-part exhibition of Egyptian and
Nubian artifacts on long-term loan from the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,
were the featured exhibitions focused on Africa.
Ramona Austin, an art historian and veteran art museum curator, was
hired in 1994 to fill the new fulltime position as curator of African art,
which was endowed as The Margaret McDermott Curator of African Art in
1999.26 During her tenure, Austin added over one hundred objects to the
af ric an art at t h e d ma: a brie f h istory
fig 6  West African objects at the dma, 1992.
fig 7  Central African objects at the dma, 1992.
a f r i ca n a rt at t h e dma : a br i ef h i s tory 23
collection and oversaw the reinstallation of the collection into its desig-
nated space on the third floor of the Museum. This space became available
when the Nancy and Jake L. Hamon Building was completed in 1993, pro-
viding 140,000 additional square feet. The African, Asian, and Pacific col-
lections were installed in adjoining galleries. The completely refurbished
galleries, opened with great fanfare in 1996, showcased approximately 125
objects from the collection arranged according to geographic style regions
(figs. 8 and 9). Diane Pelrine, an authority on African art and a curator at
Indiana University Art Museum, Bloomington, writing for African Arts, pro-
nounced the exhibition “an excellent introduction to sub-Saharan Africa’s
sculptural traditions.”27
Several African objects were generously acquired for the Museum in
1994 by the Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc., includ-
ing an ancient (200  BC –AD  200) terracotta male figure from Sokoto in
northwestern Nigeria and a group of royal objects from the Owo-Yoruba
and Benin kingdoms in Nigeria—a finely carved ivory equestrian figure,
a copper alloy casting of a chief of Udo, and an elaborately carved ivory
waist pendant plaque. These prestigious works of art were complemented
by a richly carved and pigmented ivory side-blown horn from the Mende
­peoples of Sierra Leone and a seated male figure from the Baule peoples of
Côte d’Ivoire.
An nkisi nkondi (power figure) from the Yombe peoples of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo acquired in 1996 for the Foundation for the Arts
Collection by the Eugene McDermott Foundation is outstanding—as
much for its formal qualities as its grand dimensions. Bristling with hand-
wrought and imported iron nails and wearing a finely woven raffia wrapper,
the figure is one of several extant figures from the same workshop that were
brought out of Africa between 1910 and 1913. Well traveled, this impres-
sive sculpture has been shown in several major European and American
exhibitions.
Although African masks are the most popular African art forms, the col-
lection could boast but a few. During her tenure Austin acquired several,
fig 8  Third Floor African Art galleries, West African including a fierce Senufo komo helmet mask28 that had been on display in
objects, installed by Ramona Austin in 1996.
the Animals in African Art: From the Familiar to the Marvelous exhibition, which
traveled to the Museum in 1997. David T. Owsley, a long-time supporter of
fig 9  Third Floor African Art galleries, Central African
objects, installed by Ramona Austin in 1996. the Museum’s Ancient and South Asian art collections and owner of the
mask, generously donated it to the Museum. General acquisition funds
financed the purchase of a massive and colorful Abua obukele headdress that
24
was also on display in Animals in African Art, and the Eugene and Margaret
McDermott Art Fund, Inc., was used to acquire an Igbo polychrome igri face
mask for the Museum. A Mukenga bead- and ­cowrie-covered helmet mask,
given in honor of Peter Hanszen Lynch and Cristina Martha Frances Lynch,
and a very fine old Makonde helmet mask, donated by the Cecil and Ida
Green Foundation in 1999, rounded out the Museum’s collection of masks
during this acquisition phase.
In 1997 the Junior Associates, a membership group, donated funds to
acquire three prestige hats from the Grasslands region of Cameroon, and a
royal Kuba beaded mpaan hat from the Democratic Republic of the Congo
was donated by Alma L. McKinney in honor of Frederic A. Luyties III. In 2000
Mr. and Mrs. James H. W. Jacks donated a Dogon granary door with a sun
lizard motif, and a bequest from Juanita K. Bromberg gave the Museum a
group of Akan miniature cast-brass figures and counterweights from the
Alfred and Juanita Bromberg Collection.
In 2003 John R. Lane, The Eugene McDermott Director (1999–2008), and
Bonnie Pitman, the Deputy Director, hired the author of this volume to
join the DMA staff. An art historian, seasoned art museum curator, and
former director of the National Museum of African Art at the Smithsonian
Institution, I joined the Museum as Senior Curator, the Arts of Africa, the
Americas, and the Pacific and The Margaret McDermott Curator of African
Art. Thanks to the extraordinary generosity of the Eugene and Margaret
McDermott Art Fund, Inc., my first acquisition for the collection was an
olumeye, or kneeling female figure with a bowl, by the renowned Yoruba
court artist Olowe of Ise (c. 1875–c. 1938). Introduced to the public in the
focused exhibition Variations on a Theme: Three Olumeye by Olowe of Ise in
2005, the bowl was presented with two others that Olowe carved and com-
pared with a fine but conventional olumeye carved by Agbonbiofe of Effon-
Alaiye, a contemporary of Olowe’s. It is my assertion that Olowe reinvented
the form of the olumeye as he did other sculptures. The exhibition was sup-
ported with funds provided by the Dallas Museum of Art League.29
With “highest quality” always a criterion, there has been a conscious
effort to obtain works of art that reveal the diversity of forms, styles, tech-
niques, and materials found in African art and to represent more of the
major art-producing peoples, especially from West Africa. Since 2004 sev-
eral important works of art from Nigeria have helped to close the disparity
between the West African and Central African holdings. Among the works
of art that have been acquired since 2004 are an elaborately beaded ile ori
(“house of the head”), a beaded ibori (the symbol of an individual’s “inner
head”), and a circa-eighteenth-century cast copper alloy ring depicting a
gruesome scene of human sacrifice in high relief. The solid form, which
weighs about seven pounds, is believed to have been used in kingship
­rituals. All the objects are from the Yoruba culture in Nigeria and were
purchased with funds from the African Collection Fund. This fund derives
from the endowed African Art Acquisition Fund that was established in
1988. Additional recent acquisitions of Yoruba art include a pair of cast
copper alloy and iron tongs, donated by George and Sidney Perutz in
2005, that date from the mid-twentieth century and were used in Oshugbo
society rituals. A cast copper alloy altar stand dating from the late eigh-
teenth or early nineteenth century was financed by the African Collec-
tion Fund.
af ric an art at t h e d ma: a brie f h istory
a f r i ca n a rt at t h e dma : a br i ef h i s tory 25
By 2008 the collection housed fifty-one masks and three complete mas-
querade costumes. Additions in 2005 and 2006 included a Budja abstract
bird-form headdress from the Democratic Republic of the Congo that
was worn in a performance in 1986 to honor the king of Belgium during
a visit to the country; a pristine Deangle face mask from the Dan peoples
of Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire that complements a venerable old Dan mask
from the Schindler Collection; and a well-worn Sande society helmet mask
from the Mende of Sierra Leone. In 2007 the Museum acquired an unusual
blackened Pende forehead mask that, as indicated by its facial details, rep-
resents a “hyper male.” It complements a classic Pende face mask that was
donated by the Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc., in 1971.
Other recently acquired masks include a large-scale, multifigured Yoruba
Epa headdress and an Ijo water spirit headdress that the dancer wears hori-
zontally on his head. The images carved on the mask face the sky rather
than the human audience standing on the ground. The Museum has plans
to mount a special exhibition in 2010 to showcase its noteworthy collection
of masks.
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc., supported two
major acquisitions in 2005: a cast bronze single-figure plaque that was
made by a master brasscaster in the Benin kingdom in the sixteenth or
seventeenth century and a large-scale brass- and copper-clad reliquary
guardian figure, with back-to-back faces, from the Kota peoples of Gabon.
Margaret McDermott had seen the plaque in the 1960s when she visited
Edward A. Bragaline, a well-known collector of modern art, to view a paint-
ing by Picasso. The plaque was put on the market following the owner’s
demise in the late 1990s but the Museum was not in a position to purchase
it. Several years later, however, the plaque was again available and this time
the acquisition was possible. It complements the group of bronze and ivory
sculptures that was acquired in 1994. The extraordinarily large Kota Janus-
faced reliquary guardian figure, which once belonged to a clan rather than
a family, complements a similar and smaller single-faced guardian figure
from the Schindler Collection.
Textiles now have a greater presence in the African art collection with
the addition of classic, and sometimes rare, examples from throughout
the continent. The collection includes cloths from Morocco, Algeria, and
Tunisia in northern Africa, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria, and Cameroon in
Ramona Austin, The Margaret McDermott Associate
Curator of African Art; Margaret McDermott and Nancy
Hamon, Benefactor Trustees; and Ann Barbier-Mueller
and Cristina Barboglio Lynch; 1998.
26 af ric an art at t h e d ma: a brie f h istory a f r i ca n a rt at t h e dma : a br i ef h i s tory 27

West Africa, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo in Central Africa. Notes
The cloths, some of which were used as garments, were selected in col- 1. Wingert 1960 22. “Report of the President and Director,” Dallas
Museum of Fine Arts Annual Report 1981–1982, [1]
laboration with Carol Robbins, the Ellen and Harry S. Parker III Curator of 2. “The Arts of Man,” Dallas Times Herald Sunday
Magazine, October 7, 1962, p. 13; Kosinski 2003: 23. Brettell, in Dallas Museum of Art 1989: 8
the Arts of the Americas and the Pacific, and generously supported by The no. 94
24. Louise Cantwell to Anne Bromberg, personal
Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc., The Textile Fund, and pro- 3. The Dallas Art Association was established communication, August 14, 1992
ceeds from the African Art Acquisitions Endowment. in 1903 to support the visual arts with a goal
25. Christopher D. Roy to Jay Gates, personal com-
to create a permanent institution, the Dallas
Since 1969, the Dallas Museum of Art’s collection of African art has grown Museum of Fine Arts. A brief history of the
munication, September 12, 1993
from one that focused primarily on sculpture to one that reflects the wide Dallas Museum of Art is found on the mu- 26. The Margaret McDermott Curator of African Art
seum’s website, www.DallasMuseumofArt.org. Endowment Fund was established by the Andrew W.
range of the visual arts of Africa’s ancient and traditional cultures. Ancient Mellon Foundation in 1995 with additional gifts by
4. Lee and Lee, in Kosinski 2003: no. 17
works like the pre-Christian era Sokoto bust exquisitely demonstrate Irvin Levy, Caren and Vin Prothro, and Deedie Rose.
5. Stillman, in Walker Art Center 1967: 11–12 In 1999 Mrs. Eugene McDermott made an additional
Africa’s long history of civilization and creativity. The Museum’s collection gift to name the endowment. Income is used to
6. Margaret McDermott to Bonnie Pitman and the
reflects the diversity of Africa’s societies that range from highly stratified, author, personal communication, May 1, 2009
support the salary of a curator of African art to
supervise the African collection.
as exemplified by the royal arts of Yoruba and Benin kingdoms, to those 7. The other half of the Stillman collection went to
27. Pelrine 1998: 76–77
of the village-based Igbo and Lega. Yet, there is room to grow and gaps to the Museum of Primitive Art (from 1966 to 1972); the
Nelson A. Rockefeller Collection in that museum 28. This mask was previously identified as kponyungo.
fill. For example, there are few works made of gold and iron in the collec- was transferred to The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
29. Walker 2005
tion; East African and women’s art are critically underrepresented. As the New York, in 1978.
Museum looks to the future, we seek to forge bonds with museums in 8. Lunsford, in Kosinski 2003: no. 28

Africa to display their protected artifacts on long-term loan and to share 9. Julia Scott Reed, “The Open Line: African Art Put
on Exhibit,” Dallas Morning News, January 21, 1970,
our resources to further their staff development. p. 22a
By continuing to build on the foundation of the Schindler and Stillman 10. Lunsford, in Kosinski 2003: no. 28; Lunsford 1972:
Collections, the African art collection and associated programs will contrib- 12–19, 88

ute to the realization of the Museum’s mission as adopted in 2002: 11. “A Prestigious Collection,” Dallas Morning News,
November 1, 1969, p. 2
The Dallas Museum of Art collects, preserves, presents, and interprets 12. John Neville, “Art and Artists: Congo Expert Talks
of His Collection,” Dallas Morning News, October 28,
works of art from diverse cultures and many centuries, including that 1969, p. 5; Stillman and Stillman, in Dallas Museum
of our own time. We champion the power of art, embracing our respon- of Fine Arts 1969: 5–7
sibility to engage and educate our community, to contribute to cultural 13. Olbrechts, who greatly influenced the study of
African art, was one of the first scholars to identify
knowledge, and to advance creative endeavor. the hand of an individual traditional African artist
on purely stylistic grounds. For his biography, see
Petridis 2001.
14. Wastiau, in Shelton 2001: 237–38
15. Louis de Strycker, personal communication,
June 28, 2006
16. New Art Circle 1927
17. Dallas Museum of Fine Arts 1972
18. Janet Kutner, “Scene in Art: McDermott Gift
Boosts Museum,” Dallas Morning News, September 29,
1974, p. C1
19. Schindler, in Dallas Museum of Fine Arts 1975: 7
20. Ibid.
21. Kutner, “Scene in Art”
african art in context
fig 10  Figure of a young man from a funerary
relief, Greek, Attic, c. 330 bc. Marble. Gift of
Mr. and Mrs. Cecil H. Green, 1966.26.
fig 11  Studio of Pere Espalargucs, Altarpiece ­Section:
Angels and Gabriel, second half of the 15th century.
Tempera on panel. Gift of Leicester Busch Faust and
Audrey Faust Wallace in memory of Anna Busch Faust
and Edward A. Faust, 1939.1.1.
Tradition-based African art is often characterized as “art for life’s sake” or
“art as a matter of life and death” in contrast to “art for art’s sake”—an
inherited nineteenth-century Western notion that art is “self-sufficient and
requires no social or religious justification.”1 Traditional African art served
a purpose (and does still in some cultures) as an agent of religion, social
stability, and social control. Art that has a purpose is not unique to African
or other non-Western cultures but occurs in Western ones as well. Among
the works of art at the Dallas Museum of Art, a Greek statue of a young man
from the fourth century BC and a Spanish altarpiece from the late fifteenth
century exemplify this notion. The Greek statue memorialized a male who
died in the prime of life and was part of a sculptural program in an archi-
tectural shrine (fig. 10). The altarpiece was a devotional object. It was origi-
nally installed in a church behind and above the altar on which Christian
religious rituals were performed (fig. 11).
The works of art in the African gallery, arranged according to geographic
and cultural regions, reveal the extraordinary diversity of sub-Saharan
cultures and visual traditions. In this setting, viewers can focus solely
on the form of an object and experience it aesthetically and emotion-
ally. But, like the Greek statue and Spanish altarpiece, African works of
art were not meant to be viewed in a museum. Rather, they were placed
in shrines and on personal or communal altars, carried in public proces-
sions, and worn as regalia or in a masquerade. This publication comple-
ments the museum installation by exploring one hundred and ten objects
in the collection that have both outstanding formal qualities and com-
pelling stories. The objects are grouped under the themes of leadership
and status, the cycle of life, decorative arts, and influences into and out
of Africa.2 Where possible, contextual photographs are provided. Images
of many objects from the African art collection, includ-
ing new acquisitions, can be viewed online at www
.DallasMuseumofArt.org, with associated texts and tech-
nical data (provenance and exhibition and publication
history) available for further research.3 But first, let us
place the DMA’s African art collection in the context of
African art history and offer some remarks about tradi-
tional African art and artists.
The oldest extant African art, including that of ancient
Egypt,4 dates from the eighth millennium BC, while that
of sub-Saharan Africa, the area from which most objects
in the DMA originated, dates from the first millennium
BC. The oldest of these objects include stylized human
and animal terracotta figures from the Nok civilization
in central Nigeria5 (fig.  12), a wooden vessel with chip-
carved decoration from Njoro, Kenya6 (fig. 13), a group of
seven terracotta heads from Lydenburg in South Africa’s
29
30 af ric an art in c ont e xt
Mpumalanga province7 (fig. 14), and a carved wood animal head from a site
east of the Cuanza River in the Liavela area of central Angola8 (fig. 15).
The oldest works of art in the DMA’s collections are a terracotta male
figure from the modern state of Sokoto in northwestern Nigeria that dates
from between 200 BC and ad 200 and a standing female figure, from a pre-
Dogon culture in Mali, that is conservatively dated from the eleventh to
thirteenth century.9 These are followed by cast copper alloy figures and a
carved ivory waist pendant from the Benin kingdom that date from the
sixteenth to eighteenth century. All are made of du­rable materials or, in
the case of the pre-Dogon figure, survived owing to a combination of a
durable material (hardwood) and the dry climate of the western Sudan.
As with most African art collections, the majority of the works at the DMA
were made of wood or other organic materials during the late nineteenth
to mid-twentieth century. Had they remained in Africa these objects would
have been destroyed by the moist climate and wood-eating insects inhabit-
ing the rain forests. The prevailing opinion maintains most extant wooden
sculptures are replacements; that is, they were in use for not more than a
generation or two before they were brought out of Africa. It was customary
to replace ritual objects with new ones.
The history of African art, like the history of Africa itself, remains a work
in progress. The reconstruction of Africa’s art history, especially south of
the Sahara where conventional systems of inscription are absent,10 depends
upon indigenous oral traditions and early European and Arabic documents
from travelers, missionaries, merchants, and colonial officers. Sources of
information also include linguistics, archaeology, and scientific dating
fig 12  The Nok head discovered in the Jos plateau of
central Nigeria was created sometime between 500 bc
and ad 200. © Werner Forman / corbis.
a f r i ca n a rt i n cont ex t
fig 13  Dr. Louis Seymour Bazett Leakey and Mary Leakey
found this carbonized wooden vessel, probably a drinking
cup, at the Njoro River Cave in Kenya in 1938. The carved
vessel is decorated with diamond shapes and dates to no
later than 850 bc.
fig 14  This terracotta head, dating to around ad 500 is
the largest and most complete of a group of seven heads
found at a site in Lydenburg, South Africa. The small
animal that sits atop the head may represent a lion.
fig 15  Zoomorphic head, Central Angola, 8th–9th century,
wood. Royal Museum for Central Africa, Tervuren, Belgium.
© Royal Museum for Central Africa, pre.0.0.14796; photo:
R. Asselberghs.
31
methods such as radiocarbon dating analysis for organic materials and
thermoluminescence tests on fired clay objects. X-ray procedures, includ-
ing computed axial tomography (CT or CAT scan) and magnetic resonance
imaging (MRI), are also being used for this purpose.11
African artists also create with stone, gold, silver, and iron. Materials
found in the local environment—leather, animal hair and skin, cotton, palm
and other fibers, feathers, shells, seeds, and beads—were used to make
objects or to embellish them. New materials and techniques introduced
through foreign trade were incorporated into the design and adornment of
indigenous objects. Materials such as cowrie shells from the Indian Ocean
and mirrors, glass beads, brass upholstery tacks, buttons, silk, cotton,
synthetic textiles, and enamel paint from Europe and Asia enhanced the
appearance of locally made objects, thereby increasing their prestige value
and efficacy.
Individuals, not groups, make art in traditional African societies. Artists
are specialists who make art that is culturally appropriate for their gender.
Traditionally, men work in wood, ivory, stone, and metal, including casting
copper alloys and forging iron. Men who make objects for ritual use may be
initiated into a cult or association to learn its secrets. Women weave bas-
kets and make pottery wares for domestic and ritual use and model figura-
tive objects out of clay or other pliable materials. They also decorate the
exterior of their homes and shrines.12 The roles of males and females in art
making, as in other spheres of African social life, are often complementary.
Among the Kuba, for ex­ample, men weave the raffia mats or panels that
women decorate with appliqué, cut-pile, and embroidery. Products made
by both men and women working in the same medium, such as weaving or
beadworking, are destined for use in different contexts.
African art is not anonymous. Traditional artists’ names do not appear
with their works in museum installations and exhibition catalogues
because we do not know them. The earliest collectors failed—usually for
reasons of prevailing cultural and racial biases or the methods of the dis-
cipline (e.g., ethnologists study groups not individuals)—to ask, “Who
made this?” There were, as recently as 1960, only a few ethnographers
who inquired about the creators of the objects they collected in the field.
These individuals include Frans Olbrechts, Hans and Ulrike Himmelheber,
32 af ric an art in c ont e xt a f r i ca n a rt i n cont ex t 33

P. J. L. Vandenhoute, Philip Allison, Father Kevin Carroll, William R. Bascom, they are essential for reproduction; and the navel and breasts, because they
and William Fagg.13 Since then, Warren d’Azevedo, Robert Farris Thompson, provide nourishment. Hands and feet are sometimes accentuated because
Jean Borgatti, Susan Mullin Vogel, Eberhard and Barbara Fischer, and the they are active and provide stability.
author have published works on individual artists.14 Ideal beauty and the height of virility or fertility (ephebism) rather than
Talented artists became famous and were known well beyond their com- “the warts and all” realism are depicted regardless of the age or anatomy
munities. Having said that, there are instances where an artist’s name had of the male or female sitter who may have served as a model for the spirit
been forgotten or it was intentionally suppressed in favor of greater glory that is embodied by a mask or figure. The human form may be highly styl-
to the object itself.15 In the absence of an interview with the artist, schol- ized, as exemplified by the minimalist Boma standing figure (see fig. 4),
ars obtain biographical information from the indigenous oral literature or naturalistic, like the Luba female figure (see p. 137). Almost invariably,
(among the Yoruba, for example, this is the person’s oriki or praise song), the facial expression on African sculptures is calm. Consider, for ex­ample,
written accounts by Europeans who encountered the artist, and photo- the American sculptor Michael G. Owen’s portrait of Huddie “Leadbelly”
graphs or written descriptions of the artist’s work in situ. Several named, Ledbetter (1888–1946) that depicts the sixty-one-year-old musician’s plump
tradition-based African artists represented in the Dallas Museum of Art per- face with deep creases (fig. 17). If Leadbelly had been a Hemba sculptor’s sub-
manent collections include the Mende artist Manowulo of Bo Town area, fig 17  Michael G. Owen Jr., Leadbelly, 1943. Black ser­ ject, his portrait might have looked like the Dallas ancestor figure (p. 213).
pentine. Mr. and Mrs. Tom Gooch Fund Purchase Prize,
Baoma chiefdom, Sierra Leone; the Yoruba artists Olowe of Ise, Arowogun Twelfth Annual Texas Painting and Sculpture, 1950–1951,
An elder’s beard is the only indication of age on the otherwise unlined,
(Areogun) of Osi-Ilorin, Akobi Ogun Fakeye of Ila Orangun, and Oshamuko 1950.91. youthful face of a physically fit male. Exceptions to portraying ideal beauty
of Osi from Nigeria; and the Kota sculptor Semangoy from Gabon. are masks and figures that represent diseases and malevolent spirits. The
Studies of traditional African artists indicate, among other things, that
sculptors of wood—who may also be blacksmiths—learned their craft by
apprenticing with a master sculptor to perfect their skills. An apprentice-
ship could last for more than fifteen years. Training entailed learning the
established stylistic canon and its vocabulary. A Dan sculptor, for example,
was expected to polish the surface of the mask he carved; a Mende sculp-
tor, to depict the attributes of feminine beauty in the carved sowei (helmet
mask). While conformity to the canon was essential—because to not con-
form could adversely affect a mask or figure’s efficacy or repel the spirit
that was to embody it—innovation within the parameters of the canon was
allowed. Thus, it is possible to distinguish the personal styles of Olowe of
Ise, Arowogun (Areogun) of Osi-Ilorin, and other Yoruba artists.
Apprentices learning to carve wood had to learn how to select wood
according to the type and purpose of the commissioned object. For ex­-
ample, a mask or figure that was to be used in a healing ritual had to be
carved from wood with specific medicinal qualities. They learned to pay
respect to the vital forces believed to reside in trees and in carving tools
to prevent accidents and harm to themselves. They were taught to carve fig 16  The traditional carving implements of the Yoruba
artist Hasan Makinde, Abeokuta, Nigeria, 1972.
with a variety of adzes, axelike tools with the blade set at an angle to the
haft, and knives and to use a sandpaper-textured leaf to smooth the sur-
face (fig. 16). Artists carving green wood learned how to prevent the dried
product from cracking. They learned how to carve the entire object from
the solid.16 Color had meaning and had to be applied appropriately. Before
the advent of European paints, traditional artists made their pigments and
sealants from plants and minerals found in the local environment.
Finally, appreciating African art requires a perceptual adjustment away
from the western aesthetic of measuring the human form against the yard-
stick of classical Greek statuary, in favor of a different cultural lens. The
proportions of the classical Greco-Roman figure (see fig. 10)—with the head
being one-seventh of the standing figure—typify the Western ideal. The
head-to-body ratio of most African figures is usually one to three or one to
four. To the uninitiated eye, the head is out of proportion to the rest of the
body. From a personal perspective, the African artist emphasizes that which
is important—the head, because it is the site of the major sensory organs
and an individual’s essential nature and destiny; sexual organs, because
34 af ric an art in c ont e xt a f r i ca n a rt i n cont ex t 35

classical sculptures from ancient Ife, Tada, and Owo, Nigeria (all of which Notes
are dated between the twelfth and fifteenth century), which are realized 1. Roy 1984; Elsen 1972: 18–38
in a naturalistic style, are exceptions to this general rule. In compositions 2. The format for this collection catalogue was
inspired by African Art in the Cycle of Life, a publica-
that include more than one individual, artists use “social perspective” to tion and an inaugural exhibition written and
identify the most important person in a group. That personage is depicted curated by the author and Roy Sieber (1923–2001)
for the National Museum of African Art, Smith­
larger than others and is placed at the center of the composition.
sonian Institution, in 1987.
These facts and observations can serve as a rudimentary frame, or con- 3. A project is under way to provide the technical
text, for the study and appreciation of African art. Although the objects pic- data for all Museum objects online.
tured and discussed in this book share many cultural points of reference, 4. Ancient Egypt is recognized as an African civiliza-
tion that shares cultural traits, such as the practice
each also, of course, stands on its own and transcends time and space. of divine kingship, ancestor worship, and circumci-
According to the Yoruba peoples of Nigeria, Oduduwa the Supreme Being sion, with sub-Saharan cultures. Part of the Ancient
Mediterranean Civilizations collection, the DMA’s
created the world at Ile-Ife, an ancient town that is their spiritual capital.
ancient Egyptian art is currently located in a gallery
Consequently, visitors, regardless of their national origin, receive a hearty adjacent to the sub-Saharan African gallery.
“Welcome home.” Other African traditions make the same claim. Perhaps 5. Grunne 1998; Fagg 1990
they knew all along what archeological investigations have revealed—that 6. Leakey and Leakey 1950
Africa is the cradle of humankind. This book thus serves to acquaint us 7. Davison, in T. Phillips 1995: 194–95; Maggs and
Davison 1981: 28–33, 88
with the visual arts of our ultimate motherland, Africa, which has made a
8. Maret, in T. Phillips 1995: 240; Van Noten 1972:
great contribution to the world’s cultural heritage. 133–36
9. The wood from the figure was tested in the Phys-
ics and Atmospheric Sciences Department, Univer-
sity of Arizona, in 1998. The radiocarbon age is
825≠40 years before present (“before 1950 ad”) and
the calibrated age range is ad 1063–1269.
10. Visonà et al. 2007; T. Phillips 1995; Turner 1996:
vol. 1, 213–440; Vansina 1984; Kreamer et al. 2007
11. For further reading, see Tull 1998: 30–38; Ghysels
2003: 116–31; and Rasmussen 2008: 19–32
12. Herreman 2003; Barley 1994; Sieber 1972; Sieber
1980; Carey, in Sciama 1998: 83–93
13. As he guided Clark and Frances Stillman in
building their collection of central African sculpture,
Frans Olbrechts identified the distinctive hand of an
anonymous artist and named him the Buli Master.
See Olbrechts 1946; Petridis 2001; and Vogel 1980:
133–42. For information about other ethnographers
who inquired about the artists, see Vandenhoute
1948; Carroll 1967: 70–123 (pp. 71–72 and 79–89 for
information specific to Arowogun [Areogun] of
Osi-Ilorin); Bascom, in D’Azevedo 1973: 62–78;
Allison 1944: 49–50 (focus on Olowe of Ise).
14. D’Azevedo 1973: 282–340; Thompson, in Biebuyck
1969: 120–81; Fischer and Himmelheber 1984; Fischer
et al. 1993 (focus on the Guro sculptor Boti from Côte
d’Ivoire, who was interviewed and documented in
1975); Borgatti 1979; Vogel 1999: 49–55; Pemberton in
Abiodun, Drewal, and Pemberton 1994: 100–101;
Walker 1998
15. Vogel 1999: 40–55, 93–94
16. Willett 1978: 28–33, 96 (focus on the Yoruba
sculptor Lamidi Olonade Fakeye)
chapter 1
icons and symbols of leadership and status

Governance in pre-colonial sub-Saharan societies was either centralized or

decentralized. Centralized societies, such as the Yoruba and Edo in West
Africa and the Chokwe and Kuba in Central Africa, were ruled by kings and
chiefs who presided over complex political structures. These paramount
rulers were considered political leaders as well as religious personages
endowed with extraordinary powers and authority. As living representa-
tives of the creator-god, they were responsible for the well-being and wel-
fare of their peoples. Leadership in decentralized societies, like those of the
Lega of Central Africa, was vested in an association or council of elders.
The authority of those in positions of leadership—whether held by a par-
amount king or an association of elders—was reflected in their surround-
ings, their attire, and the ornamentation of their personal possessions and
symbols of office. Art was used to identify and glorify their elevated status.
It was more elaborate, more complex, monumental. It was made of durable
materials, such as hardwood, ivory, and metal. It was decorated with rare
or imported materials, such as cowrie shells, glass, and porcelain. Often, it
was labor intensive, requiring many hours of craftsmanship. These attri-
butes confirmed one’s political position or status in society and help schol-
ars determine an object’s purpose and, perhaps, its owner.

39
40 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

Male figure This sculpture depicts a political ruler, a religious leader, or a person of
high social rank. Although his precise identity is not known, his features
Nigeria, Sokoto State
c. 200 bc to ad 200 offer some clues. His beard is a timeless and conventional masculine
Terracotta symbol of advanced age and wisdom; the incised lines around his neck
19¼ × 9 × 8 in. (48.90 × 22.86 × 20.32 cm) probably represent a coiled necklace with pendants or rings of fat; and
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott the staff, scepter, weapon, or adze slung over his shoulder is a symbol of
Art Fund, Inc., 1994.195.McD power and leadership.
The Museum’s hollow figure is stylistically similar to terracotta sculp-
tures that have been unearthed in Sokoto State in the northwestern corner
of Nigeria. A carefully modeled hairstyle and elaborate beard frame his
face; heavy, down-turned eyelids conceal his pierced eyes; incised lines
form eyelashes; and his mouth is opened slightly. Textured patterns
under his eyes further emphasize them. These features combine to give
the figure a severe expression. His disproportionately large navel, indica-
tive of a herniated navel, is common in the sculptures of sub-Saharan
cultures.
Dating Sokoto sculpture is problematic. Unlike the terracottas dating
from 500 to 200 BC excavated in Nok, a village near the confluence of
the Niger and Benue rivers, the Sokoto figures have not, until recently,
been documented in situ. The few examples that have been analyzed by
thermo­luminescence yield dates as early as 200 bc to AD 200.1 This male
bust is the oldest work of art from sub-Saharan Africa in the Museum’s
permanent collection.
42 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

Standing female figure The durable hardwood used to carve this figure indicates the tall, slender
female was someone of importance or status. Sculpted with naturalistic
Mali, pre-Dogon culture, Djennenke / Soninke
11th to 13th century proportions and raised dot scarification on her temples, she is elaborately
Wood and oil clothed in an apron rather than nude, adorned with beaded necklaces, and
383/* × 65/!6 × 611/!6 in. (94.47 × 16.03 × 17.03 cm) posed standing rather than kneeling as a supplicant. She carries neither a
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection of pestle nor a water jug, conventional symbols of a woman’s domestic role.
African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott Foundation Instead, her hands appear to frame her rounded abdomen, perhaps an
in honor of Eugene McDermott, 1974.SC.1
indication of pregnancy. These attributes suggest the figure represents a
female ancestor who in life was responsible for protecting her lineage.2
Radiocarbon dating analysis has dated the sculpture, attributed to
the Djennenke, a pre-Dogon people of Mali, to between the eleventh and
thirteenth century AD.3 Its history is related to the glorious Wagadu (also
called Ghana), Mali, and Songhai (also called Gao) empires, which flour-
ished from the eighth to the sixteenth century AD and declined because
of drought or conquest. “Pagan” villagers, choosing to preserve their cul-
tural traditions and resist conversion to Islam, migrated south (toward
­present-day Senegal) and east (toward present-day Mali) to escape eques-
trian invaders from the north.
Peoples known today as the Dogon, and who probably had multiple
origins, settled on the nearly inaccessible Bandiagara cliffs, safe from
Muslim invasions. Some came from the Inland Niger Delta region, once
an area of highly developed commercial centers, and settled in Jenne (also
called Jenne-Jeno or Old Jenne), where large terracotta sculptures dating
from the thirteenth to sixteenth century were unearthed in the mid-
­twentieth century. Depicting mounted warriors and maternity figures
among other subjects, the terracottas are distinguished by distinctive
bulging eyes, ovoid heads, dotlike scarification at the temples, elaborate
dress, and naturalistic proportions. Similar figures carved from wood have
been discovered in caves on the Bandiagara plateau, some ninety miles
from the Inland Niger Delta. Because the terracotta and wooden figures
are similar in form, scarification, dress, and adornment and have com-
parable dates, a connection likely exists between the two. The wooden
sculptures are attributed to either the Djennenke peoples or the Kagoro
clan of the Soninke.4
This statue is the oldest wooden sculpture in the collection from south
of the Sahara. Its lustrous surface, the result of innumerable anointments
with oil, continues to exude oil, suggesting it may have remained in use
until the mid-twentieth century.
44
Plaque with single figure
Nigeria, Benin kingdom court style,
Benin City, Edo peoples
16th to 17th century
Copper alloy (brass or bronze)
18 × 14½ × 3 in. (45.72 × 36.83 × 7.62 cm)
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott
Art Fund, Inc., 2005.38.McD
fig 18  A bronze plaque cast in Benin depicts an entrance
to the royal palace. In this bronze repre­sentation, plaques
are depicted around doorways and affixed to columns that
support the palace. State ­Museums, Ethnological Museum,
Berlin.
1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s
This plaque of a high-ranking warrior chief is one of three works of art
owned by the Dallas Museum of Art from the powerful Benin kingdom.
Located inland from the Niger River Delta in present-day Nigeria, the
African kingdom was founded in the tenth century and reached its height
during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Benin art, made to glorify the reigning and ancestral kings (oba), served
as both a sign of status and record of court life. Many ­seventeenth-century
visitors described seeing plaques engraved with pictures on their travels.
One Dutch account, published in 1668 by Olfert Dapper (fig. 19), referred
to the plaques in a description of the palace complex:
The king’s court is square . . . and is certainly as large as the town
of Haarlem, and entirely surrounded by a special wall, like that
which encircles the town. It is divided into many palaces, houses,
and apartments of the courtiers, and comprises beautiful and long
square galleries, about as large as the Exchange at Amsterdam, but
one larger than another, resting on wooden pillars, from top to
bottom covered with cast copper, on which are engraved the pic-
tures of their war exploits and battles, and are kept very clean.5
A casting in Berlin provides further evidence of the plaques (fig.  18).
Accounts of the plaques’ existence all but disappeared in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries, only to resurface in 1897 following the British
Punitive Expedition.
The warrior chief on the Dallas plaque is dressed in formal military
attire—consisting of a shirt and a layered, leopard skin wrapper or kilt—an
elaborate hat decorated with horsehair, a coral beaded choker, a leopard
tooth necklace, and a bell for signaling his position on the battlefield. He
carries a knife under his left arm and a sword in his right hand. The foliate
background is thought to represent healing river leaves, and the rosettes
cast in relief are thought to symbolize an Edo belief that the sun made a
daily voyage from the sky into the sea and back again—the source of Benin
wealth transported in the ships.
Edo metalsmiths were casting brass before the late fifteenth century
when the Portuguese, the first European visitors to the area, arrived bring-
ing copper, a material valued by the Bini. The Portuguese explorer Duarte
Pacheco Pereira noted in the 1490s that the Kingdom of Beny [sic] “is about
eighty leagues long and forty wide; it is usually at war with its neighbors
and takes captives, whom we buy at twelve or fifteen brass bracelets each,
or for copper bracelets, which they prize more.”6 The brasscasters’ guild
melted down the copper bracelets and over time cast plaques, equestrian
figures and other statuary, portrait heads of rulers, pitchers in the form of
leopards, boxes, and game boards.
The demise of the powerful and glorious Benin kingdom came in 1897
following the British Punitive Expedition, a war waged in retaliation for
46 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

the massacre of British soldiers in 1896, and the exile of the reigning king
Oloranmwen. The Edo throne was restored in 1914, but without its former
power. (Today, Oba Erediauwa reigns as a member of one of the oldest
extant dynasties in the world.)
The British government took Benin’s royal treasures as war booty,
reserving some of the castings and carvings for the British Museum’s col-
lection and selling some to defray the cost of the war and provide com-
pensation for survivors of the fallen soldiers. The Dallas plaque is marked
with the British Museum’s inventory number 98.1‑15.100. It originally bore
the number 298 in white, which was the Foreign Office number and dates
from the plaque’s arrival in England in 1898. The plaque was one of several
works the British Museum sold periodically, from 1950 to 1970, to raise
funds to establish a national museum in Lagos.

fig 19  The City of Benin. Engraving, 1668.

The oba is shown in the foreground on horseback
­surrounded by dancers, dwarves, and animals.
His palace is in the background.
48
Waist pendant
Nigeria, Benin kingdom court style,
Benin City, Edo peoples
18th century
Ivory
8 × 4¾ × 2½ in. (20.32 × 12.07 × 6.35 cm)
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott
Art Fund, Inc., 1994.201.McD
1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s
The central figure on this rare carved ivory pendant is distinguished by
his placement, his slightly larger size and the large bead at the center of
his chest. He is the hereditary king, or oba, of Benin and wears the bead
of ­kingship—an imported red coral, jasper, or agate bead. This bead, a sig-
nificant emblem of his rank, and the textured bars on the figure’s helmet
and collar represent the oba’s netted red coral and agate garment. Panels
on either side of his tunic are shaped like mudfish with filaments hang-
ing from their mouths. Around his waist, three pendants with heads of
Portuguese soldiers or officials demonstrate how the pendant was worn.
(Fig. 20 shows an oba wearing the symbols of office.) The oba, legs adorned
with coral beads, stands on a human head with mudfish issuing from its
nostrils. Two high priests, Osa and Osuan, each wearing a waist pendant
depicting crocodiles and standing on a frog, flank the oba. These priests,
as well as other court officials or sons of the oba, traditionally support the
oba during his coronation and ceremonies of importance.7 This grouping
of the triad recalls an eyewitness account of Oba Overami’s appearance
when he surrendered to the British on August 5, 1897: “He was supported
in the usual way by chosen men holding him up by each arm.”8
The pendant’s rich and complex iconography can be interpreted from
Edo oral tradition, recorded history in European sources, and kingship
practice that endures today. The gesture of support, for example, is not
meant to suggest the king is infirm, but symbolizes the delicate bal-
ance that must be maintained between the oba’s authority and the Edo
­peoples’ willingness to submit to his authority. The mudfish and the frogs
are associated with the realm of Olokun, the god of wealth and all waters
(streams, rivers, seas, oceans, and the divine) and a source of the oba’s
supernatural powers. The initial source of Benin’s great wealth came from
the sea: the first group of Portuguese explorers and traders must have
seemed to emerge from Olokun’s realm.
An ancient belief asserts the oba’s legs were so heavily charged that
damp soil would lose fertility if touched by his feet. Thus, the oba’s power
is also manifested in his legs and feet, which are sometimes depicted as
mudfish in art. Mudfish are liminal creatures that can survive on land as
well as in water. While some varieties are benign and considered a delicacy,
and therefore symbolize feasting and prosperity, others are dangerous
and can electrocute their adversaries. Benin artists do not differentiate
the various types of mudfish in visual art. Frogs are considered mysteri-
ous creatures because they seem to change species from tadpole to frog.
These creatures present a paradox like the oba, who commands and must
keep two worlds, that of the sea and the land, in harmony.
The Emobo ceremony, an extant kingship ritual that commemorates
the establishment of Benin as the capital of the kingdom, requires an oba
to wear waist pendants.9 According to oral tradition, Esigie, a sixteenth-
century prince and founder of the present dynasty, competed with his
50 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

half-brother Arhuanran, who ruled the province of Udo and was heir
apparent to the throne. After the death of their father, Esigie challenged
Arhuanran’s ascent. He succeeded with the help of Edo chiefs, Portuguese
allies, and most importantly, his mother Idia. Defeated, Arhuanran cursed
the bead of kingship. Oba Esigie subsequently went insane when he wore
the bead. The story, however, has a happy ending: Idia used her incredible
spiritual powers to break the curse and thereby restore her son’s sanity.
Today he is considered one of Benin’s most successful rulers. The Emobo
ceremony also expels negative spirits from the capital city. According to
some accounts, those negative spirits have been sent to Udo.
This rare ivory pendant is one of five that were taken by Private William
Kelland of the British Royal Marines as souvenirs of the British Punitive
Expedition in 1897.10 The other pendant plaques are in the collections of
the Buffalo Museum of Science, the Nigerian National Museum, Lagos,
and the National Museum of Scotland, Edinburgh.

fig 20  The full regalia of Oba Akenzua II (1933–1978)

includes several carved ivory plaques worn at his
waist. Benin, Nigeria, 1964.
52
Figure of a town chief
(iyase)
Nigeria, Benin kingdom court style,
Udo ­Village, Edo peoples
16th century
Copper alloy
19¼ × 6 × 5 in. (48.90 × 15.24 × 12.7 cm)
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott
Art Fund, Inc., 1994.196.McD
1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s
In the sixteenth century, following the death of his father Oba Ozolua,
Prince Esigie of Benin City challenged his half-brother Prince Arhuanran,
“a man of giant stature” and ruler of Udo, over the leadership of the Benin
kingdom and its center.11 Esigie defeated Arhuanran in the fierce battle of
Okuo-Ukpoba or Battle of Blood to become the oba of the kingdom and its
capital Benin City. Since then, the Oba of Benin has appointed town chiefs
(iyase) to rule Udo.12 This figure represents the Iyase of Udo.
The Oba of Benin determined the iyase’s prerogatives and regalia, estab-
lishing the oba’s power and authority over Edo and non-Edo ­vassals.13 The
iyase wears a helmet, a necklace of leopard teeth around the lower edge of
the high-beaded collar (odigba) that identifies titleholders, a single band
of beads across his naked and scarified torso, a wrapper or kilt made of
pangolin skin, and a belt decorated with serpentine pendants. A mask
depicting a leopard head is attached to the belt at his hip.
In Benin, headwear is an important indicator of identity and status and
distinguishes Benin town chiefs from other vassals. The helmet, shaped
like an inverted tulip and surmounted by a spool-shaped minia­ture replica
of a special type of container, is decorated with vertical bands of slithering
snakes and beads cast in relief. Real containers (ekpokin) held sacrificial
offerings, ceremonial gifts for the Oba of Benin, or an herbalist’s secret
materials and implements used to heal soldiers on the battlefield.14
Leopard imagery occurs frequently in Benin art. Admired for its ef-
fectiveness as a predator, its handsome markings, and its qualities of
restraint and moderation, the leopard is an appropriate symbol for the
oba. Although the leopard is seen as the Lord of the Forest and the oba,
the Lord of the Town, they were not equals. The oba, by his exclusive right
to have leopards slain as sacrificial offerings, had ultimate power over the
leopard. He kept tamed leopards in the palace and paraded with them
during annual processions. Some bronze plaques show the oba twirling
leopards by their tails. War chiefs wore cast bronze leopard masks on their
left hips to signify that, as the oba’s representatives, they were authorized
to take human life, a divinely sanctioned and exclusive power of the king.
Leopard head masks and teeth also protected their wearers from danger.
War captains and town chiefs have worn wrappers or kilts made of
pangolin skins since the sixteenth century. Because the pangolin, an
­anteater-like animal with scaly skin, has the ability to curl up and become
invulnerable when in danger, it is an appropriate metaphor for the tradi-
tional tensions that exist between the Oba of Benin and the town chiefs
and some vassals (i.e., men who were self-made rather than heirs to politi-
cal power). Thus, the expression “the pangolin is the only animal the leop-
ard cannot kill” is apropos.15
Serpents, regarded as liminal creatures, are at home both in the water
and on land. In Benin art they represent Olokun, the god of all waters and
wealth, and serve as the messenger between the realm of the waters and
54 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

the land—that is, Olokun and the Oba of Benin. In addition to their appear-
ance on chiefly regalia, cast bronze pythons (see fig. 18) were hung from
the gables of the palace roof for protection and as links between the sky
and the earth.
This figure is one of several sculptures—memorial heads, figures of
Portuguese soldiers, and standing male figures like this one—that are
believed to have been cast in Udo during the sixteenth century.16 Edo
oral traditions regarding their origin vary. According to one tradition,
Benin brasscasters were forced to reside and work in Udo during the war
between Esigie and Arhuanran while another asserts that the brasscast-
ers temporarily resided in Udo during their annual visit from Ile-Ife, the
ancient capital of the Yoruba kingdom and center of casting brass since
the twelfth century.17 In these oral traditions the brass­casters are mem-
bers of the royal guild at Benin. The distinctly provincial character of the
Udo sculptures suggests that their makers were not royal guild mem-
bers from Benin. Their style may be explained by yet another oral tradi-
tion: after defeating Arhuanran, Esigie allowed his half-brother to rule
at Udo where the institutions parallel to those at the capital, including a
brasscasters guild, were established. A peculiar feature of these castings,
including the Dallas figure, is an unexplained opening in their backs (see
rear view, opposite). The Dallas figure is also missing a ceremonial sword
(eben) from its right hand.18
56 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

Ring depicting ritual
sacrifice
Nigeria, Yoruba peoples
c. 18th century
Cast copper alloy
2¾ × 9 in. diam. (6.99 × 22.86 cm)
African Art Collection Fund, 2005.14
When a new king of a Yoruba satellite kingdom was installed, the para-
mount Yoruba king, the Oni of Ife, had to be assured that all the prescribed
kingship rituals had been performed and that he had the new ­ruler’s alle-
giance. Some scholars think the transfer of rule in these instances was
officially recorded on a wreathlike ring.19 Eleven cast copper alloy rings,
including the Dallas Museum of Art example, were unearthed at Ife and
depict with realistic detail a scene with two or more bound and decapi-
tated human bodies lying on their stomachs with their severed, and some-
times gagged, heads nearby. Each ring shows a human figure dressed in
full regalia, at least one vulture pecking at a head or body, a crocodile and/
or tortoise and a hairpinlike form on the outer edge. All of the rings dem-
onstrate a sophisticated artistry and complete mastery of  the lost-wax
casting technique.
The figures depicted in the horrific scene on the rings can be identified
and interpreted by referencing Yoruba oral traditions, religious beliefs, and
kingship rituals. The bound and decapitated bodies are sacrificial victims.
In the distant past, the Yoruba practiced human sacrifice during occasions
of grave importance to the entire community such as the installation of
a new king or the outbreak of a pandemic disease. “It was better to sacri-
fice one life for the good of the community than for all to perish” asserts
Yoruba religious belief.20 Vultures, scavenger birds that feed on dead
things, are positive images in Yoruba art because they are believed to be
divine messengers. Their presence indicates the deities (orisha) accepted
the sacrificial offering. The precise function of the upright vessel, which is
found on only two of the rings, is uncertain. Ajapa, the cunning tortoise
who tried to prevent death from entering the world, is placed above the
crowned figure on the side of the ring (see detail, p. 58). Tortoises were
sacrificed to Ogun, the god of iron, who protected anyone working with
metal, including sculptors, hunters, and executioners.
The predominant figure placed parallel to the surface of the ring is
meant to be viewed as a live, standing figure. He wears a conical crown
and a long wrapper with a textured pattern and is adorned with chest
baldrics, armlets, wristlets, and anklets. The scarification of opposed
crescents on the figure’s forehead is a pattern found on Oshugbo society
emblems from the ancient Yoruba kingdom of Ijebu. The pinlike forms, a
simplified rendering of an edan—a cast brass male and female pair joined
by a chain—near the crowned figure’s elbow are also symbols of Oshugbo.
The society of male and female elders responsible for the selection, instal-
lation, and burial of kings was also known as Ogboni. The conical forms
above the crossed baldrics may be either feminine breasts or masculine
pectorals. The right hand holds a staff or scepter. The larger left one rests
just above the waist. A dimpled seedpod rests between the figure’s feet.
Who does this figure represent? The conical crown, elaborate dress, and
58 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

adornments suggest a person of high rank. The forehead scarification

suggests it is a male or female member of Oshugbo, or the king’s female
representative to this society.
Scholars interpret a scene of ritual sacrifice and acceptance of the sac-
rificial offering, Oshugbo emblems, and an aristocratic personage as a
record of a very important event—such as the rituals performed during
the installation of a new king. The ring would have been sent to the Oni of
Ife as proof that the prescribed rituals had been accomplished.
The Dallas Museum of Art’s ring was probably made at Ijebu, as indi-
cated by the emblems on the principal figure’s forehead. Dating is prob-
lematic, but it has been suggested that all of the rings in the corpus were
made after the twelfth century AD because the type of crown depicted on
this figure is not found in any works from Ife’s Classical period, when the
cast bronze heads were made.
60
Royal crown (ade)
Nigeria, Yoruba peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Glass beads, cloth, basketry, and fiber
34½ × 9 in. diam. (87.63 × 22.86 cm)
Gift of David T. Owsley via the Alvin and
Lucy Owsley Foundation, 2008.39.A–B
fig 21  Oba William Adetona Ayeni wears the Yoruba
beaded crown with beaded veil, O
­ rangun-Ila, Ila-Orangun,
Nigeria, 1977.
1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s
A beaded crown with frontal faces, birds, and a beaded fringe veil is a
Yoruba king’s most important regalia. It is simultaneously a symbol of
the king’s semi-divine status and the mythic origins of Yoruba royalty.
According to oral tradition, Oduduwa was the founder and first king
(oba) of the Yoruba peoples. He wore the first crown, which was created
by Olokun, the god of the sea and inventor and “owner” of the beads.
When Oduduwa became old, he sent his sixteen sons out into the world
to found their own kingdoms. Only those rulers who can trace their ances-
try to Oduduwa are privileged to wear the beaded crown.21
A beaded crown is typically conical in form and decorated with frontal
faces, interlaces, zigzags, and one or more birds at the apex of the crown
and, optionally, along the sides. Each of these motifs is symbolic of Yoruba
divine kingship. The faces might represent Oduduwa, Olokun, or the father
of the oba’s lineage. The white face of the Dallas crown makes this associa-
tion more apparent because white refers to the afterlife. The interlace pat-
tern that appears above the face is associated with royalty and symbolizes
eternity. The pattern of interlocking curves is never-­ending like the oba’s
lineage. The bird or birds perched on the pinnacle of the crown symbolizes
the oba’s access to the sacred. The royal bird (okin) represents communi-
cation with the gods through flight; they connect the sky and earth. The
beaded veil, which conceals the oba’s face, allows him to act on behalf of
the gods and ancestors whose symbolic forms decorate the crown (fig. 21).
Essentially a mask, the crown allows the ruler’s subjects to focus on only
the headdress and the beliefs it represents.
Beaded crowns are made by highly skilled artists from the major
beadworking centers of Effon-Alaiye, Ile-Ife, Oyo, Ilesha, Abeokuta, and
Iperu-Remo. The crown begins as a conical framework of palm ribs cov-
ered with four layers of white cloth glued together with cornstarch. The
three-­dimensional forms and raised surfaces, such as the faces on this
crown, are built up with additional cloth and cornstarch. Strands of tiny
European beads are sewn onto the cloth in the desired patterns. The earli-
est crowns were decorated with African red jasper. Today, the beads are
usually plastic. Older examples like this one incorporate glass beads,
which are desirable because they are translucent and allow the colorful
patterns to become infused with light, adding to the depth of the overall
design.
62
Symbol of the inner head
(ibori)
Nigeria, Yoruba peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Glass beads, cowrie shells, and leather
6½ × 3¼ in. diam. (16.51 × 8.26 cm)
African Collection Fund, 2005.102
9 For this reason the head must be treated as a spiritual entity, like a divin-
House of the head (ile ori)
Nigeria, Yoruba peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Leather, cowrie shells, glass beads,
cloth, and metal
21 × 12 in. diam. (53.34 × 30.48 cm)
African Collection Fund, 2005.13
1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s
Most African sculptures of human figures seem all wrong to Western eyes
accustomed to the proportions of classical Greek statuary. The head, for
instance, is out of proportion to the rest of the body. Ere ibeji, or twin figures,
exemplify the Yoruba concept of how body parts relate to one another: the
head (ori) being one-third to one-fourth of a standing figure in contrast to
the head being one-seventh of a Greek standing figure. Yoruba artists, like
artists in many other African cultures, emphasize that which is important
in a composition. The Yoruba believe the ori, the site of the major sensory
organs and the brain, is the seat of one’s essential nature and destiny.22
ity. Thus, an “oversized” head makes perfect sense.
According to the Yoruba version of the Creation, humans are created
by the deities Obatala, who models the body in clay, and Olorun, who
blows vital force into it. The head, however, is made by Ajala, a potter who
does not always make perfect heads. An individual can counteract Ajala’s
incompetence by making periodic sacrifices to his or her ibori, a physical
symbol of one’s essential nature and spiritual life (sometimes referred to
as the “inner head”). The ibori, which is housed in ile ori or “house of the
head,” also serves as a container as it is packed with “ingredients associ-
ated with one’s ancestors, gods, and the restrictions or taboos (ewo) one
must abide by.”23
The importance of one’s destiny motivates an individual to invest in
the largest and most elaborately decorated ibori and ile ori possible. The
owner of the Dallas ibori and ile ori was undoubtedly a person of means.
Imported European glass seed beads and Maldive Islands cowrie shells
were expensive to obtain and were valued as currency before the introduc-
tion of coins and paper money. The imagery on and shape of the ile ori also
reveal information about its original owner, who was probably a Yoruba
king. Bird imagery commonly appears on royal crowns and refers to the
procreative powers of women who assure continuity of the lineage. Its
shape also replicates the cone-shaped royal crown.
Upon the death of the owner, both the ibori and ile ori are usually dis-
mantled and the beads and cowries are scattered on the deceased’s grave
or spent by the survivors.
CAT. 8 CAT. 9
64 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

10

Four-faced half figure
(Sakimatwematwe)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lega peoples
Late 19th to mid-20th century
Wood and kaolin
125/* × 59/!6 × 55/* in. (32.07 × 14.12 × 14.13 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection
of African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott
Foundation in honor of Eugene McDermott,
1974.SC.49
In contrast to the Edo peoples, the Lega do not have a centralized politi-
cal system. Instead, leadership and governance are vested in Bwami, a
graded association open to both men and women that teaches values of
moderation, nonviolence, kinship, respect, constraint and moral as well
as physical beauty. It was also the major channel for prestige and the sole
motivation for the visual arts.24
Not all members reach the highest grades of Bwami. The few that do
become the moral and philosophical elite and are entitled to possess par-
ticular emblems appropriate to their status. These emblems, which are
accumulated over time, include carved wood or ivory sculptures that illus-
trate proverbs or aphorisms about moral perfection.25
The multiheaded figure known as Sakimatwematwe, or “many heads,”
illustrates the proverb “Sakimatwematwe has seen an elephant on the
other side of the large river” and teaches Bwami members to be open-
minded, wise, and fair. This meaning applies to any multiheaded figure.
The Museum’s example has a meaningful form that stops not at the
base of the neck but becomes a stool with legs bending outward at an
angle. Among the Lega, only high-ranking individuals possess stools in
the Bwami society. Explanations of such figures demonstrate the com-
plex teachings of the Bwami society and the layered meanings of its
sculptures.

The aphorism refers to the cylindrical base of the seat and base. The
seat and base are referred to here as two opposing heads, a theme
frequently represented on anthropomorphic figurines. Many-Heads
is a symbol of the wisdom, perspicacity, and equitableness of the
kindi (one of the highest grades in Bwami). Everybody can achieve
status and self expression through Bwami: “Every chair has an open
space; every mulega [member of the Lega] is [a potential] wabume
[one who has virility and manhood, poise and character, and status;
one who is fully human].” The statement, “The chair was very bad;
bukenga leaves have made me shine around the eyes,” bears on the
beautiful gloss obtained by sanding the chair with lubenga leaves
and by oiling it. The reference is to a man whose goodness or whose
kanyamwa wife (both represented by the lubenga leaf) have brought
him fame. An uninitiated person is in darkness; bwami brings light
and gives greatness (shine) to people. The typical bend in the legs of
the chair is reminiscent of death: “The branch of the nkungu tree: the
bending is the reason why it dies.” The aphorism refers not merely
to knees bent by old age, but to the use of a bent branch of the tree
to tear off the head of the decomposing corpse.26
66
11
Mask (lukwakongo)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lega peoples
Late 19th to mid-20th century
Wood, raffia, and pigment
6 7/* × 5¼ × 2¼ in. (17.46 × 13.33 × 5.72 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of
Congo Sculpture, The Eugene and Margaret
McDermott Art Fund, Inc., 1971.6.McD
fig 22  Lega masks are displayed on a special fence
surrounding a large wooden mask during the lutumbo
lwa kindi rite. Democratic Republic of the Congo, c. 1952.
1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s
The small, bearded lukwakongo mask is the insignia of the Bwami subgroup
yananio, the last grade before reaching the pinnacle in the association.
Representing the ideal Lega man, it is not only an object of transformation
or concealment like a conventional face mask. It may be worn on other
parts of the body, simply held in one’s hands or displayed on the ground,
a mat, or a fence (fig. 22). Lukwakongo literally means “death gathers in,”
a reference to the portrayal and importance of the ancestors.27 As Bwami
members successfully complete a level or grade, they participate in the
lutumbo lwa kindi rite, receiving grade-related masks that had belonged to
other members who had reached the same grade. Before the presentation,
the mask is placed on an ancestral grave to express continuity of Bwami
leadership from the past to the present.
68 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

12

Crown
Côte d’Ivoire, Baule peoples
c. 1920
Wood, gold leaf, and textile
5¾ × 9¼ × 7¾ in. (14.61 × 23.50 × 19.69 cm)
African Art Collection Fund, 2007.34.3
fig 23  Kyaman chiefs and notables, Anna village,
Côte d’Ivoire, 1972.
The Baule are essentially an egalitarian people who live in independent
villages and vest authority in the “notables.” These dignitaries lead a clus-
ter of villages and distinguish themselves with fine handwoven cloth and
gold regalia, including crowns, jewelry, handheld objects, flywhisks, and
footwear (fig. 23). The regalia may be made of pure gold or wood covered
with gold leaf. Crowns take the form of a pillbox or narrow headband.
The notables’ crowns are made of imported velvet and decorated with
small figurative or geometric wooden plaques covered with gold leaf. The
rectangular plaques may represent the gold beads found on prestige neck-
laces. Called srala (bamboo door), the shape replicates the bamboo screen
that is hung at the entrance to a bedroom in traditional village houses.
As a screen “sees” both inside and outside the bedroom, a notable must
know all that is happening within his village and beyond.28 An animal
carved in full relief typically sits atop a crown. This pillbox crown is topped
with an elephant, a fitting metaphor for political leadership.
70 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

13a

Elephant mask (mbap mteng)
Cameroon, Bamileke peoples
1920–1930
Palm leaf fiber textile, cotton textile, glass beads,
and palm leaf ribs
58 × 26 × 6½ in. (147.32 × 66.04 × 16.51 cm)
Textile Purchase Fund, 1991.54.1
13b
Hat for elephant mask
Cameroon, Bamileke peoples
Mid-20th century
Basketry, wood, feathers, and cotton textile
9¾ × 32 in. diam. (24.77 × 81.28 cm)
Textile Purchase Fund, 1991.54.2
fig 24  Members of the elephant society, wearing beaded
elephant masks and feathered headdresses, pose for a
French missionary photographer in the market place of
Bandjoun, Cameroon, 1930.
The Bamileke peoples believe the king (fon) is the representative of the
Supreme Being and the ancestors and has supernatural as well as religious
and political powers. The fon, however, does not control human behav-
ior. Secret associations acting on behalf of the king establish and enforce
social order. One such association is the Kuosi (or Kwosi), which began
as a warrior’s or regulatory society and evolved into one composed of
wealthy titled men. Kuosi members serve not only as the fon’s emissaries,
but as the protectors of kingship and as such remind the fon that he is not
above reproach.
Wearing a beaded cloth mask with elephantine features, Kuosi mem-
bers perform the elephant dance (tso) in public on ritual occasions, major
festivals, and funerals. Sometimes the fon appears as one of the masked
dancers (fig. 24). The Kuosi masquerade has been described as “the most
spectacular and prestigious Bamileke ritual performance.”29
The beaded mask (mbap mteng) is worn with an indigo-dyed cloth (ndop)
decorated with colobus monkey fur and a leopard pelt and may be worn
with a headdress of red feathers from the tail of an African gray parrot.
Long panels hanging down the front and the back of the tight-fitting
hood represent the elephant’s trunk. Stiff, large circular ears are attached
to either side of the hood and flap when the dancer moves. The facial fea-
tures, which are humanlike, are made of padded cloth so they project from
the cloth background.

CAT. 13A
72 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

Royal symbols lavishly beaded on the mbap mteng include an iron

­double-gong, a frog (symbol of fertility), a spider (emblem of the earth
into which the ancestors are interred), a toad, lizard, crocodile, and ser-
pent. These depictions, which may be naturalistic, schematic, or abstract,
may all appear in the same composition. One theory for this occurrence
is that the naturalistic designs are reduced until they become triangles,
which are further transformed into the lozenges, circles, and squares.30
While all mbap mteng conform to the basic form described, the arrange-
ment of the beaded icons varies from mask to mask. The Dallas Museum
of Art’s mask is distinguished by dissimilar patterns on the ears and by
the lavish application of beads, including the reddish tubular ones at the
back of the hood. The earliest masks, which date from the nineteenth
century, are characterized by a conservative use of beads (mostly black,
blue, and white) that were imported in limited quantities from Venice
and Czechoslovakia. Because beads were used as currency—and there-
fore a symbol of wealth—the mbap mteng also means “a thing of money.”
Imported beads were more plentiful and more colorful after World War I.
Beads of various colors distinguish the Museum’s mask, suggesting a date
of between 1920 and 1930 for its creation.31
The gray parrot’s red tail feathers are as precious and significant as
the expensive imported beads. Gray parrots produce few tail feathers; to
have a headdress made of so many feathers is impressive. Rarity aside,
the selection of this bird probably has much to do with its superior intel-
ligence, which is an attribute of great leaders. On a practical note, the
feather headdress is collapsible.

CAT. 13B
74 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

14

Tiered hat with brass Village chiefs (nkumu) among the Ekonda and neighboring groups in the
discs (botolo) Democratic Republic of the Congo wear a tiered hat (botolo) as an insignia
of office and an association with the powers of the ancestors, important
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ekonda peoples
ritual functions, and divination.32 The botolo is a coiled basketry hat com-
20th century
Coiled basketry (palm splints and fiber) and
posed of several horizontal brims that increase in size from top to bottom.
brass discs Made of raffia fibers and often colored with camwood powder mixed with
25 × 10 × 9¾ in. (63.50 × 25.40 × 24.77 cm) oil, it is adorned with brass or copper disks. Copper, brass, and iron were
Gift of the Friends of African and African-American used as currency in the Belgian Congo in the nineteenth to early twenti-
Art, 1992.511 eth centuries. The presence of metal disks on botolo signifies wealth and
prestige.
A chief who is the first in his line must buy the botolo; if he is descended
from a chief, he inherits his predecessor’s “crown.”33 In addition to wear-
ing a botolo, Ekonda chiefs carry a wavy-edged s­ cepter (fig. 25).

fig 25  An Ekonda chief (nkumu) wears the botolo

with metal discs as a symbol of his authority, Isangi,
Democratic Republic of the Congo, c. 1950. © Royal
Museum for Central Africa, Tervuren, Belgium,
EP 0.0.2949; photograph: C. Lamote.
76
15
Prestige hat (kalyeem)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kuba peoples
Early 20th century
Raffia, glass beads, cowrie shells,
conus shells, cotton textile, and brass
11 × 8¼ × 9 in. (27.94 × 20.96 × 22.86 cm)
General Acquisition Fund, 1997.88
16
Bead-embroidered
prestige hat (mpaan)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kuba peoples
20th century
Palm leaf fiber textile, cotton textile,
cowrie shells, and glass beads
17¼ × 10¾ × 8½ in. (43.82 × 27.31 × 21.59 cm)
Gift of Alma L. McKinney in honor of
Frederic A. Luyties III, 1992.21
1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s
The Kuba kingdom, founded in the early seventeenth century in the cen-
tral part of present-day Democratic Republic of the Congo, is made up
of several different ethnicities that pay tribute to a king (nyim). The first
nyim was the legendary Shyaam-a-Mbul Ngwoong, from the Bushoong
subgroup, who is said to have introduced the administrative and political
structures that continue today. Hats and headdresses are the most visible
expression of one’s standing within the intricate Kuba system of leader-
ship and titleholding.34
Male and female titleholders wear prestige hats and headdresses on
ceremonial occasions and at funerals.35 The most senior male titlehold-
ers wear the kalyeem, a cone-shaped hat elaborately decorated with beads
and cowrie shells (fig. 26). Two or more beaded panels hang from a small
inverted cone on top of the hat. The Dallas ­kalyeem is distinguished by the
addition of conus shells and brass bells. The hat supports innumerable
strands of white beads with cowrie pendants, and the chevron-patterned
panels, which ascend and flow from the sides of the central form, are
edged with cowries.
Senior female titleholders wear the mpaan, which combines the conical
shape of the kalyeem with a rigid semicircular half-crown shape. The mpaan
is decorated with beads and cowrie shells and may be further embellished
with feathers. A beaded stem projects from the crown of the Dallas mpaan,
and the lateral forehead band is extended by three-dimensional cowrie-
and bead-embroidered rectangles.
Used as part of one’s funeral display, these symbols of status were
not inherited by family members but usually buried, along with other
emblems, with the deceased.
CAT. 15
fig 26  A Northern Kete man wears the kalyeem hat to
demonstrate his prestige and elite status as a titleholder.
The characteristic beaded flaps of the kalyeem cascade
from the very top of the hat and are edged in red beads.
Democratic Republic of the Congo, c. 1982.
CAT. 16
78 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

17

Hat with nut shells Hats and headdresses reveal a member’s rank within the Bwami society.
(mukuba) The conical shaped hat decorated with shells and a beaded elephant tail
projecting from its top is called mukuba. It signifies membership at the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lega peoples
highest level of the kindi grade. Kindi members identify with elephants,
20th century
Coiled basketry, elephant tail, grass beads, cowrie
which although nonviolent (a Bwami principle of perfection), can be
shells, buttons, and nuts destructive if disturbed.
22 × 7¾ × 13 in. (55.88 × 19.69 × 33.02 cm) The wig-form hat (sawamazembe), decorated with a large imported scal-
Gift of Mr. and Mrs. George A. Shutt, The Levy lop or seashell and imported buttons, is worn by members of lutumbo
Memorial Fund, and the Lot for a Little Fund, 1992.510 lwa kindi, the supreme grade in the Bwami society. The hat replicates a
woman’s hairstyle, a reminder of the interdependence of the kindi initiate
and his wife. In the past, the shell was polished to symbolize the crescent
18
moon and attract attention to the superior status of the wearer.36
Hat in the form of a wig
(sawamazembe)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lega peoples
20th century
Coiled basketry, felted wool, plied palm fiber, halved
seeds, shells, buttons (glass and plastic), palm splints,
and palm fiber
19 × 10 × 7 in. (48.26 × 25.4 × 17.78 cm)

The Otis and Velma Davis Dozier Fund, 1992.509

CAT. 17

CAT. 18
80 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

19

Chair with head on back
and figures on rungs
Angola and Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Chokwe peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood and hide
22 7/!6 × 95/* × 17 in. (56.99 × 24.45 × 43.18 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.10
While their subjects sat on the ground, African rulers sat elevated on
stools or chairs. In societies where all were entitled to such furniture, the
highest-ranking political and religious officials owned seats that were
larger and more elaborate. European chairs, introduced to West Africa by
Portuguese merchants in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, were
appropriated as symbols of power and authority.
African peoples drew inspiration for their chairs (thrones) from the
European model—with its backrest and four legs connected by ­stretchers
—but did not slavishly copy it; instead, they adapted it to local tastes and
needs. The position of the backrest, for example, is rarely upright; instead,
it is set at an oblique angle. Moreover, the decoration on the backrest and
stretchers is figurative and refers to indigenous daily life, history, mythol-
ogy, or religion.
Chokwe chiefs in Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo
first encountered the European chair in the seventeenth century. In addi-
tion to the full-sized thrones, Chokwe chiefs had smaller versions that
traveled with them on visits to their villages or to the market. The Dallas
chair is a fine example of a traveling throne. The textured backrest is deco-
rated with the head of an ancestral chief wearing an elaborate hairstyle
or headdress and a pair of horns, which represent the animal horns that
were filled with supernatural substances to protect the ruler. The scenes
on the stretchers refer to daily life: travel by boat; a couple copulating; and
ancestors displaying the characteristic gestures of arms folded across their
chests or hands resting on their knees (see detail, below). The seated or
crouched figure on the back stretcher represents a Cihongo masquerader
wearing an elaborate headdress, wooden mask, and raffia skirt. Cihongo
is the male ancestor who symbolizes chiefly wealth, power, and justice. In
the distant past, the chief or his sons wore a similar mask when they went
to collect tribute (food, cloth, beads, and livestock) from their subjects.37
82 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

20

Stool supported by Royal regalia of the Luba peoples include bow stands, spears, cups, staffs,
kneeling female figure and thrones. The throne, carved in the form of a caryatid stool called a

(kipona)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Luba peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood, beads, and metal
16 7/!6 × 11 9/!6 × 109/!6 in. (41.75 × 29.37 × 26.83 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of
Congo Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret
McDermott, 1969.S.105
fig 27  Russûna and a Wife. Engraving, 1887.
Russûna, a Luba chief, sits on a carved wooden stool in
the form of a caryatid and rests his feet on his wife’s lap.
kipona, is the king’s most important symbol of his status. It is tangible
proof that he is a descendant of Mbidi Kiluwe, the legendary seventeenth-
century ruler who founded the kingdom. In fact, when the king sat on his
caryatid throne, his feet did not touch the ground, but rested on his wife’s
lap (fig.  27). The kipona is also a receptacle for the king’s spirit. Perhaps
because they are so important, kipona are not always on public view, but
covered with a white cloth and guarded by a palace official at a site well
away from the village.38
The caryatid stool in the Dallas Museum of Art collection depicts a
female with a high forehead, heavy lidded eyes, and a serene facial expres-
sion. Posed kneeling, she supports the seat with her head and hands. Her
torso and thighs are decorated with symmetrical patterns carved in relief.
The back of her head reveals a cross-form hairstyle carved in high relief.
Although the Luba are a patrilineal society, most items of Luba regalia
created from the eighteenth to the twentieth century depict females rather
than males. An explanation may lie in the fact that the female image rep-
resents more than the aesthetic ideal. Feminine imagery reminds one that
women have played important roles in Luba history by wielding power
behind the scenes as counselors, title­holders, priestesses, spirit mediums,
ambassadors, and symbolic kings. Of course, from the male perspective,
women also have that mysterious ability to bear children.
Their support is both literal and spiritual. According to Verney Lovett
Cameron, a British traveler who accompanied Sir Richard Burton to Central
Africa in 1882, a woman was placed on her hands and knees upon a chief’s
death and made to support the dead king and his treasury.39 Another
report asserts that women were spirit mediums (mwadi). The mwadi, pos-
sessed by the dead king’s spirit, lived a celibate life that was dedicated to
perpetuating the king’s memory.40
84 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

21

Ceremonial adze with
head and torso
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Pende peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood and metal
16 × 3 1/!6 × 11 7/* in. (40.64 × 7.78 × 30.16 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of
Congo Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret
McDermott, 1969.S.168
Staffs, weapons, and tools serve as chiefly insignia. On ceremonial occa-
sions, a Pende chief carried an adze over his shoulder. It was not an ordi-
nary tool used to sculpt wood but an ornate version of the conventional
model.41
This adze exemplifies the type. At the top of the handle there is a
sculpted human head adorned with imported European brass tacks. Its
face displays raised scarification marks on each cheek. Both the hairstyle,
or skullcap as some authors refer to it, and scarification marks are found
on Pende masks with visual references to both leadership and hunting—
an important activity, especially if the chief killed a leopard or crocodile.
A very long iron blade has been hammered into the head’s mouth. At
the back on the handle, a female bust carved in full relief is positioned
upside down (see detail, below). When viewed in profile, the small skull-
like head appears to be an exaggerated depiction of the head at the top of
the adze.
86 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

22

Side-blown horn Musical instruments, when not sounding the call to war, were important
objects that announced a ruler’s arrival and entertained him or her with
Sierra Leone, Mende peoples
Late 19th to mid-20th century pleasing sounds. This richly hued ivory horn was made for a Mende para-
Ivory mount chief of Sierra Leone. It may predate British colonization and the
23¾ × 2¼ × 3¾ in. (60.33 × 5.72 × 9.53 cm) introduction of staffs with a silver knob bearing the British coat of arms.
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott The imagery carved on this horn is intriguing. Near the top of the
Art Fund, Inc. 1994.198.McD instrument a nude female stands on a platform between two wheel-like
forms and holds her breasts (see detail, p. 89). Below and in opposition
to the female figure lies a lizard in low relief. On the back of the horn is a
bird carved in full relief, a raised square amulet (opposite the lizard) and a
loop for a fiber or leather carrying cord. Concentric circles, half circles, and
multiple bands are incised on the horn or carved in relief.
The meaning of the figures and patterns on this instrument is not
fully understood. What can be cited are the contexts in which the imag-
ery occurs in the art of the Mende, Sherbro, Sapi, and Temne peoples. The
wheel form, for example, is found on the top of a gbini, a mask associated
with the power of the Mende paramount chief (fig.  29), and resembles
the shape of the paramount chief’s crown.42 This motif is also found on a
Renaissance-period ivory saltcellar, one of the so-called Afro-Portuguese
ivories that were exported to Europe and destined for the tables of the
nobility (fig. 30).43 The standing female figure corresponds to one that is
attached to a harp of Temne origin illustrated without commentary in a
missionary publication from the early nineteenth century (fig. 28).44 The
fig 28  Carved from wood, this standing female figure is a
decorative element in an early 19th‑century Temne harp. rectangular shapes appear as decoration on the Mende sowei helmet masks
of the Sande society that initiates girls into womanhood. They represent
amulets that are sometimes covered with silver, gold, or leather and con-
tain Islamic inscriptions believed to have spiritual power. Finally, depend-
ing upon when the patterns were introduced, they may have been inspired
by the British orb, a symbol of royal power. Further study is required to
interpret the meaning of the imagery on this horn.
88 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

fig 29  The “wheel” motif that appears on the gbini mask symbolizes a
Mende paramount chief ’s supreme power. Mattru Kolanima, Tikonko
Chiefdom, Siera Leone, 1974.

fig 30  Ivory saltcellar with “wheel” motif, c. 16th century.

Collection of Alain de Monbrison.
90 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

23

Kneeling female figure The Yoruba have traditionally offered kola nuts to guests in a domestic
with bowl (olumeye) hospitality ritual or to the deities in the context of religious worship.
While gourd containers served these purposes for most people, honored
Olowe of Ise, c. 1875–1938
visitors to the palace or other prestigious residences were served from
Nigeria, Ekiti region, Effon-Alaiye, Yoruba peoples
c. 1910–c. 1918
elaborately decorated wooden bowls. The containers are called olumeye in
Wood, pigment, and paint reference to the kneeling female figure holding the bowl. The word means
19½ × 10¼ × 14½ in. (49.53 × 26.04 × 36.83 cm) “she who brings honor,” and the figure celebrates Yoruba aesthetic ideals
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott of feminine beauty.
Art Fund, Inc., 2004.16.McD Olumeye sculptures are numerous because all Yoruba sculptors knew
how to carve them. Sculptors of most of the extant olumeye carved the
lidded bowl in the form of a cock (fig. 31), an animal that is usually sac-
rificed to the deities (orisha) and offered to guests in a spicy soup. The
Dallas olumeye seems to be an innovation because the lidded bowl is just
that—made prominent only by giving it a dome-shaped lid and elevat-
ing it on the upraised hands of female figures kneeling along the edge
of the base. The sculpture is boldly decorated with zigzags, diamonds,
rectangles, and other geometric designs. The lid, which was carved sepa-
rately, is decorated with a group of birds carved in high relief pecking at a
mound of feed. The sculpture is painted. But, the artist’s masterstroke is
the freestanding bearded head he carved within the “cage” formed by the
kneeling figures around the base. The head can be moved about the cage
but it cannot be removed, indicating that it was carved from within the
fig 31  A conventional olumeye (kneeling figure with
cage (see detail, p. 93).
bowl) carved by Agonbiofe of Effon-Alaiye (died 1945),
early 20th century. Collection of John and Jane Pemberton. Olowe was indeed an innovator. No other Yoruba artists of his time
carved sculptures in exceedingly high relief, created the illusion of move-
ment in his figures, and painted them. He seems to have re­visited his own
creations with the outcome of more complex versions of the theme. This
olumeye, for example, is one of three that he is known to have carved. The
smallest and least complex of the group, the Museum’s olumeye may be
the first one he carved.45
Unlike most works of art by African tradition-based artists, the creator
of this olumeye is known by name: Olowe of Ise. In fact, African artists were
not anonymous but were known to their patrons and the people living in
their communities. Their names may not have been collected for various
reasons, but a major one is that early ethnographers and collectors failed
to ask, “Who made this?”46
Olowe of Ise was born around 1875 and died in about 1938. He was born
in Effon-Alaiye, an important royal town and center of Yoruba visual art in
the nineteenth century. Olowe grew up to become an artist in the court of
the Arinjale of Ise for whom he carved veranda posts, doors, drums, toys,
and whatever was required for use in the official, religious, and domestic
activities at the palace. He was occasionally lent to other Yoruba kings and
families who could afford to hire him to beautify their surroundings and
to religious specialists for shrine sculptures and masks.
92 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

In 1924, a door that Olowe had carved for the palace of the Ogoga of
Ikere was included in the British Empire Exhibition in England. The
British Museum officials were so impressed with the door that they
arranged to acquire it for the British Museum. Works by Olowe had already
reached England earlier in the century. (Many sculptures by Olowe have
been acquired since 1925 by museums and private collectors in Europe,
America, and Australia.)47 The Dallas olumeye was brought to England by
Edwin Holland, a telegraphist who was employed by the British Colonial
government in Lagos.48 How Holland obtained the olumeye is not known,
but one can imagine him visiting the royal owner of the sculpture and
expressing his admiration of it. The king could have given the bowl to
Holland. After all, Olowe was still alive in 1919 and could carve another
one. That is what happened in 1925 when he replaced the door that had
remained in England after the British Empire Exhibition.
94 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s

24

Prestige pipe bowl The introduction of tobacco to sub-Saharan Africa in the seventeenth
century inspired the creation of new prestige objects and leadership
Cameroon, Bamum peoples
20th century rituals. There are numerous depictions of tobacco usage in Africa, from
Terracotta a ­seventeenth-century Yoruba divination tray49 to nineteenth-century
15½ × 9 × 9 in. (39.37 × 22.86 × 22.86 cm) statues of Chokwe kings holding tobacco mortars that were used on cere­
Gift of The Cecil and Ida Green Foundation, monial occasions.50
1999.60 In the highly stratified Bamum society, both men and women smoked
tobacco in pipes befitting their social status. The largest and most elabo-
rately decorated pipes were made by male court potters for the king (fon)
and smoked on important ceremonial occasions “as a visual attribute of
royal might.”51 Other potters, who included women, were brought to the
Bamum court to make pipes and vessels for the palace. A pipe bowl from
the Dallas Museum of Art collection exemplifies their work. The pipe bowl
is modeled in the form of the head of a man with puffed cheeks and wear-
ing an openwork headdress. Although the puffed cheeks can be found on
Bamum masks, they probably serve to give the heavy pipe bowls stability.
The headdress is inspired by a woven cotton cap over a netlike support
fashioned from cane. The opening at the bottom of the pipe regulated the
air supply. Pipe stems made of brass or carved wood were also decorated,
often with colorful beadwork. An early nineteenth-century photograph
of the queen mother and her attendants shows a complete pipe that was
decorated with a flag (fig. 32).
Since antiquity and throughout the vast continent, the visual arts have
glorified and supported leadership. Whether authority was invested in a
king, chief, or the elders in an association or council, those in supreme
leadership positions were distinguished by a range of aesthetic emblems
whose form, material, and ornamentation were the exclusive prerogatives
of their rank.

fig 32  The Queen Mother of Bamum, with many atten-

dents, Foumban, Cameroon, c. 1907–1912. An attendant
of the Queen Mother to the far left in the photo displays
a ceremonial pipe.
96 1 : icons and sy mbol s of l e ad e rsh ip a nd s tat u s 1  : i cons a nd s ymbol s of l ea der s h i p a nd s tat u s 97

Notes
1. T. Phillips 1995: 531 31. Geary 2000: 5
2. Leloup 2005: 172 32. Biebuyck and Abbeele 1984: 96
3. A wood sample from the sculpture was tested in 33. Brown 1944: 431–47
1988 at the Physics and Atmospheric Sciences Labo- Brown describes chieftainship among the Tumba,
ratory at the University of Arizona, Tucson; see also who also have a chief (nkumu) who wears a similar
p. 35, note 3, for additional information. hat called a montolo. Writing in the 1940s, Brown notes
that the ceremonies connected with the nkumu were
4. Leloup 2000: 8; Leloup 1994: 111–28; Grunne 2001a:
rapidly disappearing under the influence of Euro-
35–54; Grunne 2001b: 75–88
pean occupation and control.
5. Olfert Dapper (1668) quoted, in Roth [1903] 1972:
34. Shamashang, in Mack 2000: 137
160
35. Darish and Binkley 1995: 168
6. Ben-Amos 1995: 9
36. Cameron 2001: 75–76
7. Blackmun 1983: 64
37. Bastin 1982: 86–89
8. Roth [1903] 1972: xiii
38. Roberts and Roberts 1996: 154
9. Blackmun 2000: 3–4
39. Cameron 1877: 333
10. Christie’s 1992: lot 247
40. Roberts and Roberts 1996: 156
11. Egharevba 1968: 26
41. Sousberghe 1958: 135–37
12. Roese and Bondarenko 2003: 100–1003; Blackmun,
in Plankensteiner 2007: 445–46 42. R. Phillips 1995: 75
13. Blackmun, in Ben-Amos and Rubin 1983: 62 43. Bassani and Fagg 1988: 231, fig. 52
14. Ibid. 44. Flickinger 1885: facing p. 32
15. Ben-Amos 1995: 98 45. Walker 2005
16. Blackmun, in Plankensteiner 2007: 446 46. Allison 1944: 49–50
17. Ben-Amos 1995: 34 47. Walker 1998
This book includes the artist’s biography recon-
18. A complete figure is reproduced in Eyo 1990: 120;
structed from various European and African sources,
and in Blackmun, in Plankensteiner 2007: 445
a catalogue raisonné of the artist’s works, and an
19. Vogel 1983: 350; Willett, in T. Phillips 1995: 428 extensive bibliography.
The corpus includes one in the National Museum,
48. Kloman and Elliott 2004: 120–23
Lagos, that is not mentioned in Vogel’s article.
49. Sieber and Walker 1987: 73
20. Awolalu 1979: 168
50. Wastiau 2006: 18, 120
21. Thompson 1970: 8–17; Drewal and Mason 1998:
201–205 51. Geary 1983: 108
22. Drewal and Pemberton with Abiodun 1989: 26–33;
Lawal 2002: 80–89
23. Drewal and Pemberton with Abiodun 1989: 26–32
24. Biebuyck 1973: 66–71
25. Rubin 1993: 16–18
26. Biebuyck 1973: 186–87
27. Ibid., [213], plates 60–62; Cameron 2001: 180
28. Garrard, in Barbier 1993, vol. 2: 163
29. Notue, in Mack 2000: 112
30. Northern 1984: 53
chapter 2
african art in the cycle of life

Part one: Art to Aid Conception and Birth

“Children are better than riches,” declares an African proverb. Children

obviously represent continuity from one generation to the next, but they
are crucial for other reasons. Most importantly, they fulfill the biological
roles of males and females, demonstrating their sexual identity, virility,
and fertility. Children are also the “social security” system for their elderly
parents: they care for them and ensure they receive a proper burial, which
is necessary to successfully transition to the afterlife and possibly achieve
ancestor status or be reincarnated as a child. Those who do not procreate
are considered most unfortunate.
To assure conception and the successful delivery of healthy infants,
women have sought spiritual intervention. Ritual objects were used
throughout sub-Saharan Africa by diviners to identify the cause of and cure
for infertility and by legendary midwives or healers to petition the deities.
Some ritual objects may be repurposed. Akua’ma, for example, may become
educational aids to teach childcare.
The sculptures discussed in this chapter are not the only ones associ-
ated with fertility. Because African art has a multivalent nature, an object
may have multiple significances. Fang and Kota reliquary guardian figures
protect the venerated relics of ancestors who are empowered to bless their
descendants with children, and a Bobo Nwenka mask appears not only
at funerals but also at agricultural festivals to encourage the fertility of
human beings as well as the land.
Children are a material blessing from the Supreme Being through his
various deities. The blessing may be achieved easily and naturally. If
supernatural aid is needed to successfully achieve one’s biological destiny,
aesthetic objects are required for effective communication with the spirit
world. Spirits, like human beings, are attracted to beautiful things.

101
102
25
Equestrian figure
Côte d’Ivoire, Senufo peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood and pigment
12 5/* × 2 7/* × 8¾ in. (32.07 × 7.30 × 22.23 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection of
African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott Foundation
in honor of Eugene McDermott, 1974.SC.14
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
one : art to aid conception and birth
The Senufo peoples consult diviners (sando), who invoke nature spirits,
to determine the cause of and remedy for an illness or misfortune. These
ambiguous nature spirits (madebele)—believed to live in the forest (or
“bush” as it is commonly called), fields, and streams surrounding Senufo
villages—both cause and cure misfortune.
A barren woman, for example, would seek a diviner’s advice to learn the
cause of her infertility. After casting assorted symbolic items (miniature
sculptures and natural objects) before a group of display figures represent-
ing the nature spirits and a pair of sculpted male and female primordial
twins, the diviner interprets the spirits’ messages, which are expressed
in the positional relationships among the cast pieces. A small cowrie
inserted into a larger one, for instance, is a symbol of pregnancy issues.1
Originally part of a sando’s group of display figures, the Dallas carved
equestrian figure depicts a madebele on his steed. Madebele are believed to
possess some human traits, such as appreciating the visual and perform-
ing arts. They are therefore attracted to music, dance, and sculptures that
are tana, that is “beautiful,” connoting luxury.2
An equestrian sculpture would be especially attractive to the made-
bele because it expresses aggressive masculinity, mobility to travel about
(especially at night), status, and wealth. Although horses could survive
in the local environment, they were uncommon. Originally imported
from North Africa, they came to be connected with invasions of for-
eign mounted warriors during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
It is understandable then that horses became associated with author-
ity, wealth, and power. A client would have confidence in a diviner who
owned such an equestrian figure, because only very successful diviners
could afford to acquire them.
Mounted horsemen are typically depicted wearing a conical, magic-
imbued warrior’s or hunter’s hat and holding a spear in one hand. The
sculptor of this equestrian figure, on his own or under the direction of a
diviner who dreamt it, emphasized the horseman’s aggressive power by
giving him both a warrior’s and a hunter’s hat and by baring his teeth. The
figure’s arched back creates the illusion of forward movement while his
fanlike hands, which hold neither a spear nor reins, signify control of his
horse—a static figure with its head lowered—with his strong limbs and
spiritual powers.
104 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
one : art to aid conception and birth

26

Seated male figure Among the Baule peoples of central Côte d’Ivoire, barren women ­consult
male or female diviners (komien), who become possessed by a nature spirit
Côte d’Ivoire, Baule peoples
1875–1900 (asie usu) or by an Mbra (deity) during the divining ritual. To welcome the
Wood spirits and, thus, encourage them to speak, diviners beautify shrine rooms
23¾ × 4½ × 5 in. (60.33 × 11.43 × 12.70 cm) with decorations and sculptures.3 In contrast to Senufo practice, Baule
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc., clients may not look at these figures, which are usually concealed under
1994.200.McD white cloths. Yet, seen or not, the presence of the sculptures acknowledges
the special relationship between the diviner and the gods and spirits.
Because carving styles for spirit figures—whether they represent nature
spirits or spirit spouses—are similar, it is difficult to ascertain a sculpture’s
original function unless it has been seen in situ. This male figure is pre-
sumed to have been owned by a Baule diviner because of its seated pose
and gesture. Divination display figures typically depict a male, seated on
a stool, holding his long three-braided beard with his left hand and press-
ing his abdomen with his right. Despite his muscular buttocks and youth-
ful calves, the sitter is a wise and elderly man, as indicated by his beard.
Regardless of his or her age, a subject in African art is generally portrayed
in the prime of life. The sculpture’s carefully groomed hair, scarification
marks that denote he has been initiated into adult society, short finger-
nails and toenails, and contemplative expression indicate he also repre-
sents a civilized Baule man. The figure was once clothed, as indicated by
the lighter color of the wood in the area of his loins.
The stool—a concave seat atop a stepped base—is a style that is used
in southeastern Côte d’Ivoire and southern Ghana. This type of stool nor-
mally has two legs projecting from a center post or four legs that project
symmetrically from the center of the stool.4 As if to lessen the visual con-
fusion of too many pairs of legs, the sculptor eliminated one pair, replac-
ing them with the figure’s legs. When viewed in profile, the figure’s legs
appear to echo the shape of the stool’s back legs, creating a lozenge. Just
as the frontal view of the figure offers a balanced asymmetry, the profile
is equally symmetrical.
This sculpture was acquired circa 1930 by Isaac Païlès (1895–1978), a
Russian painter working in Paris.5 It is believed to be one of the earliest
Baule sculptures brought to Europe after Côte d’Ivoire was vanquished by
the French in 1910. Features such as the hole carved between the buttocks
and stool to hold a loincloth (now missing) in place, the mouth shaped
in a figure eight, the symbols of civilization, the style of the stool, the
polished surface, and the expert craftsmanship attest to Baule skill and
artistry of the distant past.
106 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
one : art to aid conception and birth

27

Ifa divination tray
(opon Ifa )
Nigeria, Effon-Alaiye, Yoruba peoples
Early to mid-20th century
Wood
18¼ diam. × 1½ in. (46.36 × 3.81 cm)
African Collection Fund, 2005.84
28
Ifa divination tapper
(iro Ifa )
Nigeria, Owo, Yoruba peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Ivory
7 7/* × 1½ × 2 in. (20 × 3.81 × 5.08 cm)
The Art Museum League Travel Fund, 1978.40
In the absence of medical therapies, Yoruba women who fail to ­conceive
consult a male diviner-priest (babalawo). Translated as “father of secrets” or
“father of ancient wisdom,” the babalawo performs the Ifa ritual to explain
and reverse a woman’s misfortune. Ifa, considered the most important and
most reliable system of divination, enables supplicants to understand the
will of the Supreme Being Olodumare (also known as Olorun or Creator
God). Olodumare empowered ­Orunmila, the god of divination, to speak
for the numerous Yoruba deities (orisha) through the divining ritual.
During a consultation, numerical patterns, obtained by passing sixteen
palm nuts from hand to hand, are recorded on a divination tray. Each pat-
tern corresponds to a sacred verse, of which there are 256, that contains
both the prediction and the required sacrifice. The babalawo interprets
these patterns. A diviner’s equipment, carved by artists, includes a divina-
tion tray (opon Ifa), a tapper (iro Ifa), cups (agere Ifa) to hold the palm nuts,
and a storage container for the sacred paraphernalia (opon igede).
Yoruba sculptors typically carve the opon Ifa in the shape of a square,
rectangle, or circle. The center of the tray is always depressed to accom-
modate pulverized wood or yam flour on which the diviner marks a ­deity’s
message in symbolic strokes.6 Geometric patterns or figures drawn from
Yoruba mythology or daily life decorate the raised border. The hole bored
into the top of this tray originally carried an “eraser” made of a cord
of fifty cowrie shells that the diviner used to clear the tray during the
divining ritual.7
Among the images on the raised border is that of the deity Eshu.
Although only Orunmila knows God’s will, it is Eshu—the divine messen-
ger and guardian of the divining process—who carries the client’s sacri-
fices to the deities and other spirits.8 He is placated with an offering at
the beginning of the ritual and begged not to garble messages as that
may cause catastrophe in the end. Eshu’s image may appear once or, as
exemplified by the elaborately carved Dallas tray, at each of the four car-
dinal points. He is depicted as a face and as a full-length figure wearing
his trademark long-tailed cap and brandishing a club. Where only Eshu’s
face is depicted, he is wearing a half-shaved hairstyle with hornlike forms
projecting from his head. The hairstyle and horns are symbolic. According
to an oral tradition, because of his deep affection for Orunmila, Eshu inter-
rupted having his head shaved so he could come to the aid of his friend.
The horns symbolize Eshu’s great generative powers. In addition to the
four images of Eshu on the raised border of the tray, the sculptor carved a
complex program of symbolic scenes depicting Yoruba royalty, religious
rituals, and scenes from Orunmila’s life.
Such a skillfully carved and elaborately decorated opon Ifa must have
been owned by a very successful babalawo from the town of Effon-Alaiye,
as suggested by the style of carving. Effon-Alaiye was an important center
of Yoruba art toward the end of the nineteenth century and the alleged

CAT. 27
108 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
one : art to aid conception and birth

birthplace of Olowe of Ise, the renowned court sculptor (see chapter 1).

The Dallas tray resembles one in the collection of the Fowler Museum at
UCLA9 and another in a private collection in the United States.10 These
three trays may be the work of the same sculptor.
At the beginning of a ritual the diviner taps the edge or the center of
the divination tray with an iro Ifa, or “tapper,” to attract the attention of
Orunmila, Eshu, and other deities, family ancestors, and ancestral divin-
ers. Ordinary tappers are carved of wood, while those belonging to very
successful diviners are made of expensive and prestigious materials
such as copper alloy or ivory, like this one. The king (oba) held exclusive
rights to own ivory, and only those who had his permission had access to
this precious material. The conelike shape of the tapper clearly indicates
that it was carved from the tip of an elephant tusk. In Yoruba thought,
the cone is an ideogram for life force (ashe), which animates everything
in the universe. It is therefore an appropriate form for an object that is
used to invoke and celebrate all the spiritual forces present at a divina-
tion ritual.11
Ifa tappers invariably depict a female figure posed in the kneeling posi-
tion wearing only waistbeads and modestly covering her genitalia with
a decorated fan. The kneeling position is that of the supplicant, but in
Yoruba tradition it also refers to an individual’s existence before being
born on Earth, when one knelt during the ritual of choosing his or her
head (ori), the seat of one’s destiny. There is also the profound belief that
women are more effective than men in honoring, soothing, and cooling
the gods so they will favor mankind.12

CAT. 28
110
29
Shango dance wand
(oshe Shango)
Master of the Owu Shrine, c. 1850–1925
Nigeria, Igbomina area, Yoruba peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood, pigment, and metal
17 × 63/* × 3 in. (43.18 × 16.19 × 7.62 cm)
African Collection Fund, 2006.39
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e 111
one : art to aid conception and birth
Shango—the Yoruba god of thunder, giver of children, and “patron saint” The exquisite Dallas oshe Shango is attributed to the Master of the
of twins—once lived among men as a brilliant but capricious military gen- Owu Shrine by Deborah Stokes Hammer, who with Jeffrey Hammer
eral who became the fourth king (alafin) of the ancient Oyo Yoruba empire. studied thousands of Yoruba sculptures in the British Museum and the
He had a volatile temper, and when he ranted, fire issued from his mouth. National Museum in Lagos, and more than two thousand photographs
Fascinated by magic, Shango created lightning and practically burned in the Kenneth C. Murray Archives at the museum in Lagos.16 They named
down the capital, inadvertently killing numerous subjects, his own chil- him the Master of the Owu Shrine after an unusual oshe Shango that had
dren, and most of his wives. Shango subsequently committed suicide. been documented in situ in the Igbomina town of Owu. Several objects,
Shortly after his death, Oyo experienced horrific thunderstorms that were including twin figures and bowl carriers, share similar or identical traits
believed to be a sign of Shango’s wrath and vengeance. Consequently, with the Dallas oshe Shango. They include: an elongated head with a swol-
Shango was deified as an orisha and a priesthood was established to wor- len cranium that joins a conical shape extending below the eyes; a head
ship him. set at an angle on the neck; prominent elongated ears that extend the
Among the objects used to honor Shango is the oshe Shango, or dance jawline; rounded elongated shoulders that flow into bent arms cut away
wand. It is carried by Shango priests and devotees during public worship from the torso; hands that have splayed fingers; buttocks that are flat-
activities and enshrined on the deity’s altar. The basic form of the oshe tened underneath and jut out sharply above the soles of the feet; and the
Shango is a shaft with a double club or axe projecting underneath or from lower body conceived as a triangle that is cut deeply to separate the thighs
the head of the sole or central figure in the composition. The axe blades from the legs. William Fagg (1914–1992), the curator of African art at the
are shaped like thunderstones or Neolithic celts, which Shango’s devo- British Museum and a noted authority on Yoruba art, speculated that the
tees believe are thunderbolts Shango hurls toward those that offend or Master of the Owu Shrine lived from about 1850 to about 1925.17
displease him. This ritual object was originally carved from the àyàn tree
on which Shango committed suicide.13 Oshe Shango range from nonfigura-
tive sculptures with shafts ending in undecorated double axes to complex
figu­rative configurations with unique interpretations of the double axe.
The stylistic diversity found in the designs of oshe Shango can be attrib-
uted to the wide dispersion of Shango worship, unlimited iconography
(the only restriction is that the deity may not be portrayed), and the cre-
ative prerogative of the artist or patron.
The priestesses or female supplicants often depicted on oshe Shango
represent Shango’s benevolence as he bestows the blessing of children
upon his faithful worshippers and protects children, especially twins
(ibeji). The supplicant depicted on this oshe Shango is pregnant. Posed in a
conventional kneeling position, she holds her protruding abdomen with
both hands. Her openwork hairstyle with four braids meeting at the top
recalls the shape of an ile ori or “house of the head” (see p. 62). She is fur-
ther adorned with vertical scarification marks on her cheeks and jaws and
a labret in her lower lip. Her oblong, pendant breasts echo the shape of
her thighs.
While the figure’s pose is conventional, the placement of the double
axe at the bottom of the shaft is rare. Only two other wands with this
configuration have been published: the Museum Rietberg in Zurich has
an oshe Shango that was collected in the Igbomina area and brought to
Switzerland by the Basel Mission before 1820,14 and the other resides in
a private collection in London.15 In contrast to conventional oshe Shango
that are held at the shaft, the heads of these wands serve as the handles,
resulting in their flattened facial features and smooth surfaces.
112 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
one : art to aid conception and birth

30

Caryatid vessel Shango priests store the deity’s thunderbolts (Neolithic celts or axe heads),
(arugba Shango) kola nuts, food offerings, oshe Shango, and other ritual paraphernalia in a
calabash bowl that is placed on an upturned mortar. In the Igbomina and
Akobi Ogun Fakeye (c. 1870–1946)
Ekiti areas, Shango shrines are adorned with large sculpted arugba, or bowl
Nigeria, Ila Orangun, Yoruba peoples
Late 19th century to c. 1940
carriers, as exemplified by the Dallas arugba Shango that depicts a seated
Wood and pigment female holding a lidded bowl above her head (fig. 33).
41¾ × 17 × 17½ in. (106.05 × 43.18 × 44.45 cm) The central figure in a caryatid vessel is always a female, depicted either
Foundation for the Arts Collection, gift of kneeling or seated on a mortar, holding a large lidded bowl above her head
Mr. and Mrs. Stanley Marcus, 1981.138.A–B FA with both hands. She represents a devotee who has petitioned Shango for
the blessing of a child. That her prayer was answered is indicated by the
figure’s swollen abdomen and/or by one of the smaller figures carved at
either side. The smaller figures on this sculpture are holding ritual objects.
The one on her left carries an oshe Shango in one hand and a stockfish in
the other, while the figure on her right clasps a bowl. The faces carved in
relief on the lid and bowl held by the central figure refer to a ritual practice
in which a devotee touches his or her forehead with a kola nut and then
repeats this action on the sculpted faces. The face carved on the lid looks
toward the viewer; the face on the bowl is placed upside down to look
toward the sky world. The faces are darkened with blue paint, tradition-
ally natural indigo pigment, in reference to the ori inu, or the seat of one’s
destiny in one’s “inner head.” The bowl itself is thought to be a metaphor
for the womb, which Shango can fill with a new life if the devotee is faith-
ful to him.18
This arugba Shango was carved by Akobi Ogun Fakeye (c. 1870–1946),
whose name means “the first born of Ogun,” the Yoruba god of iron and
the patron saint of woodcarvers. Akobi Ogun was the son of a sculptor but
fig 33  Two ile ori, visible in the background, and chose not to carve. According to his son Lamidi Olonade Fakeye (b. 1925),
an arugba Shango, the large figure holding a bowl,
an internationally known sculptor whose work is installed at the Kennedy
are displayed in this Shango shrine, Idofin, Igbana,
Nigeria, 1961. Center in Washington, D.C., Akobi Ogun contracted smallpox when he was
about twenty years old. Ifa divination revealed that Akobi Ogun’s destiny
was to follow the “family work of woodcarving” and because he had denied
his destiny, he was punished with smallpox. After making sacrificial food
offerings to Ogun, Akobi Ogun entered into an apprenticeship with a
master sculptor named Tayewo who lived in the town Ila Orangun. Three
years later, Akobi Ogun established his own atelier.19 Akobi Ogun Fakeye
carved at least two other arugba Shango, one of which is in a German pri-
vate collection20 and the other in a British private collection.21
114
31
Seated female figure
with child (pfemba)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lower Congo
region, Kongo peoples, Yombe group
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood, glass or mica, and stain
15 × 4 9/!6 × 4 3/!6 in. (38.1 × 11.59 × 10.64 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.21
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
one : art to aid conception and birth
The Dallas pfemba, as such maternity figures are called, is the ­epitome of
feminine beauty, composure, and intense concentration. Her upswept mi-
terlike hairstyle or hat, which was worn by both men and women, frames
her face with its carefully composed expression. Her imported glass eyes
“see” beyond this world. Beautifying features include filed teeth and scari-
fication patterns on her neck, back, and shoulders. In real life, raised scars
are made by rubbing a medicinal substance into superficial cuts in the
skin so they heal as smooth, shiny scars with definite shapes. This was
done to make women physically more attractive and to heighten sexual
pleasure. The kitanda string the pfemba wears above her breasts signifies
poise and order.
Yombe sculptures are generally rendered in a seminaturalistic style
with great care given to depicting cultural details. Yombe maternity fig-
ures are conventionally posed cross-legged seated on a plinth with an
infant lying on her lap. They are believed to have been used in the rituals
of a women’s fertility cult established by a distinguished midwife on the
Loango coast.22
Camwood paste originally coated the Dallas pfemba. Its reddish color
signified transitional conditions, such as being born or passing into
the afterlife. The pfemba leans forward, indicating that she is strong but
flexible like a palm tree and is able to see through glass-covered eyes or
“through water to the spirit world.”23 The figure depicts a female chief, a
midwife, or a healer who will accomplish whatever is required of her.
Whether the infant on this pfemba sculpture is dead or alive is contro-
versial. Some infants are shown nursing or with flexed legs, a clear indi-
cation of vitality, while others lie still on their mothers’ laps with their
stiff legs outstretched. The mother’s right hand on the Dallas sculpture
covers the child’s legs, making it impossible to determine the infant’s
condition.24
116 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
one : art to aid conception and birth

32

Standing female figure
with child
Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Kwilu area, Mbala peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood
10 1/* × 5 × 4 1/* in. (25.72 × 12.70 × 10.48 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.149
Power and authority in Mbala society rests in the female line.25 Their fertil-
ity sculptures depict a seated or standing female carrying a child on her
left hip, nursing an infant with her left breast, or holding a child with her
left hand to reinforce the idea that “left” and “left hand” are synonymous
with femininity. Such maternity figures are usually paired with male fig-
ures that are portrayed playing a drum.
This maternity figure holds her child, who isn’t touching her, on her
left side. Although the mother and child are looking out at the viewer
rather than at each other, they are physically and emotionally connected.
The sculptor exaggerated the mother’s embrace by carving her arms in an
expressionistic rather than naturalistic manner. Her shoulders are mini-
mized and slope downward to the left side. She holds the infant’s feet
with her right hand while she wraps her left arm around its torso. Her left
hand slanted upward completes this circle of protection.
Drummer and maternity figures were commonly owned by chiefs or
major lineages as part of the royal treasure, but their meaning and the
context(s) in which they were used are not certain. Called pindi, they
were invoked to provide supernatural aid in times of war, periods of poor
harvests or lack of game, epidemics, or natural disasters. The chief was
a diviner and a ritual specialist who was expected to successfully medi-
ate between his ancestral spirits and the fertility of his subjects and their
environment. Because virility was an important criterion for his position,
mother-and-child figures may symbolize a clan chief’s numerous wives
and children as well as a woman’s essential role as child bearer.26
The tradition of figurative sculpture went into decline in the 1920s and
finally ceased to exist in the face of European influence before the middle
of the twentieth century. Nonfigurative regalia for chiefs were, however,
retained.
118 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
one : art to aid conception and birth

33

Doll (akua’ba)
Ghana, Asante peoples
20th century
Wood, glass beads, and fiber
11¼ × 5 7/!6 × 1 7/* in. (28.58 × 13.81 × 4.76 cm)
Gift of Henry H. Hawley III, 1981.173
fig 34  An Asante woman has tucked an akua’ba into her
wrapper, just as an infant might be carried, in hopes that
she will have an equally beautiful child. Ghana, 1972.
Akua’ma (sing. akua’ba) statues are icons of Asante art. Familiar to
American women who wear miniature replicas as brooches and deco­rate
their homes with full-scale figures, akua’ma helped barren Asante women
become fertile and ensured a safe delivery of a healthy infant. The Asante
sculpture got its name from Akua who, according to oral tradition, was
barren but desperately wanted children. She consulted a priest who
advised her to commission a sculptor to carve an akua’ba, or “Akua’s child.”
She was instructed to treat the little sculpture as if it were a real child.
She secured it to her back with her wrapper (fig. 34), nursed it, put it to
bed, and adorned it. She eventually became pregnant and had a success-
ful birth. Following her example, barren women carried an akua’ba in the
hope they too would conceive. After a successful birth, women either give
their sculpted surrogate to a daughter to play with or return it to a priest
to enshrine.27
This Dallas akua’ba is a classic example. The female figure has a very
large round head and high, flattened forehead like those of royal children.
Its neck is very long and ringed to suggest the creased flesh of a chubby
baby. The figure is painted with lustrous black pigment and decorated
with colorful beaded necklaces and earrings. All of these features visually
express notions of feminine beauty among the Asante peoples.
Akua’ma rarely depict male infants because inheritance in the matrilin-
eal society of the Asante passes from mother to daughter. It is, therefore,
desirable to give birth to a girl.28
120 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
one : art to aid conception and birth

african art in the cycle of life

Part two: art for coming of age

Coming-of-age is an event in the life cycle that is formally acknowledged

Notes and celebrated throughout the world. In America coming-of-age rites take
1. Glaze 1981: 61–72 various forms according to ethnic or socio-religious patterns. Jewish girls
2. Ibid., 63, 72 and boys, for example, undergo religious training and learn the respon-
3. Vogel 1997: 221–39 sibilities of adulthood at age twelve and thirteen, respectively. In Latin
4. Robert Soppelsa, personal communication, American communities, teenage girls celebrate their fifteenth birthday
May 10, 2005
with a quinceanera, and American girls of European and African descent
5. Musée de l’Homme 1967: n.p., cat. no. 56; Lehuard
1981: 7 may celebrate their entry into adult society with a debut. In recent years,
6. See Bascom 1969 and Epega and Neimark 1995 for many African American churches and youth-oriented organizations have
descriptions of the Ifa ritual prepared boys and girls for adulthood in formal programs patterned after
7. Hans Witte, personal communication, August 19, traditional African rituals. Preparation for adulthood in the United States
2005
as in Africa may take years, months, or days depending on the established
8. Drewal and Pemberton with Abiodun 1989: 15
norms and expectations of the community. Similarly, the culminating
9. Thompson 1976: chap. 5, fig. 15
activity may be a celebratory event that requires the initiates to wear spe-
10. Fagg and Pemberton 1982: 114, plate 31
cial attire and perhaps demonstrate their new knowledge or skills before
11. Drewal, in Ross 1992: 192
12. Abiodun, in Drewal and Pemberton with Abiodun
an audience.
1989: 111–12 In sub-Saharan Africa, before the introduction of “formal” education
13. Ojo 1966: 172 in Muslim or Western-style schools, boys and girls were educated in a
14. Abiodun, Drewal, and Pemberton 1991: 88, fig. 101 secluded “bush school,” or forest encampment, located some distance
15. Jones 1988: 25, cat. no. 414 from the village or town.1 The curriculum included discipline, the tradi-
16. Deborah Stokes, personal communication, tions of the people and etiquette, professional training needed for gender-
August 29, 2006; Hammer and Hammer 1986: 70
appropriate occupations (e.g., farming, hunting, or war; home economics,
17. Hammer and Hammer 1986: 70
pottery making, or weaving), sexual responsibility, and the obligations of
18. Compare Drewal and Pemberton with Abiodun
1989: p. 155, fig. 169, and pp. 162–63, fig. 170, for an marriage and family life. At this time, youth were also initiated into the
arugba Shango carved by Arowogun (Areogun) of prevailing religion. The youths learned to sing and dance, skills required for
Osi-Ilorin.
socializing and for participation in religious activities. Secrets pertaining to
19. Haight and Fakeye 1987: 38
masking and secret societies that had been withheld from them were now
20. Abiodun, Drewal, and Pemberton 1991: 27, fig. 34
revealed. For boys and girls, attending the bush school meant separation
21. Jones 1988: 25, cat. no. 414
from their parents (mothers, especially for the boys), and bonding with
22. MacGaffey, in Verswijver et al. 1996: 146, cat. no. 15
23. Thompson 2005: 87
their age mates. In many societies, sexual identity was confirmed by cir-
24. Lehuard 1989: vol. 2, 576, fig. K5–2–2–2
cumcision (boys) or excision (girls), and proof of courage was tested by vari-
The caption indicates that the infant is dead. ous physical ordeals. Among some peoples, coming-of-age rituals included
25. Biebuyck 1985: 168 modifying an individual’s face and/or body for the purpose of identity with
26. I. de Pierpont, quoted in Bourgeois 1988: 22 the group or family, as marks of civilization, and for beautification.
27. Cole and Ross 1977: 103–107; McLeod 1981: 162–65 An array of sculpted masks, figures, and other aesthetic objects that have a
28. McLeod 1981: 164 role in coming-of-age rituals or manifest the outcome of this rite of passage
are presented on the following pages. Many, like the Bobo Nwenka mask,
appear in more than one context—for example, at planting and harvest cel-
ebrations and the funerals of community elders. Such events benefit the
whole community. But it is only males to whom the secrets of masking and
mask making are revealed among the Bobo, Dan, and Makonde peoples.
Art for girls’ coming-of-age rituals includes a helmet mask from the Mende
peoples—one of the rare societies in which masking is a woman’s right—
and female statues as tangible symbols of feminine beauty and the lessons
of coming of age.

121
122 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
two : art for Coming of age

34

Nwenka mask
Burkina Faso and Mali, Bobo peoples
20th century
Wood, pigment, and metal
46¼ × 13½ × 123/!6 in. (117.48 × 34.29 × 30.96 cm)
Gift of Gustave and Franyo Schindler, 1979.35.A–B
Bobo boys and young men were not considered adults until they had
been initiated into the worship of Dwo, the Creator God’s representative,
and learned the secret of masking. They learned about the relationship
between Dwo and the Nwenka and other masks that appear on the occa-
sions of harvest rites, male initiation rituals, and funerals.
The Nwenka mask is one of the oldest and most sacred wooden masks
that perform at Bobo masquerades. Tradition claims it dates from the time
of creation when Wuro, the Creator God, molded the world from moist
clay and made creatures to inhabit it. The first humans he created were the
blacksmith and his wife. When Wuro eventually retreated from the per-
fect world he had created, he left his three sons behind to help mankind
maintain the balance between the opposing forces in the world. His most
important son is Dwo, the mask, which Wuro fashioned out of leaves. This
mask is the major spiritual being through which man can communicate
with the Creator God. Wuro gave this mask to the blacksmith who carved
other masks to manifest Dwo’s many aspects. Each mask has a name, is
worn by an elder who is concealed by a fiber costume, and has special
choreography and musical accompaniment.2
Nwenka embodies the spirit of Dwo and ultimately Wuro’s spirit. The
Nwenka masked dance imitates Wuro creating the world. According to an
eyewitness account of a performance, the dancer

plants his feet firmly and twists his torso and neck, grasping the
small handle that protrudes from the chin of the mask or a band of
fiber that is knotted inside the chin. The wooden head of the mask
rotates two or three revolutions, then returns in such a way that the
mask may leave the performer’s head and is only kept from flying
across the performance area by the tight grip on it.3

Bobo blacksmith-sculptors carve Nwenke masks (sing. Nwenka) in the

form of a demi-helmet with an elongated trapezoidal human face featur-
ing a prominent forehead, circular eyes, a long, narrow nose, and narrow
chin. Nwenke masks are typically surmounted by a frontal plank deco-
rated with openwork geometric patterns. There may be additional ele-
ments such as a bird’s head, beak, or an anthropomorphic figure carved on
the helmet. These masks were traditionally painted red, white, and black
and are worn with a costume of thick fibers.4
The Dallas Nwenka mask is an excellent example of the type. The bird
embodied in the frontal plank form and the traces of red, white, and blue
pigment are original. The frontal plank is decorated with opposing col-
umns of alternating solid and cutout triangles on either side of the long
neck of a hornbill bird head that was carved separately in full relief. The
openwork triangle motif is repeated on the sagittal crest running from
the brow line to the back of the mask. Under each eye is a raised diagonal
bar to represent the facial scarification worn by Bobo men. The mouth is
a solid tubular form.
124 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
two : art for Coming of age

35

Face mask
Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, and Liberia, Dan peoples
Before 1940
Wood, fiber, and pigment
11½ × 6¼ × 3 in. (29.21 × 15.88 × 7.62 cm)
African Collection Fund, 2005.45
This lustrous black face mask probably played a role in Dan boys’ ­initiation
rites. It is a support for a du (vital force) spirit, which is materialized in
a mask considered to be a spirit medium. When du decides it wants to
participate in human society and help mankind, it appears to men in
dreams and dictates the requirements for a mask to make it tangible.
Subsequently the dreamer, who will wear and perform the masquerade,
commissions a sculptor (glen ye meh; the spelling is only approximate;
the phonetic symbol ε, denoted by the Greek epsilon, as in mε, provides a
closer indication of the pronunciation) to carve a mask out of wood. There
are at least eleven major spirit masks with human or animal features that
are realized in a naturalistic or stylized manner. Each mask has a name
and its own paraphernalia, costume, and headdress as well as unique
behavior, choreography, and musical accompaniment. Masks have human
or animal features that may be representational or stylized. Other masks
are a fantastic combination of both.
The small, oval face and narrow eyes of the Dallas mask suggest
femininity in contrast to masks with heavy, overhanging brows, jutting
angles, and mustaches that are considered masculine. This mask prob-
ably represents Deangle, a smiling and attractive female spirit that neither
sings nor dances but walks and gestures gracefully. It serves as a media-
tor between the village and the boys’ ­circumcision/initiation camp from
which it emerges to collect food for the boys and report the news from the
camp to the village and vice versa.5
126
36
Face mask (igri)
Nigeria, Igbo peoples, Ada group
Mid-20th century
Wood, pigment, and raffia
17¾ × 5 × 5½ in. (45.09 × 12.70 × 13.97 cm)
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc.,
1998.83.McD
fig 35  An igri mask is performed during an Afikpo njenji
parade. In addition to the carved and painted mask, the
participant wears an elaborate headdress of leaves and a
woven halter across his chest. Nigeria, 1960.
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
two : art for Coming of age
Among the Ada and related Igbo subgroups, the njenji masquerade is an
annual event that ushers in the festival season. It is held on the first day
of a four-day event that moves from village to village and is arranged by
an age-grade comprised of males in their late twenties who demonstrate
their organizational skills and ability to obtain the cooperation of others
as a test of manhood. The initiates are also obligated to prepare a feast for
village men older than themselves. Depending on the village, the parade
and feast are held on the day before the initiation is to be completed or as
the first project of the newly initiated men.6
The njenji masquerade, which is performed by males, represents his-
torical and present-day characters including, among others, pubescent
girls and married women, male and female couples, scholars, Christians,
Muslims, and slaves. Traditionally, indigenous characters walk at the front
of the parade carrying machetes and shields, while those wearing Islamic
dress or Western clothing carrying modern accessories, such as briefcases,
bring up the rear. The modern costumes and behavior of the maskers pre­
sent a satirical commentary on changes that occurred in Igboland under
British rule. The masquerade also stresses male adulthood.
Igri masks represent vigorous and exuberant young men who clear the
parade route and protect the maskers that follow them, especially those
wearing the traditional costumes of married women and beautiful pubes-
cent girls like the standing female figure (p. 135). The Dallas mask exempli-
fies a type that is distinguished by a tall, rectangular forehead rising up
from a long facial plane and is decorated with incised and painted geo-
metric patterns. Missing from the mask are bundles of raffia that were
laid horizontally one above the other and bound together at the top of
the mask, which is further adorned with leaves, plaited palm fronds, and
porcupine quills (fig. 35). To complete the outfit, a masker wears a woven
halter over his bare chest, a feline animal skin on his back and around his
upper arm, a short raffia skirt, ankle rattles, and one or more rows of plastic
beads around his neck and hips. His accessories include a wrestling bell, a
machete in its sheath, and a special shield made of sticks and raffia.
In order to impersonate females properly, male maskers rely on their
sisters, wives, mothers, or girlfriends to lend them the essential waist-
beads or cloth for wrappers, shoes, purses, and the like. They also have to
obtain the women’s cooperation in preparing food for a feast in honor of
the older men of the village. Despite their feminine appearance the female
characters carry canes or sticks in their right hands—symbolic of masculine
eldership—to remind the audience that the maskers are mature males.
128 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
two : art for Coming of age

37

Helmet mask
(muti wa lipiko)
Mozambique and Tanzania, Makonde peoples
Before 1914
Wood, beeswax, human hair, and pigment
10 × 7 × 10 in. (25.40 × 17.78 × 25.40 cm)
Gift of the Cecil and Ida Green Foundation, 1999.64
This helmet mask appeared in the men’s lipiko, a public masquerade that
was still being staged in the 1990s to celebrate the reentry of Makonde
males and females into the community after they completed the coming-
of-age rituals in their respective bush schools.7
Boys and girls were initiated into adulthood according to African con-
vention, which includes three stages: separation from the community and
one’s mother, preparation for adult life, and reentry into the community
as an adult. In the seclusion of the forest encampment, boys learned disci-
pline and the rules of accepted social behavior and developed skills to sup-
port their future families (e.g., farming, hunting, fishing). They learned the
songs and dances they would have to perform and gained understanding
of their sexuality and the obligations of marriage and family life. Before
completing this stage, both boys and girls were subjected to surgical pro-
cedures, circumcision for males and excision for females, and had their
faces and/or bodies decorated with scarification patterns. Their teeth were
chipped into points. These were painful tests to prove one’s manhood or
to become more attractive.8
During the second stage, boys also learned about death and the secret
of masking. They had been taught to believe that the humanlike beings
(the masks) came from the world of the dead. Now, in a frightful rite, they
came in close contact with the mask, which was dramatically removed
from the wearer. The boys discovered it was made of wood and to drive
home this fact, a sculptor carved one in their presence. They also learned
how to wear the muti wa lipiko (head of the lipiko) to allow air to circulate
through the neck end of the mask so as not to suffocate, to attach the
cloth to the mask so it draped over the shoulders, and to wear the body-
concealing costume and tutulike overskirt. The mystery of masking was
not revealed to the girls and uninitiated males because masking was a
form of social control. The final stage was a public masquerade in honor
of the new adults.
Makonde sculptors faithfully depicted the filed teeth and facial scari-
fication of the villagers on the masks. The Dallas mask probably repre-
sents a male, as indicated by the absence of a lip plug. It is reputed to
have entered a German collection before 1914. The application of smoked
beeswax to create the scarification patterns reflects a Makonde practice
that was current in the early part of the twen­tieth century.9
130 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
two : art for Coming of age

38

Helmet mask (sowei)
Manowulo, active c. 1935–1960
Sierra Leone, Bo Town area, Baoma chiefdom,
Mende peoples
1940–1960
Wood and pigment
14¼ × 8½ × 9 in. (36.20 × 21.59 × 22.86 cm)
African Collection Fund, 2006.44
The women’s Sande society traditionally initiated Mende girls into
woman­hood by preparing them for marriage and family life and par-
ticipation in religious rituals and teaching them the songs and dances
they would have to perform. Similar to the boys’ coming-of-age rites and
ordeals, girls were excised. When they were deemed to be ready, the high-
ranking teacher and leader (ndoli jowei) of the Sande society introduced
them to the community as adult women (fig. 36). On this occasion, each
ndoli jowei wore a voluminous raffia fiber costume and a wooden helmet
mask that embodied sowei, the female water spirit which is the guard-
ian deity of the Sande society. The masquerade presented “the idealized
image of female perfection and power and also personifies the corporate
interest and prestige of the female portion of the Mende community.”10
Usually, African women do not wear masks. Men wear the masks and
men carve them. The Mende model of women wearing masks is a rare
exception that is shared with peoples in southern Sierra Leone and west-
ern Liberia who are bound by the multiethnic men’s Poro association of
which Sande (also known as Bundu) is the counterpart.
The Dallas Sande society helmet mask is a venerable example of a mask
that has changed very little since it was first described in an eighteenth-
century travel book.11 Wherever they are found, Sande society masks are
always in the form of a helmet that fits closely over the wearer’s head, and
they depict a female wearing an elaborate hairstyle. The slits cut through
the downcast eyes in a diamond-shaped face allow visibility. The eyes may
also be placed along the edge of the mask. The small mouth can be closed
or slightly open. The wide rings around the neck and holes along the edge
are for attaching the raffia costume.
Each of these elements is significant. The elaborate hairstyle, for
ex­ample, is carefully detailed and reflects current fashion. Downcast eyes
are associated with modesty and the nonhuman essence of the spirit that
inhabits the mask. The wide rings on the neck are usually interpreted as
rings of fat and signify fertility. Another interpretation is that the rings are
the “recognition of the natural and desirable pattern of biological growth
in adolescent girls in preparation for childbearing that entails the increase
in body fat—a pattern that is also well documented in Western medicine.”12
The mouth is closed or slightly open to signify silence and inner spiritual
concentration. The lustrous black pigment or paint staining the mask is a
reference to the river-dwelling spirit that inhabits the mask. Black, in the
Mende language, means “wet” or “wetness.”
Animal horns and an amulet carved in relief adorn this mask. Some
masks display these objects as attachments that may be covered with gold
or silver. Such horns in real life were stuffed with protective medicines.
A long time ago, wealthy Mende women also wore pendant necklaces
with silver-encased amulets containing Islamic inscriptions. The amulets
were made by Muslim mori, or holy men, and expensive to obtain. Their
132 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
two : art for Coming of age

a­ ttachment to or depiction on Sande society masks protected the dancer

from malevolent forces while she performed. It was also an unmistakable
sign of wealth.
This mask is attributed to Manowulo, a Mende sculptor who was
active from about 1935 until 1960 in the Baoma chiefdom located north
of Jaiama-Bongor near the town of Bo. Many masks carved by Manowulo
and his apprentices were still in use in the 1970s when the anthropologist
Ruth B. Phillips conducted field research on Sande society masks among
the Sewa-Mende. The sculptor’s trademark style features a wide diamond
shape, the upper half of which is framed by an inverted V or U and the
lower half by a sharply angled jawline. The jawline of some of his masks
is delineated by a border of parallel grooves into which the small mouth
is placed at the point of the chin. Manowulo carved the ears at the lat-
eral points of the facial diamond and gave them a C-shaped ridge with a
raised round dot at the center of the opening. The eyes are long horizontal
slits, and the nose is a long form that is slightly flared at the nostrils. He
typically carved fine details of braids or other designs on the head. The
hairstyle on this mask is obscured by the patina, but it is typical of what
Mende women wore during the mid-twentieth century.13

fig 36  Female members of the Sande, or Bundu, association dance in wooden
masks that are crafted by men. The Sande masquerade provides an uncommon
opportunity for women to perform masks. Bumpe, Sierra Leone, 1976.
134 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e 135
two : art for Coming of age

39

Standing female figure
Nigeria, Igbo peoples
Late 19th to 20th century
Wood, pigment, metal, fiber, and beads
367/* × 8¾ × 8½ in. (93.66 × 22.22 × 21.59 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection
of African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott
Foundation in honor of Eugene McDermott,
1974.SC.29
Among the Igbo peoples of north central Igboland, pubescent girls
(agbogho) prepared for womanhood through a process called nkpu, which
translates as “fattening confinement.” While overeating and maintaining
the weight gained by not working or exercising for six months or longer
(depending upon the family’s economic situation), girls spent their time
learning how to be beautiful, both physically and morally. In addition
to the obligatory excision, their bodies were decorated with delicately
painted uli patterns and mbudu or ebubu scarification. Select village women
taught the girls how to be virtuous and dutiful wives, housekeepers, and
nurturing mothers. At the appointed time, the initiates reentered village
life ready for marriage and family life. The event was celebrated with a
promenade around the village at which time the initiated women were
honored with gifts of cowries, which were used as currency before the
introduction of coins and paper money.
An early twentieth-century description of Igbo girls after they had
experienced the nkpu (fig. 37) could apply to the Dallas figure.
a women’s art until the twentieth century. These sculptures, like the initi-
ated women they portray, are the image of ideal beauty. In traditional Igbo
culture, “beauty” was not only about physical appearance but also about
displaying moral conduct.15
Men’s age-grade associations commissioned sculptors to carve free-
standing figures for display at public, secular festivals held during the dry
season. They were considered prestige objects and emblems of the asso-
ciations that owned them. During the festival, members paraded them
around the village—much like the nkpu girls they portray and honor—and
when they performed, the statue was a stationary display.

fig 37  The moulded hairstyle with center crest worn
by the Igbo women of Nigeria in the early 20th century
is reflected in their sculptural representations of nubile
females.
They wear no clothes whatever. Their bodies are smeared all over
with Vermilion red and they are decorated with ropes of tightly
twisted cloth or threaded cowrie shells. One or more tiny brass bells
are fastened to the cloth or cowrie-shell waistband. Rings of brass
adorn the legs, graduated in size from the ankles to just above the
knees. The coiffure is a very elaborate affair and requires unlimited
patience and skill to arrange in the correct style. In the center the
hair is worked up with a mixture of clay, powdered charcoal and
palm-oil until it becomes a sticky mass. It is then moulded into a
shape resembling the central crest of a Roman helmet. The center
comes well over the middle of the forehead, and it extends back-
wards into the nape of the neck. Below the main erection and on
either side delicate patterns are traced with tiny plaits of hair curled
into small coils and then plastered down flatly to the head. Finally
the high center has its sides embellished with mother of pearl or
bits of brass; the pieces (about the size of shillings) being sewn in
with hair.14

These freestanding figures usually have an elongated neck and many are
depicted holding imported umbrellas and mirrors.
The “Vermilion red” color on the statue was obtained from the inner
bark of the camwood tree and used as a cosmetic among the Igbo and
other sub-Saharan peoples. It was also believed to have healing proper-
ties. G. T. Basden, an Anglican missionary, mentions that one of the girls’
tasks during the nkpu confinement was preparing the camwood dye with
which they would eventually stain their bodies. They probably learned to
make the vegetable dye used for painting uli patterns and how to paint the
curvilinear patterns with the thinnest sliver of wood. Uli was ­exclusively
136
40
Standing female figure
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Luba peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood, leather, beads, and fiber
13 × 25/* × 3¼ in. (33.02 × 6.67 × 8.26 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of African
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.96
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
two : art for Coming of age
Luba girls learn that a woman is not born beautiful but becomes so as a
result of modifications to her face and body. This process begins at puberty,
as part of the coming-of-age rituals (butanda) that transform girls into phys-
ically beautiful, sexually attractive, and, therefore, highly eligible women
who can fulfill their destiny as wives and ­mothers. Their teeth are filed,
their hair is arranged into elegant hairstyles, and their bodies are deco-
rated with beaded jewelry. In addition to having their labia extended, their
bodies are decorated with strategically placed scarification patterns.
Achieving such modifications and enhancements is not without pain,
but in Luba thought the pain thus suffered makes the woman strong. This
is especially important if she is destined to serve as the receptacle for a
spirit, possibly that of a deceased king.16 The gesture of holding the breasts
with one’s hands signifies a woman’s responsibility to guard the secrets of
royal power or other important knowledge tucked in her breasts.17
The Dallas standing female figure elegantly visualizes Luba concepts
of feminine beauty, maturity, and civilization. The figure is elaborately
decorated with scarification (ntapo). The named patterns are inspired by
things in nature and include: milalo, the horizontal, parallel lines below
the navel on the lower abdomen; lunenyenye, or “star,” the large welt
below the breasts; kisanji, or music, the clustered marks on either side of
the navel; and the round protuberances above each buttock, called meso a
tete or grasshopper eyes.18 Another Luba criterion of physical beauty and
sexual attractiveness on the sculpture is its glossy surface. Before retiring
at night, a Luba woman heightened her attractiveness by applying oil to
her scarified skin “so it will gleam in the dim lamplight of her bedroom
chamber.”19 A nineteenth-century practice was to oil the sculpture. Nearly
a century after its departure from Africa, the Dallas figure still exudes oil.
The figure once surmounted a carved wooden staff (luswaga) that
served as a judicial emblem among the Luba peoples of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo.20 The missing shaft ended in a metal rod that was
planted in the ground during rituals. The figure is clearly an object of
great spiritual significance because it carries a leather-covered “charge”
inserted into the top of the figure’s head. The charge contains potent,
supernatural medicine.
138 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
two : art for Coming of age

african art in the cycle of life

Part three: art for security and well-being

Traditional African art addresses an essential human concern, that of well-

Notes being or the state of feeling content. Feeling secure in a peaceful and orderly
1. Mbiti 1970: 121–22 environment, being mentally and physically healthy, having a family of
2. Roy, in Koloss 2002: 204 one’s own, prospering in one’s occupation, and dying in old age of natural
3. Roy 1987: 338–39 causes contribute to this sense of well-being and contentment. In the belief
4. Ibid., 318–34 that there are influential supernatural forces in all things—living and dead,
5. Fischer and Himmelheber 1984: 11–12, 22–33 animate and inanimate—that can be appeased or contacted and petitioned
6. Ottenberg 1975: 147–69 for blessings, humans have invented various objects to serve as mediums
7. Kingdon 1999: [4–8]; Wembah-Rashid 1971: 38–44 of communication and as tangible symbols of the invisible.
8. Kingdon 1999: [12–16]; Schneider 1973: 26–31; 92 Artworks used to ensure communal and individual security and well-
9. Fagg 1968: 268
being include masks, religious objects, medicine vials, and power figures.
10. R. Phillips 1995: 81
Masks of the Baga and Yoruba peoples portray celebrated deities and cul-
11. Matthews [1788] 1966, quoted in R. Phillips 1995:
16–18
ture heroes, while other masks imbued with powers to punish evildoers
12. R. Phillips 1995: 116; Boone 1986: 100
enforced the law. Bronze bells and shrine figures were used in the context
13. Ibid., 171, fig. 8.21 ab and 8.22 ab; Ruth Phillips, of religious worship. Medicine was contained in specially crafted vessels
personal communication, July 8, 2006 and in solid figures representing intangible spiritual forces that protected
14. Basden [1921] 1966: 73–74 the community, promoted good fortune, or ensured success in trading
A photograph of nkpu girls is found facing page 240.
and hunting. Power figures were charged with magical materials as well
15. Cole and Aniakor 1984: 107–108, 121
as supernatural forces to heal, seek out wrongdoers, or enforce a contrac-
16. Roberts and Roberts 1996: 106
tual agreement and required the services of a ritual specialist to activate
17. Ibid., 111–12
them. This section also includes a drum that, in this context, contributes
18. Roberts 2000: 6; Roberts and Roberts 1996: 102,
107, 111–12 to women’s mental health.
19. Roberts and Roberts 1996: 111 The multivalent nature of most African art allows these objects to express
20. Louis de Strycker, personal communication, the theme of security and well-being. Other objects could as well—for ex­
January 26, 2004
ample, the divination objects that are used to ascertain the cause and cure
of infertility or to avert or reverse other misfortune; or the Nwenka mask
that represents the Creator God and the Egungun masquerade costume that
makes a family ancestor visible, both of which can be petitioned for bless-
ings. In all cases, artists have created objects that conform to the canon but
are unique and, as such, attract the attention of spiritual entities.

139
140 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being

41

Headdress (D’mba)
Guinea, Baga peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood
49¼ × 161/* × 27 11/!6 in. (125.10 × 40.96 × 70.33 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection
of African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott
Foundation in honor of Eugene McDermott,
1974.SC.18
This colossal headdress represents D’mba, the universal mother, symbol
of mature femininity. She is indeed a fertility object, but one that is also
concerned with the prosperity and well-being of the entire community.
She is a welcome sight at all stages of the agricultural and human cycles
of development. Dressed in a voluminous palm fiber skirt that reaches
the ground and a dark cloth tied so as to expose her prominent breasts,
which are flat as a result of nursing many children, D’mba appears at
planting and harvesting festivals, marriages, births, funerals, and ances-
tral commemorations.
D’mba masquerades, which were suppressed by Muslim leaders in
the 1950s, have been experiencing a resurgence in some villages since the
1980s. Their revival has, as recently witnessed by Frederick Lamp, given
women the strength to bear children and nurture them to adulthood,
encouraged the ancestors to participate in the continuance of commu-
nity well-being, induced the rain to fall, and driven young men to feats of
cooperative excellence in agriculture.1
In performance, the Dallas D’mba headdress would have been adorned
with separately carved ear ornaments and polished with oil to achieve
the glow of vitality. The raised patterns represent scarification; on some
headdresses these patterns are enhanced with the insertion of shiny brass
tacks. It was carried by a strong young man who wore it on top of his head
with a ring of cloth or fibers to cushion the weight. The four legs of the
mask were attached at the bottom to a hoop encircling his chest and
back. Two holes between the breasts allowed the dancer to see outside
the mask.
142
42
Epa headdress
Attributed to Oshamuko of Osi Village
(d. circa 1950) or his workshop
Nigeria, northern Ekiti region, Yoruba peoples
Early to mid-20th century
Wood and pigment
47½ × 17 × 13 in. (120.65 × 43.18 × 33.02 cm)
African Collection Fund, 2007.41.1
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being
Annual festivals held throughout Yorubaland incorporate masquerades
that celebrate the values and social roles upon which the well-being of the
towns depend.2 The festival, called Epa (or Elefon) in Ekiti towns, is char-
acterized by the appearance of large-scale wooden headdresses. The ani-
mals and humans carved on the superstructure of the headdress represent
real or mythical ancestors who provide the foundation and continuity of
Yoruba society. When more than one mask performs, the masks appear
in a prescribed order. Oloko, who introduced farming and hunting, is the
first mask to perform. He is followed by a warrior who carries a spear and a
gun to defend the land and people; he may have been a founder or ruler of
a town. Olosanyin, the priest of Osanyin and the god of herbal medicine,
appears next. He has special knowledge of psychology and the ability to
identify and use curative plants. Olosanyin is followed by a woman who is
honored for her procreative powers or as the leader of the townswomen.
The last to appear is a male ruler astride a horse.
Epa headdresses, which are carved from a single block of wood, can
be quite tall and heavy. Each headdress consists of a pot-shaped helmet
capped with a superstructure. The helmet portion features a stylized
human face that fits over the head of the dancer, who looks through the
mouth opening for visibility. The superstructure depicts a specific social
role such as farmer, warrior, priest, mother, or king as indicated above. The
size of the subject, which is always centered, dominates the composition
in accordance with the Yoruba rules of social perspective. The costume,
which is not meant to conceal the wearer’s body, consists of strips of cloth
or fresh palm fronds suspended from the base of the headdress.
The Dallas mask is attributed to Oshamuko of Osi village. Apprenticed
to the master artist Arowogun (Areogun) of Osi-Ilorin (p. 276), Oshamuko
produced his mature works from about 1920 to about 1950. The head-
dress portrays the bearded priest Olosanyin. In his right hand he grasps
a wrought iron staff (opa orere) decorated with bird imagery; in his left, a
chevron-patterned antelope horn supported by an attendant. Such horns
were filled with powerful medicines used to cure physical or mental ill-
nesses. The priest’s extraordinarily long hair is styled into a single braid
and decorated with medicine gourd containers. The end of the braid rests
on the heads of two musicians who play their instruments to herald the
priest’s powers (see detail, left). In addition to demonstrating technical
skill and insight into his subject, Oshamuko also shows great imagination
(imoju-mora) in rendering the priest’s clothing as a dynamic form.3 Over
each hip of the priest’s pants the sculptor carved knotted ends that he
extended across the shoulders of two attendants to touch the medicine
gourds each holds.
144 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being

43

Bell in the form of Although the precise purpose of bells shaped like heads is unknown, it
a head is reasonable to assume, based on the traditional use of bells and gongs
among the peoples of southern Nigeria, that the Dallas example was used
Nigeria, Lower Niger Bronze Industry,
to call ancestors and divinities to worship.
Forcados River style
16th to 19th century
Rendered in a naturalistic style, the face has humanlike eyes, broad
Cast copper alloy nose, mouth, and ears. The relief imagery of horns rising from behind
55/* × 2 7/* in. diam. (14.29 × 7.30 cm) the ears, serpents issuing from the nostrils, and a knot at the bridge of
Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Eugene McDermott, 1976.3 the nose are, however, unnatural. These symbolic motifs are found in the
visual arts of the Yoruba and Benin kingdoms and Lower Niger cultures.
Horns, for example, symbolize the extraordinary power that emanates
from the head of a deity and, as such, appear on multiple depictions of
Eshu, the god of uncertainty and chaos, and on Yoruba Ifa divination trays
(see p. 107). Snakes are associated with the worship of Oshun, the deity
who rules the ocean and other bodies of water, and are depicted in art-
works from the ancient Yoruba kingdom at Ile-Ife and especially in the art
of the Benin kingdom. Knots represent the power­ful, magical medicine
that is usually found on warrior gear worn by figures on Benin and Lower
Niger Bronze Industry sculptures. Taken together, the imagery evokes
supernatural and physical powers.4
Cast using the lost-wax process, this bell is similar to others attributed
to the style of the “Lower Niger Bronze Industry,” a designation coined by
William Fagg in 1959 as a catchall attribution for a hoard of bronze castings
excavated around 1909 on the Forcados River in the western Niger Delta
southwest of Benin City.5 The castings are diverse in terms of formal quali-
ties, iconography, and technical sophistication and do not fit within the
canons of copper alloy casting in the major centers (i.e., the Yoruba and
Benin kingdoms and at Igbo Ukwu). Similar mysterious castings, none of
which has been precisely dated, have since been found in numerous loca-
tions in southern Nigeria and have been attributed likewise.
That the bells are made of a durable material, are technically sophis-
ticated, and depict complex imagery suggest they were made for leaders
or persons of high sociopolitical rank, perhaps kings or chiefs on whose
behalf they were used on the occasion of the transfer of power or as part
of the royal regalia.
146 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being

44

Seated female shrine Carved in a naturalistic style, this female figure sits on a round stool with
figure her hands resting on her knees. She stares intently at the viewer, her
mouth open as if she were speaking. The scarification decorating her face
Nigeria, Benue State, Igede peoples
and body may signify her affiliation with a particular family or lineage, or
Early 20th century
Wood and pigment
successful initiation into a possession cult called Anjenu.
27½ × 6¾ × 9¼ in. (69.85 × 17.15 × 23.50 cm) The Igede peoples believe disease, infertility, and disorder are caused
African Collection Fund, 2005.97
by the anjenu, nature spirits that reside in fast-flowing rivers and streams
or massive anthills. When the spirits invade a village, the Igede erect a
shrine to appease them and furnish it with vessels of sacred water, a magi-
cal substance (eka), and sacrificial food. Clay lions or leopards represent-
ing strong and powerful wild animals along with specially carved wooden
figures said to portray devotees of Anjenu also populate the shrine. The
Igede believe combining sculpture with singing honors the spirits more
effectively than simply performing the ritual with sacred water.6
Although this enshrined figure was probably viewed from the front,
it was conceived as a three-dimensional form. Viewed from the front, the
figure’s torso appears to be an elongated cylinder; from the side, the form
slopes to a point just beyond her breasts and her feet. The figure’s gener-
ous buttocks rest solidly on a cylindrical stool. Clearly, it was meant to be
viewed from all angles. Traces of pigment remain on the figure. When the
sculpture was in use, her coiffure and body were regularly refreshed with
applications of white kaolin clay and ochre, respectively.
148 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being

45

Vessel (itinate) Embellished vessels (itinate) were traditionally used in divination and
healing rituals among diverse peoples in the Lower Gongola River Valley
Nigeria, Lower Gongola River Valley,
Cham or Mwona peoples in northeast Nigeria. The stylistically similar healing vessels of the Cham
Early 20th century and Mwona peoples feature a bulbous base surmounted by either a figure
Terracotta with an open mouth or a nonrepresentational form. The surface of the
16 × 5 × 5 in. (40.64 × 12.70 × 12.70 cm)
upper portion usually has a rough, often jagged, texture.
Gift of The Cecil and Ida Green Foundation, The highly stylized female figure on this vessel has an elabo­rate hair-
1999.58
style or headdress tapering into a hornlike form, an apelike brow, eyes,
and an elongated snoutlike mouth with notched lips. Its “collar” and
the band encircling the place where the upper and lower portions meet
are similarly notched.7 When J. N. Hare, an official of the British Colonial
Administrative Service in Nigeria, formed a collection of these vessels in
the late 1950s, the practice of making them was dying out and only the
elderly knew how to use them.8
Individuals concerned about infertility or giving birth to a healthy baby,
tending to a sick animal, or threatened by forces beyond their control con-
ferred with the village diviner, a man of great authority. The diviner con-
sulted either a male or female terracotta figure, according to the patient’s
gender, for advice. Upon receiving an answer, the diviner sent the patient
to a male potter to commission a specific vessel. The potter had to be
highly skilled and familiar with the different kinds of vessels in order to
ensure the prescription would work. Before a vessel could be used, the
diviner activated it with incantations, pouring a libation, and in some
cases, filling the vessel with water from a particular pool that was believed
to have magical powers.9 The patient then took the vessel home where it
was kept until his or her malady was cured. After the vessel had served its
purpose, the owner discarded it at a safe distance from the village.
Hare notes that these vessels were also used during important festi-
vals at which time they were filled with locally brewed guinea corn beer
in thanks to all of the benign powers operating within the household.10
Unfortunately, the precise function of the Dallas vessel is not known.
150 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being

46

Ritual container in form The Chokwe believed their chief or “owner of the land” (mwanangana)
of standing male figure was God’s representative on earth, the intermediary between the world
of humans and the world of ancestral and nature spirits. The chief ulti-
Angola, Chokwe peoples
mately ensured his people’s well-being by keeping the balance between
19th century
Wood, metal, and leather
these realms. In order to do so, he required the spiritual support of his
14 1/* × 4 1/* × 311/!6 in. (35.88 × 10.48 × 9.37 cm) ancestors, which he activated with special, potent medicines.
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
This standing male figure has a hollow torso—revealed by removing its
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott, head—and once held the medicine used by an ancestral chief to activate
1969.S.8.A–B supernatural powers. The right hand of this figure was accidentally broken
and replaced by a blade, suggesting the regenerative abilities of the chief
and his ancestors.11
152
47
Standing male figure
(mbulenga)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lulua peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood and camwood patination
7½ × 13/* × 1½ in. (19.05 × 3.49 × 3.81 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.131
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being
Small sculpted figures holding a vessel in one hand are called mbulenga,
which means “for beauty, for good luck” in the Lulua language, and were
believed to protect infants. The figure’s reddish brown patina is the result
of being coated with ngula (red powder from the camwood tree mixed with
water). Its power comes from the contents of the vessel, which included
the hair of a female albino (considered a blessing by the Lulua), the bark
of a sacred tree (mutshi muabi), and the red feathers from the tail of a
gray parrot.
The sculptor carved this figure in a naturalistic style, carefully depict-
ing details of the hairstyle, clothing, ornamentation, and scarification
that were in fashion. Having one’s body decorated with scarification made
an individual bwimpe—that is, beautiful, not only physically but morally
as well. Scarification is produced by making cuts in the skin, which must
heal properly to leave smooth and shiny raised scars. An individual whose
skin did not heal properly was not considered to be a beautiful and moral
person. To give themselves a healthy glow, individuals applied a mixture
of red earth, oil, and kaolin to their bodies.12
154
48
Male figure standing
on an animal
Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Eastern Luba-related peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood
93/* × 25/* × 51/!6 in. (23.81 × 6.67 × 12.86 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection
of Congo Sculpture, gift of Eugene and
Margaret McDermott, 1969.S.99
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being
The precise meaning of this figure is unclear. It was enshrined and main-
tained by hunters who believed the hunting spirit Luwe would ensure a
successful hunt, thereby providing meat for the community. The figure
standing on the animal may allude to Mbidi Kiluwe in the guise of the
hunting spirit as he rides the lead animal of a herd toward the hunter’s
blind or pit trap.
In the Luba epic, Mbidi Kiluwe is the culture hero, a foreign hunter and
warrior from the east who introduced sacred kingship to the indigenous
population that became the Luba. Among peoples conquered by the Luba
or who otherwise came under Luba influence, Mbidi Kiluwe is depicted
riding on the back of a buffalo, an elephant, or antelope.13
156 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being

49

Standing female figure
(mbem)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Yanzi peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood and pigment
91/!6 × 213/!6 × 25/* in. (23.02 × 7.14 × 6.67 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of
Congo Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret
McDermott, 1969.S.199
The Yanzi employ a variety of sculpted figures in rituals to assure their
well-being. A series of figures called mbem were used in specific situa-
tions to protect against disease, reverse infertility that could ironically
be caused by an mbem, or identify wrongdoers.14 Some mbem were used
to reinforce the authority of the head of an extended family or cause a
woman to become sterile if she lied about an adulterous relationship
under oath before an mbem. Grandmothers, in addition to chiefs and male
heads of extended families, were entitled to own mbem to reinforce their
authority over the women in their families.15
Mbem figures are carved in the form of male, female, or androgynous
humans with minimal physiognomic details. The hands and feet of this
diminutive female figure, for example, are rendered as faceted geometric
forms. Diagonal striations incised on her face replicate the facial scarifica-
tion that was in fashion when the statue was carved. Although the figure
is posed frontally (see facing), it is fully three-­dimensional in its concep-
tion (see rear view, below). The profile, for example, displays echoing and
complementary angles: the upward thrust of her hairstyle is in opposition
to the V-shaped ears that oppose the larger V-shaped arms and shoulders.
And, her legs are flexed at the knees offering more angles. The figure’s
red color, the result of applications of camwood paste, indicates that a
ritual specialist consecrated the mbem. When it was in use, the mbem was
probably dressed in a raffia cloth, adorned with a necklace, and smelled
of tobacco smoke.
158
50
Figure (nazeze-type
of yanda)
Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Northeastern region, Zande peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood, metal, coins, and beads
6½ × 23/* × 2 1/* in. (16.51 × 6.03 × 5.40 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection
of African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott
Foundation in honor of Eugene McDermott,
1974.SC.50
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being
Anthropomorphic figures like this one are known as yandas after the
protective spirits that the Zande peoples believe guard their communi-
ties.16 Yanda figures belonged to the highest-ranking members of the Mani
society, a secret association open to both men and women. Membership
in Mani ensured one’s general well-being, including fertility, success-
ful hunting and fishing, protection against disease and sorcery, and the
resolution of family or legal problems. According to some scholars, the
Mani association was organized initially to counter­act the authority of
the royal elite lead by the Vurungura clan and later the Belgian colonial
government.17
Yanda figures are usually referred to as female because of their asso­cia­
tion with fertility even though their sex is most often un­defined. Made of
wood, clay, or soft stone, nazeze-type yandas are carved in an abstract style
with a minimum of physiognomic details. The wood used for the sculp-
ture was chosen for its medicinal properties.18 Magical substances could
also be placed in the yanda’s recessed navel, which was covered.
Concealed in special containers, yandas were activated during a ritual
in which they were anointed with libele, a plant mixture. Petitioners
continued to anoint the yandas as they disclosed their problems to the
figures, which were then returned to their receptacles. After a problem
was resolved, the petitioner offered the yanda gifts of beads, metal rings,
and coins, similar to the adornments on the Dallas figure. Over time the
surface of the figure became so thick with encrustation that the carving
beneath was obscured. It could be said that the sculptures were more the
product of ritual process than aesthetic choice made by the sculptor.
160
51
Standing power figure
(nkisi nkondi)
Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Chiloango River region, Yombe peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood, iron, raffia, ceramic, pigment,
kaolin, red camwood, resin, dirt, leaves,
animal skin, and cowrie shell
43¾ × 15½ × 11 in. (111.13 × 39.37 × 27.94 cm)
Foundation for the Arts Collection, gift of the
McDermott Foundation, 1996.184.FA
fig 38  An x-ray of the nkisi nkondi reveals deep inset eyes
and metal pins used to attach the beard to the face.
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being
All minkisi (sing. nkisi) are containers for magical substances, or
­“medicines,” that empower them to protect the community or an indi-
vidual against negative forces. They can, however, also cause mis­fortune,
illness, and death. The containers come in a variety of forms, including
cloth bundles, snail shells, clay pots, or sculpted wood figures in animal or
human form. The latter type of nkisi is called a power figure. The empower­
ing medicines (bilongo), which were made of vege­tal, animal, and mineral
elements including dirt from ancestral graves, may be placed atop the
nkisi’s head, in its belly (mooyo or life), on its back, or in any natural ori-
fice and sealed in place with resin. Each nkisi figure has a special name, a
specific pose, a particular function, and a ritual to activate it. The Dallas
nkisi belongs to a class of minkisi called nkondi (pl. minkondi). The term is
translated as “hunter” of wrongdoers in matters of civil law; the hunter is
simultaneously chief, doctor, priest, and judge.19 The sculpted wood form
of the nkisi nkondi is studded with nails or blades that indicate how often
the nkisi had been used.
This type of nkisi nkondi is intimidating: it stares at the viewer with
teeth bared and stands with feet apart on separate blocks that symbol-
ize the worlds of the living and the dead. With its arms akimbo (pakalala,
hands on hips), it assumes an aggressive posture called vonganana or “to
come on strong.” When oaths were sworn and bonds were sealed before
the nkisi nkondi, a ritual specialist-cum-healer/diviner (nganga) hammered
a nail, screw, or blade into its body. This activated the spirit and medicines
contained within to ensure that those who swore an oath would honor it
on pain of death. The white lines under the sculpture’s eyes refer to the
eyes of those the nkisi will smite.20
This power figure is one of several large-scale sculptures brought
to Europe between 1880 and 1910 (and now in public collections) that
originated in a single workshop on the Chiloango River, which flows
along the border of present-day Democratic Republic of the Congo and
Cabinda.21 The minkisi minkondi in this corpus were carved from a single
piece of wood22 (fig. 38) and are characterized by the realistic modeling of
the body with its massive shoulders, an akimbo pose that replaced the
conventional threatening pose of one hand raised brandishing a knife,
an ornate chief’s hat, a knotted or plain fiber skirt, staring eyes, a heavy
resinous beard (a sign of seniority, wisdom, and related powers), a large
cowrie shell covering the abdominal cavity containing medicine, knotted
armlets squeezing the muscles just above the elbows, and feet placed on
separate rectangular blocks. Most sculptures retain traces of the reddish
pigment, made from pulverized camwood, that symbolizes the media-
tion between the living and the dead. The highly skilled and imaginative
sculptors created a style for the nkisi nkondi that ensured it would fulfill
another one of its functions—to astonish.
162
52
Seated male power
figure (nkisi)
Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Kongo peoples, Yombe group
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood, glass, mirror, and fiber
91/!6 × 4 × 311/!6 in. (23.02 × 10.16 × 9.37 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of
Congo Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret
McDermott, 1969.S.27
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being
This nkisi power figure of a man touches his face in a contemplative
­gesture and leans forward with his legs arranged in the fu-mani position,
a sign of caring, competence, and responsibility. The sculptor has care-
fully and realistically depicted the nkisi’s prestigious knotted pineapple
skullcap (mpu) and the jewelry he wears on his wrists and upper arms.
The figure probably represents a chief, but perhaps a healer and/or diviner
as well.
The medicine that empowers this nkisi is hidden in the cylindrical con-
tainer projecting from his torso. The imported mirror sealing the cavity
enables him to see which supernatural forces are active, and the glass eyes
allow him to “see through water to the wisdom of the other world”23 in
order to solve the owner’s pathological or spiritual problem.
164
53
Standing female power
figure (nkishi)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Songye peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood, skin, cord, and metal
18½ × 45/!6 × 413/!6 in. (46.99 × 10.95 × 12.22 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.174
54
Standing male power
figure (nkishi)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Songye peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood and metal
75/!6 × 25/!6 × 211/!6 in. (18.57 × 5.87 × 6.83 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.181
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being
Mankishi (sing. nkishi), containers for potent medicines that protect
­families or individuals against sorcery, malevolent spirits, and diseases
are said to be more important to the Songye peoples than are ancestor fig-
ures, which serve as vessels for the spirits of their ancestors. Songye man­
kishi are made in a variety of sizes according to their use, either personal or
communal, and are figurative and nonfigurative. Figurative mankishi are
carved by sculptors and activated by a ritual specialist (nganga) who places
potent medicine in an animal horn inserted into the nkishi’s head, into a
pouch worn by the figure, or directly into the nkishi’s head or abdomen.
They were named and their reason for existence defined.
This rare female nkishi (cat.  53) carries a pouch containing medicine
around her waist. It is similar to one in the Barbier-Mueller Collection and
probably originated in the same workshop of the northern Belande.24
This small male nkishi (cat.  54) studded with brass tacks may have
protected an individual against smallpox.25 Clearly, the figure has been
deactivated as evidenced by the hole atop his head that once held a small
animal horn filled with potent medicines and the empty abdominal cavity
that would have been packed with similar substances and sealed.
CAT. 53
166 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
one : art to aid conception and birth

CAT. 54
168
55
Helmet mask (komo)
Mali and Côte d’Ivoire, Senufo peoples
Mid-20th century
Wood, glass, animal horns, fiber, and mirrors
17 × 27 in. (43.18 × 68.58 cm)
Gift of David T. Owsley, 1997.24
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being
This mask, according to an exhibition catalogue, “gives fear a face.”26
Despite the presence of a small elegant female figure (see detail, below),
the mask discourages one from getting too close. The sharp animal
horns and tusks of various sizes pointing in all directions, the prominent
zigzag teeth, and the overall encrusted surface give the mask a menacing
appearance. The projecting glass eyes and reflective mirrors also add to
its visual power.
This mask originated among Senufo peoples living in close proxim-
ity to the Bamana, who use helmet masks with horrific animal imagery.
Among the Bamana, such encrusted masks with long, horizontal muzzles
are worn by high-ranking members of the male-only Komo association
that is traditionally responsible for maintaining social, spiritual, and eco-
nomic harmony in Bamana communities. A society of blacksmiths, its
high-ranking members (komotiga) practice divination and are empowered
to function as judges.27 The wooden komo mask is covered with all manner
of animal and vege­table materials that make it powerful.
Senufo’s kponyungo helmet masks are owned by the most senior mem-
bers of the male-only Poro society that functions as a system of govern-
ment, education, and economic control. Like the Bamana’s Komo, Poro
has a spiritual function to serve as a medium for contact with the realm
of deities and ancestors. Its associated helmet masks present a daggerlike
image of concentrated aggression through animal imagery, including a
long horizontal muzzle with bared teeth, antelope horns, warthog tusks,
and fully realized chameleons and birds. The surface of the kponyungo
is painted rather than encrusted with sacrificial material. Instead of a
human figure crowning the mask, there is a cup to hold potent magical
ingredients.28
The Dallas komo mask combines traits of both Senufo and Bamana
helmet masks29 and derives its power from the accumulated sacrificial
offerings that created the crusty surface instead of from the magical ingre-
dients in a cup. The imported mirrors and base from a wine glass that form
the eyes confirm the piece as a contemporary object.
170 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being

56

Helmet mask (gye)
Côte d’Ivoire, Guro peoples
Mid-20th century
Wood, paint, and sheet metal
10 × 13½ × 32 in. (24.34 × 34.29 × 81.28 cm)
The Otis and Velma Davis Dozier Fund, 1993.1
Yu masks, which are supposed to have been invented in antiquity and are
owned by the oldest families in northern Guro communities, are highly
revered and the recipients of sacrificial offerings. The most power­ful yu
mask is gye, considered the highest judicial authority. They can judge dis-
putes, negotiate peace treaties, and make momentous decisions on behalf
of the community. They appear in public when the community celebrates
an important event or at the funeral cele­brations of honored family mem-
bers. The exceptionally large Dallas gye mask is an excellent example of
the type.
Gye are thought to be creatures that in ancient times belonged to the
beasts of the forest and mountains. According to legend, a Guro hunter
brought the creatures into the village to receive offerings—perhaps to
ensure a successful hunt and appease the spirits of the animals that
were killed. Eventually these apparently friendly beings were immortal-
ized in sculpted wooden masks and costumes, dance steps, and musical
accompaniment.
Talented, athletic dancers perform the gye masquerade wearing a mas-
sive knotted fiber costume that is used to extinguish the burning coals on
which they dance.30 The masks, which have both human and animal fea-
tures, typically display the hairline of humans and the muzzle and horns
of a bush cow or other large animal.
This mask was repaired with sheet metal at some time during its
decades of use.
172
57
Helmet mask (kifwebe)
and costume
Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Songye or Luba peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood, paint, fiber, cane, and gut
135/* × 8¾ × 7½ in. (34.61 × 22.23 × 19.05 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection of
African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott Founda-
tion in honor of Eugene McDermott, 1974.SC.42
58
Helmet mask (kifwebe)
Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Tempe-Songye peoples
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood and paint
23¾ × 13½ × 11½ in. (60.33 × 34.29 × 29.21 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, The Eugene and Margaret McDermott
Art Fund, Inc., 1971.12.McD
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being
In the absence of precise field data, attribution and context can be
­difficult if not impossible to ascertain. These two helmet masks from the
Democratic Republic of the Congo exemplify such a situation.
The striated masks of the Songye peoples are known as bifwebe (sing.
kifwebe) and have sagittal crests that extend from the top of the head to
the tip of the nose. The female mask is white with a low sagittal crest
(cat. 57) and is stylistically similar to the polychrome masks of the Luba
peoples, the Songye’s neighbors to the north with whom they share a
common origin. Male bifwebe of the Tempe-Songye peoples (cat. 58) have
a raised crest or lateral projection and are often attributed to the Tetela
peoples who do not have a masking tradition.31 Bifwebe, which have rarely
been documented in situ, function within the context of the Bwadi Bwa
Kifwebe, a men’s secret association that assures the well-being and con-
tinuity of its communities by enforcing societal laws and appealing to
benevolent spirits.
Although their forms, patterns, colors, and behaviors are inspired by
and derived from human beings and animals, bifwebe are supports for
supernatural beings. All Songye bifwebe, whether male or female, are worn
by men. Gender is indicated by the height of the sagittal crest. A low sagit-
tal crest designates a mask is female. The sagittal crest of a male kifwebe,
on the other hand, can reach dramatic heights (fig. 39). The height of the
crest is directly related to the strength of the mask’s character: the larger
the crest, the greater the mask’s mystical knowledge and magical power.
The male mask’s crest and overall size also indicate achievement levels
within the secret society; for example, the progression from youth to
elder. In contrast to the male mask whose eyes and mouth are protuber-
ant, feminine eyes and mouths are carved in low relief.
The striations on both male and female masks, which are a unique
stylistic trait of all Songye masks, are derived from the markings and pat-
terns of wild and dangerous animals, such as the zebra or striped antelope,
crocodile, lion, porcupine, and snake. Bifwebe may be painted black, white,
and red. The colors of black and white, however, refer to gender. Black is
associated with masculinity. On male bifwebe, black signifies malevolence,
aggression, violence, and evil magic, which are reinforced in the masked
dancer’s aggressive and energetic performance. It is intentionally fright-
ening. Female masks are predominantly white, if they are painted at all.
Whiteness connotes purity, health, fertility, procreation and nursing, joy,
wisdom, and beauty as well as moonlight, cassava flour, and sperm. The
female kifwebe dancer’s performance is graceful and gentle.32
The contexts in which bifwebe appear are according to gender.
Aggressive male masks supervise road and fieldwork and participate in
policing activities during crises, initiations of male youths into adult-
hood, and preparations for warfare. Gentle female masks participate in
lunar, funerary, and investiture rites that encourage benevolent spirits to
CAT. 57
174 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being

bestow fertility, the dead to enter the afterlife, and the peaceful transfer-
ence of leadership. Both male and female masks are worn by male dancers
who wear raffia costumes and are accompanied by singers and dancers.33
The kifwebe with the lateral crest was originally adorned with feathers, as
suggested by the perforations and a photograph of a related mask, taken
during a lunar activity in 1924.34

fig 39  The height of this kifwebe mask’s comb is

indicative of the male gender. Democratic Republic
of the Congo.

CAT. 58
176 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being

59

Drum The Senufo used tall drums supported on four bent legs not only as
­musical instruments (fig.  40) but also as a means of communication,
Côte d’Ivoire, Senufo peoples
20th century much like a public address system. Drums, for example, were played
Wood and hide when young men prepared the fields for planting. This laborious work was
411/* × 18½ in. diam. (104.46 × 46.99 cm) turned into a hoeing contest in which drums set the rhythm by which the
Foundation for the Arts Collection, gift of men swung their hoes. Later, the drums accompanied the songs praising
Mr. and Mrs. Stanley Marcus, 1981.139.FA the champion cultivator. Drums were played at boys’ and girls’ initiations,
to announce the death of important elders, and at funerals. Elaborately
carved drums were considered prestige objects that only the best sculp-
tors were commissioned to carve.
Four-legged drums, like the Dallas example, also contributed to Senufo
women’s mental health. Although women’s role in society complemented
that of men and the mystique of procreation gave them power, Senufo
women did not have equal rights. Women belonging to the Tyekpa
women’s society dealt with gender conflicts and frustration by singing
in a secret language that only they understood. Accompanied by drums
and favoring call-and-response patterns, they raised their voices in song,
daring to insult their men’s physical attributes or bad behavior.35
The motifs carved in low relief on the cylindrical chamber are not
merely decoration. They symbolize important cultural concepts. The
horned face, for example (seen in profile), represents the carved face
masks that junior members of the Poro society wear at funerary masquer-
ades. Animal imagery includes a serpent being attacked by two long-billed
birds, perhaps cranes or herons, and may refer to the potentially danger-
ous competing powers in the universe. The U-shaped form probably rep-
resents a python, which is both a symbol for the world and the primary
insignia of the female Sandogo society diviners, who are able to ascertain
the cause of threatening circumstances through the divining ritual. The
fig 40  Senufo women dancing around drums, near Korhogo,
Côte d’Ivoire, 1971. crocodile, or giant lizard, and quadrupeds (i.e., wild animals) are symbols
of threatening or destructive forces. The fetters, or forged iron manacles,
symbolize the suffering Senufo ancestors endured during the Sudanese
wars (Islamic jihads) of the nineteenth century and because of the forced
labor the French imposed during the colonial period. A tortoise (not vis-
ible) is a divine messenger. It is also a symbol for water and, in recognition
of its longevity and endurance, for health. The scalloped collar beneath
the raised band encircling the drum may be purely decorative, but the
inverted shapes at the bottom of the drum represent small animal horns
that contained potent medicine.
178 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
three : art for security and well-being
Notes
1. Lamp, in Turner 1996: vol. 3, 47; Lamp 2004: 222–25
2. Drewal and Pemberton with Abiodun 1989:
189–206
3. Carroll 1967: 26
Compare to the Olosanyin priest depicted on the
lidded bowl (p. 277) by Arowogun (Areogun) of
Osi-Ilorin (c. 1880–1950). Father Kevin Carroll lived
in Ekiti for several years and documented all the
major sculptors, including Arowogun. He photo-
graphed this mask in the 1950s and published it in
1967. John Pemberton suggests, in a letter to Carlo
Bello of Pace Galleries, New York City (February 21,
2006), that if Carroll had known the sculptor he
would have noted it. The unknown master may have
predated the known or living sculptors in Ekiti or
he may have lived in a village or town unknown to
Carroll. The author, in comparing the headdress to
an Epa mask that William Fagg identified as the work
of Oshamuko, attributes it to Oshamuko of Osi or
his atelier; see Vogel 1981: 122–23.
4. Lorenz, in Brincard 1982: 52–60; see also Peek, in
Anderson and Peek 2002: 39–50
5. Fagg 1963: 39–40; Fagg 1968: n.p., cat. no. 153
6. Kasfir 1982: 45–51, 91–92; Sidney Kasfir, personal
communication, November 4, 2005; Nicholls 1984:
70–76, 92
Igede serves as a cultural corridor between Ogoja
and Idomaland. The Igede peoples of Nigeria’s Benue
State are located both culturally and geographically
in the shatter zone north of the middle Cross River
bordering on the tropical forest. The Idoma peoples
live to the northwest. The Anjenu possession cult is
common to both groups.
7. See Berzok 2005: 133, fig. 79, for a similar vessel
8. Hare 1983: 8
Longuda peoples call their ritual vessels kwanda­lowa;
they are used in a similar fashion and are made by
women. Writing in the late 1970s, Jonathan Slye
noted that the Mwona made healing vessels; Slye
1977: 23.
9. Berns, in Roy 2000: 53–76
10. Hare 1983: 9
11. Jordan 1998: 31, cat. no. 2
12. Timmermans 1966: 17–18
13. Roberts and Roberts 1996: 17–20, 216–18,
cat. no. 93
14. Felix 1987: 196–97
african art in the cycle of life
Part four: art for the afterlife
15. Biebuyck 1985: 126–27
16. Cornet 1971: 305–308; Mack, in Verswijver et al.
1995: 270, 387, cat. no. 240; Blier 1998: 37
17. Evans-Prichard 1937: 513
18. Ghent 1994: pp. 26 and 50, cat. no. 67
19. Thompson 1978: 206–21; Lehuard 1997: 22–23
20. MacGaffey, in MacGaffey and Harris 1993: 44
21. Bassani 1977: 36–40; Bassani 1998: 102–104
This count includes seven nail figures that Bas­sani
identified in 1997 and an additional five identified in
1998. There are twenty figures according to ­LaGamma
2008: 40.
22. Like the Detroit nkisi nkondi (see note 19, above,
citing Thompson 1978), the Dallas figure was carved
from Canarium schweinfurthii. We acknowledge the
assistance of Alton Bowman, who facilitated the
analysis of the Dallas sculpture in July 2008. X-rays of
the figure reveal that the cavity is filled with matter.
23. Thompson 2005: 84–85
24. Neyt 2004: 308–309, plate 20
25. Smet 1999: 23
26. Roberts 1995: 95, cat. no. 94
27. McNaughton 1979; McNaughton, in Colleyn 2003:
175–83
28. Glaze 1981: 257 and 259; Boyer, Girard, and Rivière
1997: 24, plate 4
29. Till Förester, personal communication, March
2008
30. Fischer 2008: 142–57
The Dallas gye mask is reproduced in fig. 126,
page 147. It was formerly in the collection of Loed
van Bussel; Roy 1993: 78.
31. Heusch 1995: 176–194
De Heusch asserts that the Tetela do not have a
masking tradition.
32. Hersak, in Turner 1996: vol. 29, 68–72
33. Hersak, in Verswijver et al. 1996: 176–77, cat. no. 85;
Hersak, in Heusch 1995: 165–66
34. The photograph was taken by Major John Noble
White and is housed at the Eliot Elisofon Photo-
graphic Archives, National Museum of African Art,
Smithsonian Institution, Washington.
35. Glaze 1993: 124; Weeks [1914] 1969: 105–106;
McGuire 1980: 54–56, 88
The themes of death and the afterlife are universal in the visual arts. Found
worldwide throughout time, depictions are diverse: from the tomb decora-
tions of dynastic Egypt to the grave steles of ancient Greece, the reliquaries
of the Christian tradition, and the crockery and other items arranged on the
graves of African Americans in the southern United States.
Throughout Africa, in traditional societies and among many cosmopoli-
tan inhabitants, the belief is held that death is but a transition to another
stage in the cycle of life. The Yoruba proverb “Earth is a marketplace we
visit; heaven [or the afterlife], home” underscores this notion. The dead
may be reborn. Yoruba names for newborns—Babatunde, “the father has
come again,” and Yetunde, “the mother has come again”—echo the belief
that an ancestor has returned to earth.
Contented ancestors willingly intercede with the deities and other spiri-
tual entities on behalf of their survivors. To ensure the departed can rest
rather than cause mischief and misfortune, families must properly carry
out the funeral rites. Before burial, the deceased’s debts must be paid and
a funeral celebration befitting his or her station in life must be held. Family
members must serve refreshments (which may be for a whole village or for
a whole street in a town) during the all-night “wake-keeping” and funeral,
dress the dead in special clothing, decorate the room in which the corpse
will lie in state, and hire a band. In the past, the exigencies of a tropical
climate dictated immediate interment.1 Nowadays the surviving family
may, in the absence of Western-style funeral homes, have to cover the cost
of storing the corpse in the air-conditioned mortuary of a hospital as well
as finance a masquerade and videotape the funerary events for relatives
unable to attend. The importance of this financial obligation cannot be
underestimated. An individual unable to obtain a bank loan to start a busi-
ness may well immediately receive a loan to pay for the funeral of a family
elder. Moreover, because a commemorative event on the anniversary of the
death is expected, the financial obligations continue.
Traditional art is used extensively during the funerary rituals. Finely
crafted divination objects ascertain the cause of death, elaborate objects
made of rare and expensive materials are buried with the deceased or deco-
rate the grave, locally woven or imported textiles wrap the body or dress
the deceased’s family, and sculpted figures and masks are present during
the funeral celebration and subsequent commemorative events. Relics
associated with the dead are preserved in special ­containers guarded by
sculpted ­figures, and other figures that memorialize the departed and serve
as vessels for their spirits and a medium through which to communicate
with them are placed on domestic shrines, in special memorial houses, or
in cemeteries. The promise and expectation of their ancestors’ continued
interest and support compel families to commission art that is both appro-
priate and beautiful so the ancestor will be attracted to them.
179
180 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

60

Relief of a procession Ancient Egyptians believed in the divine immortality of their pharaohs
of offering bearers who were mummified and buried in tombs, such as the Great Pyramid at

from the tomb of Giza, which was built during the Old Kingdom, to await resurrection into
the afterlife. The burial chambers were lavishly decorated and furnished
Ny‑Ank‑Nesut with essential items the royals would need upon their resurrection.
Egypt, Saqqara This carved and painted limestone relief originally decorated a wall in
2575–2134 bc, Old Kingdom, late 5th to 6th Dynasty the tomb of Ny-Ank-Nesut, who is believed to have been an important
Painted limestone court official, possibly a high priest of Ra (Re). The artist conformed to
17½ × 66¾ × 3½ in. (44.45 × 169.55 × 8.89 cm)
the classic Egyptian convention for depicting the human form by combin-
Munger Fund, 1965.28.M ing the frontal and profile views of the eight male servants wearing short
kilts. The offerings they carry for the departed include loaves of bread,
cakes, geese, papyrus leaves, bowls of lotus flowers, a hedgehog in a cage,
vessels of beer, and other things that would magically come to life upon
Ny-Ank-Nesut’s resurrection.2
182 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

61

Head and upper torso
of Seti I
Egypt
1303–1200 bc, New Kingdom, 19th Dynasty
Granite
15 × 11¾ × 73/* in. (38.10 × 29.85 × 18.73 cm)
Purchased in honor of Betty Marcus with the Art
Museum League Fund, the Melba Davis Whatley
Fund, and the General Acquisition Fund, 1984.50
Thousands of years ago, the ancient Egyptians built magnificent ­temples
for the deities they worshipped and monumental pyramids for the mum-
mified remains of their rulers, who were believed to be both mortal and
divine and endowed with great magical as well as spiritual powers.
The woven, striped headdress (royal nemes) and false beard, both divine
attributes of the gods, indicate the sculpture is of a pharaoh. In fact, his
identity—Seti I—is inscribed on the nemes and the elliptical cartouche at
the rear of the bust. He appears to be youthful (although he was older at
the time he was portrayed), handsome, and virile, and his facial expres-
sion is calm.3 One of the greatest Egyptian pharaohs, Seti was a successful
military leader and a great patron of the arts. He waged wars against the
Hittites, Phoenicians, Syrians, and Libyans, which resulted in his extend-
ing the boundaries of Egypt into other parts of North Africa and the Near
East. Seti I restored neglected temples and shrines, and among his build-
ings is a temple at Abydos to honor the deity Osiris and his own magnifi-
cent tomb in the Valley of the Kings at Thebes.
184
62
Coffin of Horankh
Egypt, Thebes c. 700 bc, Late Period, 25th Dynasty
Wood, gesso, paint, obsidian, calcite, and bronze
76¾ × 19 × 15 in. (195.00 × 48.26 × 38.10 cm)
Cecil and Ida Green Acquisition Fund, 1994.184
fig 41  The nesting coffins of Tutankhamun, 18th Dynasty,
fit neatly inside one another.
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife
Ancient Egyptian coffins housed an individual’s physical remains and ka
(vital force or soul) during the journey to the afterlife. The decorations on
the inside and outside of the coffins guaranteed the deceased’s survival.
Such decorations included food and drink, servants, a pair of eyes to see
the rising sun, spells, and other items that reflected religious beliefs and
social practices.
Anthropoid coffins, introduced during the 12th Dynasty (1985–1795 bc),
replicate the form of a human body wrapped in a linen shroud and served
as substitutes for the corpses in case the remains were lost or destroyed.
The Dallas coffin was made for Horankh as indicated by the name inscribed
on the base. Although the sculpted head is rendered in a naturalistic
manner, the colors and beard are symbolic: the green face and plaited,
upturned beard are attributes of Osiris, Lord of the Underworld and god of
the resurrection. Horankh’s dedication to Osiris is evident in the invoca-
tion to the deity inscribed on the base of the statue.4
Horankh lived during the 25th Dynasty (747–656  bc), which is also
known as the Kushite or Nubian Dynasty. Nubia was located along the
Nile River between Aswan in southern Egypt and Khartoum in northern
Sudan. There the ancient Nubians developed powerful, independent
kingdoms beginning around 3100  bc and competed with Egypt for the
use of the Nile River as a commercial highway and for the acquisition
of land. While Egypt dominated Nubia on more than one occasion, the
Nubians took advantage of a divided Egypt in 747  bc and ruled it for one
hundred years.5
This outer coffin, with its lack of ornate decoration, is reminiscent of
coffins from the Middle Kingdom (2055–1650  bc) and illustrates how the
Nubians borrowed from the classic models of earlier dynasties (fig. 41).
186
63
Rhythm pounder
Southeastern Mali, Sikasso district, Senufo peoples
19th to 20th century
Wood, cowrie shells, and red abrus seeds
363/* × 8¼ × 6 in. (92.39 × 20.96 × 15.24 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection of African
Sculpture, gift of the McDermott Foundation in honor
of Eugene McDermott, 1974.SC.15
fig 42  Peers of the deceased striking rhythm pounders
against the ground lead the way to the cemetery.
­Tyelikaha, Côte d’Ivoire, 1986.
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife
Art makes a dramatic appearance at the funerals of important elders
of Poro, an age-graded society that teaches boys their social, political,
and spiritual roles as adult males. Masquerade costumes with fiber or
wooden headpieces and carved wooden figures depicting a male and a
female appear during funeral celebrations. Small figures are displayed
on the ground or near the corpse, which is wrapped in layers of splendid,
locally woven cloths. These cloths are gifts of condolence from the villag-
ers. Large figures carved from a durable hardwood and standing on thick
pedestals are used as pestles or pounders in a final ritual.
During the funeral, the large figures are placed on either side of the
corpse, which lies in state on a carved wooden bier or on mats cover­ing
the ground. At the appointed time, a member of the occupational group to
which the deceased belonged performs a ritual that initiates the deceased
into the society of ancestral spirits. At the conclusion of the ritual, young
initiates carry the corpse to the cemetery on their shoulders while elder
Poro members, each carrying a figure by its arms, neck, or shoulders, lead
the way. The figures are swung from side to side and periodically struck
against the ground in time with the music of the funeral orchestra; hence,
the popular name “rhythm pounder” (fig.  42). This action induces the
ancestral spirits to continue to participate in the funeral rites. At a certain
point in the ceremony, the procession stops and a pair of rhythm pound-
ers is placed on top of the corpse. Afterward, the procession continues to
the cemetery located at the edge of the village. Following the interment,
the rhythm pounders are returned to the Poro sacred grove where they
remain until their next appearance.6
The Dallas figure, which is a superb example of a rhythm pounder,
depicts a slender woman with incised marks on her chest and traces of
decoration around her navel. Clusters of snail shells, cowrie shells, and
red abrus seeds originally adorned her coiffure, upper arms, and abdo-
men.7 Although she appears youthful, as is customary for traditional
portraiture, the figure represents an ideal adult female who was initiated
into the Sandogo society (the ­women’s equivalent of the men’s Poro), was
married, and bore several children.
188 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

64

Mask (Mukenga)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kuba peoples
Mid-20th century
Raffia, wood, cowrie shells, beads, parrot feathers,
and goat hair
33½ × 22 × 26 in. (85.09 × 55.88 × 66.04 cm)
Gift in honor of Peter Hanszen Lynch and
Cristina Martha Frances Lynch, 1998.11
Among the Kuba peoples, as among most traditional African ­societies, the
scale and duration of a funeral—from short and simple to days long and
complex—is commensurate with the prominence of the deceased person
during life. Masks with elephantine features appear at funerals of elders
who were high-ranking members of a men’s secret initiation society
(fig. 43). The masquerader performs a dance in honor of the deceased who,
although not a Bushoong—the group from which the Kuba king (nyim)
was chosen—belonged to a particular aristocratic clan.
The mask is part of the Mukenga or elephant costume that personifies
a high-ranking member of a secret society. The conical projection extend-
ing upward and over the front of the mask represents an elephant’s trunk,
and the small beaded panels at either side are its tusks. The product of
labor-intensive craftsmanship, the mask is lavishly adorned with valuable
cowrie shells, imported beads arranged in complex patterns, and the red
tail feathers of an African gray parrot. All these elements are symbols of
wealth, title, and elite status. In Kuba society, ownership and control of
elephant ivory rests with the king.8
The white cowrie shells, which were used as currency before coins and
paper money were introduced, evoke death and signify mourning and
the ancestors’ dry bones. Unlike most masks that cover the entire head,
Mukenga Muykeem does not have eyeholes. Sighted attendants accompany
the dancer wearing the “blind mask” as he performs ancient steps with
pride, gravity, and dignity.

fig 43  The lavishly adorned elephant mask appears at

funeral rituals for deceased members of the prestigious
Mukenga society. Bushoong Village, Democratic Republic
of the Congo, 1981.
190
65
Egungun costume
Nigeria, Oyo or Ogbomoso area, Yoruba peoples
1920–1950
Cotton, silk, and wool fabric, metal, leather,
mirrors, cotton, and wood
66 × 71 × 15 in. (167.64 × 182.88 × 38.10 cm)
Textile Purchase Fund, 1995.35
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife
An announcement in the Daily Times, a Nigerian newspaper distributed
throughout the country, summoned the sons and daughters of the city
of Abeokuta home for an Egungun festival in June 1970. The author of this
volume attended the celebration, which lasted for several days. Dancing,
drumming, and singing as well as feasting with family and friends con-
tributed to a most festive atmosphere. Numerous public masquerades
featured costumes made entirely of textiles; others highlighted carved
wooden masks or headdresses in the form of human heads, animals, or
combinations of both. Some events, such as worship activities and the
appearance of masks bearing powerful, potentially lethal medicines, were
not public.
The Egungun masquerade annually calls the spirits of the ancestors
and the recently departed back from the realm of the dead to visit their
descendants and survivors. The ancestors, represented by masks always
worn by male dancers, grant their survivors’ petitions for protection from
harm, the gift of children and all good things that contribute to the fam-
ily’s well-being, and they settle disputes over inheritance or other prob-
lems that have surfaced since their last visit.9
This colorful Egungun costume is composed of layers of Nigerian and
European textiles that have been cut into panels and bound with contrast-
ing fabrics and colors. The costume completely concealed the dancer and
was probably accessorized with gloves and footwear, possibly to match
the textiles used.10 There are panels of cotton velveteen, silk, wool, and
cotton damask with a variety of figurative and geometric motifs, all expen-
sive imports fit for a king or other high-ranking members of society. At its
core is the initial layer that covers the dancer from head to toe. A rectangu-
lar mesh panel near the top of the costume allows for visibility. Each year
family members add another layer of cloth, always continuing the sym-
metrical format, to refurbish the costume before the festival. The costume
is adorned with mirrors, buttons, and metal coinlike forms. Despite its
great size, the masker twirls around this way and that causing the layers
to fly outward during the dance.
The year this costume was created is not known precisely. Theoretically,
one can ascertain how long a costume has been in use by counting the
layers of cloth and consulting European trade catalogues to obtain the
date particular fabrics arrived in Nigeria. This costume may offer an
intriguing clue to its age, or at least contributes to the study of Yoruba
commemorative cloths, which are used for the installation of a king or for
other important public or private events. One panel made of pure cotton
cloth carries a repeat pattern of a medallion motif. The upside-down
image in the medallion is that of a white-wigged European male, who is
identified as “Lawyer Wells Palmer” and to whom someone was grateful,
as indicated by the word adupe (thank you) that is printed opposite his
name (see detail, p. 193).
192 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

A judgment of the British Court issued in March 1931 identifies

Wells Palmer as counsel for the appellant who was His Royal Highness
Eshugbayi Eleko, the king (oba) of Lagos from 1900 until 1925 when he was
deposed.11 According to a genealogy of the obas of Lagos, Eshugbayi Eleko
regained the throne in 1931 but served only one year before he died.12 In
the absence of other cloths that thank other members of the king’s legal
team, one can assume Palmer was the most deserving of recognition. The
mystery remains to be solved.
194 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

66

Standing female and
male figures (ere ibeji)
Nigeria, Oyo region, Yoruba peoples
20th century
Wood, camwood powder, indigo, glass beads,
and fiber
Male: 13 1/* × 4¼ × 3½ in. (33.34 × 11.43 × 8.89 cm)
Female: 13¼ × 4 1/* × 3½ in. (33.66 × 10.48 × 8.89 cm)
Gift of the Dozier Foundation, 1990.274.1, 1990.274.2
fig 44  A shrine for deceased ibeji (twins) over several
generations of a family. Imosan, the Ibeju area of Nigeria,
1982.
Among the Yoruba, who consider twins (ibeji) special, even sacred, the
­frequency of giving birth to twins is exceptionally high. Multiple births
were seen as unnatural in the distant past and resulted in the practice of
twin infanticide. For reasons not precisely understood, the Yoruba radi-
cally changed their attitude toward twins. An oral tradition associates
twins with Shango, the thunder god and legendary Alafin (king) of Oyo
who, in the days of twin infanticide, could not bear to destroy his own
newborn twins. Instead, he banished them and their mother to a remote
part of the kingdom where they remained and were regarded as dead. In
time, the spirits of twins were venerated like those of the deities (orisha).
In the event one or both twins die, an Ifa diviner (babalawo) may advise
the parents to commission a sculpture called an ere ibeji, or image of the
twins. The figure, posed frontally and standing with its hands placed at
its sides, is an idealized portrait of the dead twin as well as a receptacle for
its spirit.13 The mother of the twins symbolically cares for the twin figure
as she does the living child. She feeds, clothes, washes, and adorns it and
puts it to bed and serenades it with songs of praise. Ere ibeji are placed on
domestic altars or kept in a basket in the mother’s room and periodically
venerated in formal rituals (fig. 44). On market days, a mother tucks the
ere ibeji in her wrapper and takes the surviving twin shopping. The vendors
will give her extra food and adornments for the living twin and the ere ibeji.
These attentions are believed to appease and encourage the spirit of the
dead twin to remain in the spirit world instead of returning to earth to
claim the surviving twin or cause misfortune that would affect the entire
community. Indeed, to disrespect an ere ibeji could invoke the wrath of
Shango, the twins’ patron saint.
These ere ibeji follow the African principle of idealized portraiture and
depict male and female twins as fully developed adults in the prime of life.
Ere ibeji never portray sexually undeveloped children. The figures’ upswept
hairstyle indicates they were carved in a style associated with the Ibuke
area of the Oyo region. Traces of indigo in the hair and cosmetic camwood
powder may suggest the twins were gifts of Shango. The figures’ eyes have
been pierced to “open” them, and the vertical scarification on their fore-
head and cheeks identify their lineage. They are adorned with imported
glass beads, which in the past were valued as currency.
A nineteenth-century British explorer traveling in the Oyo region may
have been the first to describe the diminutive sculptures carried by moth-
ers who had lost a twin.14 Some indigenous religious practices are still
observed, albeit without the traditional ritual objects, among the popu-
lations of present-day Nigeria, which is divided almost evenly between
Christians and Muslims. Today, the photographer instead of the sculp-
tor has become the maker of ere ibeji, which appear in the form of double
photographs.15
196 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

67

Standing male ancestor
figure (ekpu)
Nigeria, Cross River region, Oron peoples
Late 19th century
Wood
23½ × 45/!6 × 43/* in. (59.69 × 10.95 × 11.11 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection of
African Art, gift of the McDermott Foundation
in honor of Eugene McDermott, 1974.SC.31
Standing male ancestor figures dating from the mid- to late nineteenth
­century are among the oldest extant sculptures from Nigeria. Called ekpu,
the figures contain the spirit of departed ancestors who were petitioned
for the well-being of the community. Following the death of an elder
and before his ceremonial burial (which could occur well after the actual
burial), the family commissioned a sculptor to carve a figure that reflected
the deceased’s importance and wealth. The figures were kept in the men’s
meetinghouse (obio), out of the view of women and children. There animal
sacrifices were made to the ekpu at the beginning of the planting season
and at harvest time. In addition to being a means of communicating with
the ancestral spirits, ekpu figures provided a visual record of a lineage’s
history.
Ekpu figures are conventionally posed frontally on short legs beneath
a bulbous onion-shaped abdomen and portrayed wearing a distinctive
cone-shaped hat or coiffure, a symbol of the ekpu or ancestors. They hold
objects in each hand that may represent their status as elder lineage offi-
cers. Scarification marks at the center of the brows and along the sides of
the faces and a narrow beard along the jawline that is styled into a plait
at the chin also signify elder status. Some ekpu hold palm-wine drinking
horns; the Dallas figure holds a pair of cylindrical staffs.
The size of an ekpu figure and the elaborateness of the carving reflect
the importance and wealth of the ancestor who is portrayed. A childless
or junior member of a family, for example, would not be represented by a
figure but by a plain stick. The modest size of the Dallas figure suggests it
represents a family member rather than a lineage ancestor. Women were
represented by a pot.16
198 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

68

Reliquary guardian
figure
Gabon, Ntem region, Mvaï group, Fang peoples
1800–1860
Wood
21¼ × 5¼ × 5¾ in. (53.98 × 13.33 × 14.61 cm)
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc.,
2000.3.McD
fig 45  The flexed-knee position and stem of sculptured
guardian figures allow them to be set atop bark boxes
containing sacred relics. Southern Cameroon, c. 1913.
In the belief that skulls and certain bones of great men retained their
supernatural powers after death, the Fang, Kota, Sango, and Tsogo peo-
ples venerated and preserved such remains. “Great men” included the
founder of the lineage and successive lineages, clan or family heads, and
extraordinary women who were believed to have supernatural abilities
or who bore numerous healthy children. The relics, along with precious
beads, potent substances with magical properties (medicine), and other
spiritually charged objects were kept in containers made of bark or woven
plant fibers. A post projecting from a carved guardian figure fastened it to
the lid of the bark reliquary box (fig. 45), which was kept in special shel-
ters or repositories. The sculpted guardians protected the relics from mali-
cious humans and evil spirits and served as a point of contact between the
ancestral relics and designated family members.
This reliquary guardian is attributed to a master sculptor who lived on
the upper Ntem River in northern Gabon and was active between about
1800 and 1860.17 The sculptor’s style is distinguished by the figure’s short,
muscular body with raised pectorals above a barrel-shaped abdomen,
arms held close to its sides, and hands joined at the base of the chest.18
Deep incised lines delineate the fingers, lattice scarification on a band that
terminates just above the enormous navel adorns the abdomen, and ver-
tical incised lines travel the length of the back. The figure, with rounded
thighs and thick calves, is carved in a seated position. Its massive head
has a high, rounded forehead, arched brows above squinting eyes pierced
with metal, and a pouting mouth with exposed teeth. Its hair is styled
into three large triangular plaits and a “duck tail” that replicate a man’s
nlo-o-ngo hairstyle, which was still fashionable in the twentieth century.
A headband with pompoms covers its ears. Feathers affixed to the head-
dress by metallic chains, earrings, iron or copper necklaces and bracelets,
and glass beads originally adorned the figure.19 The feet have broken off.
Reliquary guardian figures were also used as puppets in a ritual called
mélan, a rite of appeasement. During the course of their initiation into
adulthood, boys learned about the history of their people, which is marked
by migrations and the need for portable objects, including the reliquaries.
The practice of making reliquaries for ancestor worship ceased in the early
twentieth century when the French colonial government banned the reli-
quaries and their priests.
200
69
Janus reliquary
guardian figure
Attributed to Semangoy of Zokolunga
Gabon, Franceville area, Kota peoples,
Obama group
Late 19th or early 20th century
Brass, copper, iron, wood, and fiber
2413/!6 × 1911/!6 × 5 in. (63.02 × 50.00 × 12.70 cm)
Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc.,
2005.36.McD
fig 46  Ancestral skulls are removed from the reliquary
and arranged before the sculptured guardian figure.
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife
The Kota and related peoples preserved the relics of honored ancestral
leaders in baskets guarded by reliquary figures (fig.  46). Affixed to the
baskets, the figures were carved from a single piece of wood and covered
in metal.20
In contrast to the figurative reliquary guardians of other African cul-
tures, the Kota guardians appear abstract. A large ovoid head with mini-
mal facial features rests on a lozenge shape that represents the arms of a
truncated body. The forms projecting from the top and sides of the face
correspond to men’s elaborate hairstyles or headwear, and some figures
have iron accents and ear ornaments. Size may indicate function. Large,
Janus-faced figures are thought to have guarded the relics belonging to an
extensive lineage group, while smaller ones guarded those of families. It
is unknown whether one side represents a female and the other a male.
Similar to other double-faced reliquary guardian figures, each face on
the Dallas guardian is unique in its conception. The face on one side is
concave and clad in copper with bands of brass crossing the center. Its
coffee-bean-shaped eyes protrude, its mouth is open to reveal teeth, and
the crescent-shaped crest is decorated with crosshatching and bosses. The
other face, clad in brass with a copper band placed across the eyes from
temple to temple, is convex beneath a prominent forehead. Iron screws
that pierce the eyes to form irises, parallel vertical iron bars under the eyes
that may represent scarification, and a piece of red cloth inserted into its
mouth are among its other features.
The materials chosen to make the reliquary guardian figure may
have been practical as well as symbolic. For example, the Kota may have
thought the reflective quality of copper and brass could repel harmful spir-
its. While both iron and copper were available in limited quantities locally,
copper was obtained solely through trade with Europe. The decorative
knoblike motifs may reference the foreign source of the brass, which was
also used in the creation of multisized basins called “Neptune’s caldrons”
and wire.21 Thus, expensive materials projected the image of wealth and
served as a repellent.
The Dallas reliquary guardian figure is attributed to Semangoy, a
Wumbu group artisan from Zokolunga, a small village near Moanda. He
decorated one side of the crescent with a characteristic mark: an incised
miniature crescent bisected by a line with a boss at each end.22
202 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

70

Reliquary guardian
figure (mbumba bwiti)
Gabon, Sango peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood, brass, and bone
113/* × 3½ × 3N in. (28.89 × 8.89 × 8.30 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection
of African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott
Foundation in honor of Eugene McDermott,
1974.SC.36
The Sango peoples practiced a funerary tradition similar to that of their
neighbors, the Kota. Sango reliquaries, which were also protected by
sculpted wood guardian figures covered with metal, were associated with
individuals rather than lineages and were expected to ensure safe and pro-
ductive travel and trade.23 Kept in a special room in quarters belonging
to the head of a family, they were present on occasions such as the end
of mourning or at rituals concerning healing, hunting, or the search for
evildoers.24
Reliquary guardian figures of this type typically have extremely styl-
ized human heads with a high forehead. The arched brows, nose, and
horizontal patterns represent scarification and are formed with metal; the
staring eyes are made of bone. The ears are conceived as cylinders that
project from the sides of the face. The Dallas figure is distinguished by
a pair of barlike forms that extend downward beneath the ears as if to
echo the shape of the “shoulders” of the lozenge-shaped body. The base of
the figure would have been thrust into a reliquary made of beaten bark in
which were preserved the ancestor’s bones as well as magical ingredients
such as shells, forest fruits, and various charms or amulets.25
204 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

71

Half figure of a man
Gabon, Tsogo peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood, pigment, and metal
203/* × 8 1/* × 5¾ in. (51.75 × 20.64 × 14.61 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection
of African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott
Foundation in honor of Eugene McDermott,
1974.SC.37
The Tsogo used half figures similar to this one as reliquary guardians and
as ritual objects. In the former context, they were placed in the reli­quary;
in the latter, they were placed on the floor of a temple during “dramatic
nocturnal rituals.”26 The Dallas half figure has an oval head, pronounced
eyebrows, a long wedge-shaped nose, and open mouth. Its hands, typi-
cally placed at either side of the body, are above the navel. Distinguishing
features include prominent ears, traces of white pigment (probably kaolin)
on the body, and metal-covered eyes. Some half figures display a vertical
strip of metal on the forehead as a means to empower the figure to repel
evil spirits. Placing reflective metal in the eyes of the figure rather than on
its forehead may be the artist’s innovation or it may be a convention that
allows the vigilant sentry to see beyond this world.27
206 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

72

Kneeling female figure Among the Yombe, carved wooden human figures portray individual
with bowl and child ancestors who may have founded a lineage or otherwise made impor-
tant contributions to their families and their communities. Enshrined in
Democratic Republic of the Congo and
small memorial houses in cemeteries, these idealized sculptures guard
Angola, Mayombe region, Kongo peoples,
Yombe group
the dead, including their own remains, and provide a means of contact
Late 19th or early 20th century with the ancestor and other spirits in the realm of the dead (mpemba).
Wood, pigment, and glass This kneeling female figure and child (pfemba) represents an important
21½ × 10 × 9 7/!6 in. (54.61 × 25.40 × 23.97 cm) woman. She has a high, miterlike coiffure or headdress and wears five
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of bracelets, which exceed the number worn by ordinary Yombe women, on
Congo Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret her left wrist. Her filed teeth, visible through parted lips, indicate she was
McDermott, 1969.S.22
properly initiated into womanhood, and the painted marks may represent
scarification. The white kaolin covering her body has the ashen quality of
the dead, but it also refers to purity and moral correctness, both impor-
tant Yombe values. She probably represents a clan founder.
The figure leans slightly forward and kneels in an attitude of respect
while balancing a male child on her left foot. Her left hand supports the
child’s back as her right one rests of top of a bowl-shaped pot containing
potent medicine that can cure illness or resolve social conflicts. Her palm
is open in a gesture of generosity. Her glass-covered eyes afford her access
to the worlds of the living and the dead.28 Taken together, the attributes
of this figure—its coloring, posture, and gesture—and the presence of the
child and the medicine indicate this woman’s contribution was that of
a “spiritually imbued mother,” who was a great healer and protector of
children.29 Many published accounts of sculptures of this kind depict the
child with his arms across his chest as exemplified by figures in the col-
lections of the Yale University Art Gallery and the National Museum of
African Art, Smithsonian Institution.30 The child in the Dallas figure clings
to his mother’s leg in the same way as that in an early twentieth-century
photograph of a memorial enclosure (fig. 47).

fig 47  Bitumba (images) have been placed at the front

of a memorial house in Boma, Lower Congo, 1908.
© Royal Museum for Central Africa; Tervuren, Belgium,
EPH 5833; photograph: H. Deleval.
208
73
Kneeling male figure
Democratic Republic of the Congo and Angola,
Mayombe region, Kongo peoples, Yombe group
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood, porcelain, and white pigment
12½ × 4¾ × 4¾ in. (31.75 × 12.07 × 12.07 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of
Congo Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret
McDermott, 1969.S.28
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife
The precise context in which this kneeling male figure was used is not
clearly understood, but it can be assumed that it was associated with
ancestor veneration. The knotted pineapple-fiber skullcap (mpu) the figure
wears identifies him as a chief or other person of elevated rank in Yombe
society. He kneels on one knee in an attitude of respect while clapping
his hands in honor of the one who is addressed or petitioned. His face
is animated: he appears as if he is talking with the viewer at whom, or
perhaps through whom, he stares with porcelain-covered eyes. Imported
porcelain, like pieces of mirror, was rare and allows him to see to the other
world. Enshrined in a memorial house in the cemetery, the figure—which
contains the spirit of an illustrious ancestor—receives his descendants
who appeal to him for protection, advice or answers, and good fortune.
A medium between the world of the living and the world of the dead, the
figure respectfully kneels before those spirits and deities who will aid his
descendants.31
210 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife

74

Seated male figure
(ntadi)
Democratic Republic of the Congo and Angola,
Matadi region, Kongo peoples, Mboma group
Late 19th or early 20th century
Steatite
17 × 8 × 5 in. (43.18 × 20.32 × 12.7 cm)
Gift of the Cecil and Ida Green Foundation, 1999.57
Mintadi (sing. ntadi) funerary figures were carved in soft gray ­steatite
(soapstone) as well as wood and placed on graves or in memorial houses
in Mboma cemeteries, where survivors could consult them. This figure
portrays a chief. He wears the insignia of office—a knotted pineapple-fiber
headdress (mpu) crowned with leopard claws—and is posed in a parallel-
legs position (fu-mani) with one arm leaning on his knee and supporting
his head while the other hand rests on his hip. This gesture, called kyaadi,
expresses sadness as well as caring and competence32 and is the position
in which Mboma chiefs were buried.33 This ntadi is further distinguished by
a hairstyle that encircles the ears. A similarly posed figure in the collection
of the Institut des Musées Nationaux du Zaire has the same hairstyle.34
212
75
Standing male ancestor
figure (singiti)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Hemba peoples,
Niombo group
Late 19th to early 20th century
Wood, beads, and hide
30¼ × 913/!6 × 9 in. (76.84 × 24.92 × 22.86 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection of
African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott Founda-
tion in honor of Eugene McDermott, 1974.SC.41
2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife
The Hemba peoples memorialized distinguished ancestors (e.g., chiefs,
warriors, and heads of lineages) in sculpted wooden figures (singiti) that
served as vessels for their spirits. A visual genealogical record, the fig-
ures were cared for by a designated member of the lineage, who arranged
them in the order in which they lived. The caretaker periodically honored
the singiti with animal sacrifices; in return, the ancestors protected their
descendants.
Although the singiti figures portray individual ancestors, their like-
nesses are universal. Each rendering is of a bearded male standing erect
on a circular base with shoulders square, arms held close to the body, and
hands resting on either side of a protuberant abdomen, which with its
prominent navel, signifies family and continuity. With eyes closed, the
ancestor figures display a calm, impassive expression that characterized
polite social interaction in Hemba society. The crossed lobes of the cruci-
form hairstyle are arranged over a square of woven raffia35 and evoke the
four cardinal points (directions) of the universe as well as the crossroads
where the realms of the living and the dead intersect.36
This singiti is adorned with a necklace of expensive imported blue glass
beads that served as currency before coins and paper money were intro-
duced. His loins were probably covered with a woven plant-fiber cloth that
was draped over the strip of leather that remains.37
214 2 : af ric an art in t h e c yc l e of l if e
four : art for the afterlife
Notes
1. Traditional mortuary practices in sub-Saharan
Africa are varied and include preservation of the
remains without embalming or refrigeration. See
Ray 2000: 97–106, and Mbiti 1970 for discussions
about death and eschatology in sub-Saharan Africa.
2. Bromberg and Kilinski 1996: 17–19
3. Ibid., 20–23; see also Borgatta and Brilliant 1990:
29–73 and 105–25, for discussion and examples of
portraiture in ancient Egypt and sub-Saharan Africa
4. Bromberg and Kilinski 1996: 24–25
5. See O’Connor 1993 for a reevaluation of Nubia
vis-à-vis Egypt
6. Förster 2005: 54–67; Glaze, in Barbier 1993: vol. 2, 22
7. Early pictures of the Dallas rhythm pounder are
reproduced in Goldwater 1964: fig. 87 and 87a. The
figure was lavishly adorned with clusters of snail
shells in the sagittal hairstyle, at the nape of the
neck, in the center of the chest, around each elbow,
and around the torso. Only the cowrie shell eyes
remain intact.
8. Binkley, in Ross 1992: 284–86
9. For descriptions of contemporary Egungun mas-
querades, see Thompson 1973: 219–26; Houlberg
1978: 56–61, 99; Drewal 1978: 18–19, 97–98; and Lawal
2008: 76–81
10. See Greenfield 2005: 1–8 and 18, for a comparison
with an Egungun costume from Ibadan, Nigeria, in
the Helen Louise Allen Textile Collection, University
of Wisconsin
11. International Centre for Nigerian Law (ICFNL),
“Eshugbayi Eleko vs the Officer Administering the
Government of Nigeria, No. 2,” www.nigeria-law.org/
Eshugbayi%20Eleko%20v.%20The%20Officer%
20administering%20the%20Government%200f%
20Nigeria%20No%202.htm (accessed July 7, 2009)
12. Lagos Now ‘n’ Then!, “Genealogy of the Obas of
Lagos,” www.enownow.com/Lagos%20now%20then/
then_lagos_kings.htm (accessed May 28, 2006)
13. Chemeche 2003; see also Fakeye, in Chemeche
2003: 26–29, on the process as described by a third-
generation Yoruba sculptor
14. Thompson 1976: chap. 13, pp. 1–5
15. Houlberg 1973: 20–27, 91–92
16. Murray 1947: 310–14; Nicklin, in Gathercole and
Lowenthal 1990: 291–301
17. Perrois, in Grunne 2001: 121–39 and 137, cat. no. 34;
idem, in Christie’s 2003: 46–48
18. Other examples are found in the collections
of the Léonce Pierre Guerre Collection, Marseille,
France, and the Seattle Art Museum. See also
­LaGamma 2007: 164–70.
19. See the photograph reproduced in Perrois, in
Grunne 2001: 123, as fig 14
20. Compare similar figures in Perrois 1985: 193,
cat. no. 13; idem, in Herreman 2005: 102, cat. no. 69;
LaGamma 2007: 252–53, cat. no. 78
21. Siroto 1968: 86
22. Dapper Museum 1986: 44, 69, and 81, fig. 6–9
23. Siroto 1995: 41, cat no. 34
24. Perrois, in Herreman 2005: 103, cat. no. 70
25. Ibid.
26. Siroto 1995: 41, cat no. 34; Perrois 1979: 214–36
27. Compare with examples in Siroto 1995: 41, cat.
no. 34; Robbins and Nooter 1989: 350, cat. no. 907
28. Thompson and Cornet 1981: 145
29. Thompson 2005: 86–87
30. Ibid., 86, fig. 9; National Museum of African Art
1999: vol. 1, 118–19, cat. no. 80
31. Robert F. Thompson, personal communication,
April 23, 2008
32. Thompson 2005: 84–85; Thompson and Cornet
1981: 235–36, cat. nos. 40, 42–44
33. Neyt 1981: 80
34. See the seated stone figure in chief’s headdress
(fig. 109) in Thompson and Cornet 1981: 235, cat.
no. 42
35. Neyt, in Verswijver et al. 1996: 185
36. Visonà et al. 2007: 408, fig. 12, 13
37. Compare to a Hemba figure from the Walt Disney–
Tishman African Art Collection; Kreamer 2007: 143,
cat. no. 40
chapter 3
african decorative arts

African Textiles and Decorative Arts in 1972 and African Furniture and Household
Objects in 1980, exhibitions curated by Roy Sieber,1 brought attention to
objects for the house and human body and demonstrated that the param-
eters of traditional African visual arts are not limited to masks, figures,
and objects used in religious and prestige and/or leadership rituals and
ceremonies. Although these personal objects can be quite modest in form
and material, the professional sculptors and “artisans” who made them
applied the same creativity, skill, and craftsmanship to their design and
decoration as did the sculptors and metalsmiths who created objects for
the court or shrine.
African “decorative arts” encompass a broad range of objects, including
architectural elements such as granary doors, door locks, tent posts, head-
rests (African “pillows”), containers for cosmetics and ointments, drinking
vessels, musical instruments, clothing, and jewelry. Mundane but hardly
ordinary, these objects reflect their owners’ “decided taste for the beauti-
ful,” to quote William H. Sheppard, an African American missionary, who
observed that the “natives of Africa . . . decorate everything.”2 The artworks
also demonstrate the owners’ ability to compensate the best sculptors
and artisans to create items to enhance the appearance of their homes and
adorn their bodies.
The decoration on utilitarian objects such as ritual objects is sometimes
meaningful rather than simply appealing to the eye. The animals depicted
on the Baule door, for example, refer to a proverb about human relations.
Similarly, the highly stylized triangular patterns that represent pangolin
scales on the Luba headrest are also found on royal emblems and objects
used in religious rituals. Some decoration is practical. The appliqué on Kuba
skirts originally served as patches to cover holes produced by pounding the
woven raffia into supple cloth. The carved ivory miniature masks worn by
Pende men and women are replicas of the masks that appear during heal-
ing rites and the mukuanda masquerades. Rather than “protective objects,”
the mask pendants are considered adornment.
Many of the objects presented in this chapter belong to the past and have
been replaced by modern European devices and objects. Having said that,
notice the metal keyhole on the Baule door, which clearly indicates that
it was used after the lock and key were introduced. Textiles are still pro-
duced today in many parts of Africa. Cloth woven in this traditional manner
is used for garments of “national dress,” which are worn during political
events and on important occasions such as family weddings, naming cer-
emonies, and funerals. The Museum’s collection includes traditional cloth-
ing from the northern, western, central, and southern regions of Africa.
As this chapter demonstrates, it is human nature to want to live in pleas-
ing surroundings and to express and enhance one’s sense of style and
beauty.

219
220 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

76

Fragment of a granary Dogon blacksmiths also served as sculptors carving wooden doors for
door or shutter houses, granaries, and shrines and decorating them with symbolic motifs
drawn from Dogon mythology and religious beliefs, including depictions
Mali, Dogon peoples
of primordial ancestors (nommo) and animals, especially the lizard.
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood
This weathered hardwood fragment is from a door or a shutter for a
26 × 17 × 2 5/* in. (66.04 × 43.18 × 6.67 cm) free-standing granary made of puddled earth and topped with a thatch-
Gift of Mr. James H. W. Jacks and Mrs. James H. W.
covered roof. It is missing the posts that acted as hinges and were
Jacks in honor and memory of C. Vincent Prothro inserted into matching holes bored into the granary’s doorframe. Doors
and Mrs. Margaret Bennett Cullum, 2000.396 of such structures were secured with a bolt lock that was affixed to the
door’s proper right side (fig.  48), or sealed with mud and pulled open
with a knotted cord.3 The dimensions of this fragment and the hole just
beneath the lizard’s elbow suggest the Dallas example was a shutter of
the former type.
This door is decorated with a pair of lizards carved in low relief. The
motif gives life to the Dogon belief that humans are bisexual, like the pri-
mordial ancestral couple in their creation myth. In Dogon culture, gender
is settled at the time of circumcision, which is part of a youth’s coming-
of-age rites. The shape of the sun lizard is likened to the male and female
genitals and, as such, is a sexual symbol.4

fig 48  The door of a Dogon granary is decorated with the

sun lizard motif and secured with a carved wooden lock.
Before 1968.
222 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

77

Door lock (anuan)
Mali, Dogon peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood and iron
15¼ × 153/* × 2 1/* in. (38.71 × 39.10 × 5.40 cm)
Gift of the Bezalel Foundation, Inc., and Gustave
and Franyo Schindler, 1981.14.A–B
The Dogon peoples used wooden bolt locks (ta koguru) to secure the doors
to houses, interior rooms, granaries, and some shrines. This type of lock
was introduced to sub-Saharan Africa with the spread of Islam from the
Near East and North Africa. The Bamana and Dogon peoples in Mali espe-
cially made them into works of art.
The lock consists of three separate pieces: the vertical beam (ta koro); the
crossbeam (ta dagu) that slides into a cut-out rectangle in the back of the
vertical beam, which is furnished with metal prongs; and a ­toothbrush-­like
key (ta i) that slides into a hollowed out part of the crossbeam (fig. 49). The
key is outfitted with metal prongs that match those in the vertical beam. A
hole bored into the doorframe opposite the mounted lock accommodates
the rounded or tapered end of the horizontal beam. When the horizontal
beam is pushed into this hole, the metal prongs of the vertical beam fall
into the matching holes of the horizontal beam. To unlock the door, the
dangling prongs of the vertical beam are pushed upward.5
Dogon, who were not converted to Islam, decorated their bolt locks
with animal or human figures and geometric patterns inspired by Dogon
religious beliefs. The figures, carved in styles ranging from representa-
tional to abstract, are either an integral part of the device or extend the
vertical beam as in the Dallas example. The two figures carved on top of
this lock depict the primordial couple (nommo) in an abstract manner.
The nommo in Dogon mythology are the offspring of Amma (God) and the
Earth. They were born bisexual and their bodies were jointless. Because
the male element dominated in one and the female in the other, the origi-
nal nommo were able to procreate and give birth to the four pairs of original
ancestors of humankind.6
Geometric patterns carved in low relief on the vertical beam include
zigzag lines and a square containing a cross. According to Dogon mythol-
ogy and interpretations of other works of art displaying this motif, zigzag
lines arranged horizontally represent the course along which an ark carry­
ing civilization traveled from the sky to the earth. The cross within the
square may symbolize the cardinal points in space.7
The Dogon have used Western-style padlocks since the twentieth
century to secure their doors. Where sculptors are still available to carve
wooden locks, the locks are either devoid of carved decoration or are
deco­rated with a carved lozenge that represents the head of a lizard or the
Islamic symbol of the crescent moon.8

fig 49a (top)  This drawing illustrates the mechanism of

a Dogon door lock (front view).

fig 49b (bottom)  Drawing to show mechanism of Dogon

door lock (rear view).
224
78
Door
Côte d’Ivoire, Baule peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood, metal, and fiber
56¼ × 205/* × 1 5/* in. (142.88 × 52.39 × 4.13 cm)
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection
of African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott
Foundation in honor of Eugene McDermott,
1974.SC.25
3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s
Baule sculptors carved doors that may have been seen by passersby or
that may have been seen by family members only. Whether entrances to
houses or to interior rooms, the doors were decorated with secular imag-
ery. The motif of a big fish devouring a smaller fish—a commentary on
protecting rather than preying on one’s own—adorned a number of doors
and may have been carved by the same sculptor or atelier.9 The Dallas door
displays this motif.
The big fish, which dominates the composition, is enlivened by the
varied texture of its skin and scales and the placement of the smaller fish
to one side of its head, as if it were being shaken from side to side. The
two rectangular forms at either side of the larger fish probably represent
mirror frames.10 Integral posts, instead of metal hinges, at the top and
bottom of one side of the door were inserted in holes bored into the door-
way. The bottom post from the Dallas door is missing. A cord to open and
close the door once occupied the hole at the center of the fish. It was even-
tually replaced by a European-style, metal-covered keyhole.
Because sacred sculptures were rarely viewed by the public, Baule
sculptors used utilitarian objects, such as doors, heddle pulleys for looms,
and ointment jars rather than sacred sculptures, to advertise their abili-
ties and attract commissions.11
226 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

79

Tent posts (ehel) The Tuareg are a seminomadic people of Amazigh origin (also known as
Berbers) who dwell in tents (ehen) that can, along with their furnishings
Niger, Tuareg peoples
20th century and possessions, be disassembled, packed, and carried to their next des-
Wood tination. Continuing desertification of the Sahel has caused the Tuareg to
49¼ × 7 in. (125.1 × 17.78 cm) move southward from Algeria into Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger as well as
Gift of Drs. Nicole and John Dintenfass, the northern regions of Ghana, Togo, Côte d’Ivoire, and Benin.
1999.6.1, 1999.6.2 Tuareg tents are made of arched wooden frames covered with goat-
skins or straw mats. Upright poles are used to build the tent, to support
the tent wall mats, and to hang leather bags and clothing. Tall tent poles
(ehel) like this pair secure reed wall mats around the bed for privacy or for
protection from the elements.12 Each pole is carved from a single piece of
wood. Intricately carved geometric patterns create a symmetrical design
that is surmounted by a semicircular panel topped with a finial, which
may be a solid or an openwork geometric shape. Shorter poles were used
as cushion supports.
228
80
Headrest
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Luba peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood
65/* × 415/!6 × 3¼ in. (16.83 × 12.54 × 8.26 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.109
81
Headrest supported by
standing female figure
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lulua peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood
7 × 4¼ × 37/!6 in. (17.8 × 10.78 × 8.73 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art
Fund, Inc., 1978.48.McD
82
Headrest in form of
storage box with carved
heads
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zande peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood, fiber, bark, and metal
9 × 153/* × 313/!6 in. (22.86 × 39.05 × 9.68 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.212.A–B
3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s
African “pillows,” in contrast to the soft, stuffed Western pillow, are
­traditionally carved out of wood, a hard material such as ivory or stone
or, although rare, fired clay.13 The basic form of two platforms separated
by a vertical post is consistent throughout Africa from Egypt to South
Africa, and throughout time, from antiquity to the present. Still used, this
“pillow” is called a headrest because of the way it is used. While reclining
on one’s back or side, an individual places the upper platform at the back
of the head. Alternatively, the platform can be placed under one ear and
along the chin to support the head (fig.  50).14 In addition to protecting
elaborate hairstyles, headrests provide a good night’s sleep because the
pressure of the headrest slightly numbs the nerves in the head resulting
in a tranquilizing effect.15
Headrests sculpted by Luba, Lulua, and Zande artists demonstrate
some of the different ways vertical posts may be decorated. Although
Luba headrests typically incorporate a human figure, this Luba headrest
(cat. 80) is a study of geometrical shapes. The vertical post is carved in the
form of a lidded convex vessel—not a skeuomorph, but a hollow form—
surmounted by a pair of opposing V shapes that cross at the center. The
supports and ends of the upper platform are decorated with the nkaka pat-
tern; that is, the scales of the pangolin (scaly anteater) that protect the
animal from harm. Another rendering of the animal skin is depicted on
the lower platform. The nkaka pattern is found on many important Luba
royal emblems and objects used for rites that invoke spiritual aid.16
The vertical post of the Lulua headrest (cat.  81) is usually carved in
the form of a standing female figure whose face and body are elaborately
decorated with low-relief scarification. The female caryatid stands firmly
on oversized feet and supports the platform on her head. Her hands are
placed at the sides of her body as if to draw attention to her protuber-
ant navel. This headrest may have been carved by the same sculptor who
created a headrest in the collection of the University of Pennsylvania
Museum that was collected before 1924 in the former Belgian Congo.17
This rare Zande headrest (cat. 82), which is decorated with two human
heads and contrasting colors, was used for sleeping (or resting) as well
as for storing the valuables belonging to a member of the Zande aris-
tocracy.18 This headrest-box is one of only four extant examples. Of the
others, one is in the collection of the Royal Museum for Central Africa in
Tervuren, Belgium,19 and two were formerly in private collections in Los
Angeles and New York City.20
In addition to supporting the head while one is asleep, preserving hair-
styles, and providing storage, African headrests have other purposes. For
example, a personal headrest belonging to a Luba notable could be buried
instead of the deceased if the corpse was irretrievable.21
CAT. 80
230 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

fig 50  A Wanoe, Shona, man of southern Zimbabwe

demonstrates how one sleeps on a wooden headrest;
1928. The Luba of southeastern Congo use a similar
type of headrest.

CAT. 81 CAT. 82
232 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

83

Comb (duafe)
Ghana, Asante
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood
9¼ × 37/* × 5/!6 in. (23.50 × 9.84 × 0.79 cm)
Gift of Henry H. Hawley III, 1981.174
84
Comb with seated figure
Democratic Republic of the Congo and Angola,
Chokwe or Lwena peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood
65/* × 25/!6 × 1½ in. (16.83 × 5.87 × 3.81 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.142
Artists use great skill and imagination when fashioning African combs in
materials such as wood, bone, or ivory. The spines, or handles, are deco-
rated with carved motifs and precious metals, including locally mined
gold and imported brass. The earliest extant African combs were found
in ancient Egyptian tombs and are thousands of years old. Several combs
excavated at Dawu in Ghana date to the seventeenth century, which also
corresponds to the earliest European accounts of African combs. Most
wooden combs that have survived tropical climate conditions date from
the nineteenth century.22
While both men and women use combs, women’s combs are usually
the most elaborately decorated. This is especially true among the Asante
peoples. Although an Asante woman may commission a sculptor to carve
combs for her, she usually receives them as gifts from family, male admir-
ers, or her husband to mark important events in her life such as coming
of age, getting married, or giving birth. The carved decorations on Asante
combs refer to Asante proverbs or other traditional sayings, a few of which
can be identified on the Asante comb (cat. 83) .
The spine is divided into two parts consisting of a rectangle with open-
work motifs surmounted by a medallion with openwork motifs. Reading
upward from the lower part of the rectangle, there is an incised drawing
of a ceremonial state sword with a dumbbell-shaped hilt and curved blade
that is associated with the proverb “No one challenges a lion unarmed,”
which means one should be prepared. The stool flanked by a pair of knots
at the center of the comb has great significance. The Golden Stool is the
most important religious and political symbol of the Asante nation.
According to Asante oral tradition, the Golden Stool descended from the
heavens to land gently on the knees of Osei Tutu, the founder and first
king of the Asante empire. This stool is the repository for the entire Asante
nation. A personal stool is the repository of an individual’s soul in life and
after death. Its significance is embodied in the Asante saying “There are
no secrets between a man and his stool.”23 The two square knots are a
symbol of intelligence and refer to the proverb “Only a wise man can untie
a wisdom knot.”24 The hairstyle with upright plaits on the female bust in
the medallion has been documented on a Fante woman photographed in
the early twentieth century.25 The crosses projecting from either side of
the comb are Christian symbols. This comb is as carefully detailed on the
back as it is on the front.
Combs were emblems of status among the Chokwe peoples. Those
made of wood or ivory with spines decorated with carved figures and
abstract patterns were more valuable than unadorned wooden combs or
those made from cane or wires. Like Asante and Fante combs, elaborately
decorated Chokwe combs were heirlooms handed down through the
generations in the belief that the spirit of the original owner inhabited
the object.

CAT. 83
234 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

The Chokwe comb (cat. 84 and see detail, below) is decorated with a
figure, of undetermined sex, seated with its elbows resting on its knees.26
Although the comb may have originated among either the Chokwe or
Lwena peoples, the hairstyle is similar to those on Lwena face masks rep-
resenting females.27

CAT. 84
236 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

85

Ointment pot with African women in traditional societies enhanced their natural beauty with
effigy cover scarification and cosmetic preparations. For example, they applied black
kohl to their eyes, painted their faces and bodies with a reddish powder
Côte d’Ivoire, Baule peoples
or paste, and moisturized their skin with shea butter. These and other
Early to mid-20th century
Wood
cosmetic substances required containers for mixing and storage. Natural
9¼ × 415/!6 in. diam. (23.50 × 12.54 cm) objects such as gourds and shells were available to all, but those who
Gift of Henry H. Hawley III, 1981.175.A–B
could afford to stored their cosmetics in pots, boxes, and bowls artfully
carved by sculptors.
Lidded containers, like the ointment pot illustrated on this page
86 (cat. 85), were used to store shea butter, a traditional lubricant that has
Pigment box with been a staple ingredient in Western brand-name moisturizers since the
late twentieth century. Sculptors typically carved the lid in the form of a
peaked corners female head with carefully detailed hairstyle and facial features. This fig-
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kuba peoples ure’s elaborate hairstyle, downcast eyes, scarification marks, and long neck
Late 19th or early 20th century reflect Baule ideals of feminine beauty and comportment. The bowl of the
Wood
container resembles a type of water vessel Baule women once made.
43/* × 7 1/* × 7¾ in. (11.11 × 18.10 × 19.69 cm)
Religious sculpture in traditional Baule society was kept hidden. To
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
advertise their skill and creativity, specialist artists and workshops pro-
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.66.A–B
duced utilitarian objects—such as loom heddle pulleys, doors, chairs, and
ointment pots—in quantity, decorated them with the masks and figures
found in religious art, and sold them publicly. The similarity in form and
decoration in this ointment pot and three other published examples sug-
gests they came from the same workshop.28
Kuba sculptors carved boxes in a variety of shapes—square, round,
oval, semilunar—to store twool (or tool). This reddish powder, made from
the inner bark of a hardwood tree (Baphia and Pterocarpus families), was
mixed with vegetable oil to create a pigment the Kuba used to dye raffia
cloth and to paint their faces and bodies.
The Kuba decorated their wooden boxes extensively with incised and
low-relief motifs that have names that were probably symbolic. The entire
surface of the Dallas box (cat. 86) is covered with geometric and figurative
motifs. The faceted lid transcends simple geometry with its peaked cor-
ners. Each corner is filled with a circle surrounding the sun (phila or itang,
a scallop-edged circle), a raised vessel-like form that may be the most
abstract rendering of a design known as Mutu Chembe (head of God),
and cowrie shells on a ground of vertical lines. Multiple lines of chev-
rons (mbish angil) dominate the center of the slanted sides of the lid and
heart shapes, which complement the hearts on the center of the lid, wrap
around the corners. The heart motif along with traces of basket weave and
interlace patterns also appears on the box’s well-worn bottom.29

CAT. 85 CAT. 86
238
87
Cup in form of head
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Pende peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood and pigment
5 7/* × 37/!6 × 313/!6 in. (14.92 × 8.73 × 9.68 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.161
88
Cup with handle in form
of a hand (mbwoong ntey)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kuba peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood
513/!6 × 3¾ × 45/!6 in. (14.76 × 9.53 × 10.95 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.44
89
Cup in form of male
figure
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Pende peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood
6 × 315/!6 × 3 7/* in. (15.24 × 10 × 9.84 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.162
90
Cup in form of female
figure
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Wongo peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood
8 7/!6 × 53/* × 43/!6 in. (21.43 × 13.65 × 10.64 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.49
3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s
On ceremonial occasions, such as funeral celebrations, men and women
in many parts of Africa consumed a low-alcohol beverage made from the
raffia palm. Men would also drink palm wine in the evenings when they
gathered in their retreats to discuss the affairs of the community. African
sculptors carved special, elaborately decorated wooden drinking cups that
expressed an owner’s status.
The Pende cups depict female and male figures (cat. 87 and 89). They
are distinguished by their facial features, which replicate those on carved
wooden village masks (mbuyu). Both faces display the characteristic prom-
inent eyebrows above downcast eyes in a triangular face. The eyebrows on
the standing male figure are exaggerated by the multiple lines above the
brow, and the lips form an inverted V that identifies the “hyper male” in
the Pende visual vocabulary.30 The female’s smooth, high round forehead,
lowered eyelids, and upturned lips express feminine modesty.
Kuba drinking vessels (cat. 88) were carved out of wood or animal horn
and decorated with geometric and figurative motifs derived from body
scarification and textile designs. Some motifs reflected the status of the
owner as a member of an association. Cups with handles carved in the
form of a severed hand, for example, were owned by warriors. This refers
to a time when Kuba warriors cut off an enemy’s hand as proof of their CAT. 87
victory. This act admitted warriors to an elite organization and conferred
the right to display its emblem.31 A nineteenth-century visitor observed
that when Kuba men traveled or visited friends, they carried their personal
cups with them, tied to the waist.32
The Wongo cup (cat. 90) portrays a standing female figure with arms
akimbo, her face and torso decorated with raised scarification patterns.
The lateral triangles formed by her bent arms echo the inverted triangle
of her torso. Instead of being carved on a platform, she stands firm and
perfectly balanced on her two feet. This cup, and two other examples—
one of a standing female, the other, a seated female with outstretched
legs—collected early in the twentieth century, are evidence of masterful
innovation. They raise the question, however, For whom were they made:
local client, missionaries, or foreign visitors?33
CAT. 88
240 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

CAT. 89 CAT. 90
242
91
Ceremonial rice bowl
Liberia, Grebo peoples
Early to mid-20th century
Wood
9 × 193/* in. (22.86 × 49.21 cm)
General Acquisition Fund, 1974.6
3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s
Thanksgiving and other holiday feasts are occasions to adorn the dinner
table with the hostess’s best serving dishes and platters. Before the intro-
duction of enamel wares, housewives among the Dan, We, Grebo, and
neighboring peoples in Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire displayed their large,
highly prized wooden bowls before filling them with rice.34
Wooden serving bowls typically have a flat, narrow foot and straight or
slightly flared walls. The outer wall of this bowl is decorated with incised
diagonal lines arranged in separate or double rows that alternate with
smooth, plain areas. The designs are symmetrical but differ from one side
of the bowl to the other. When in use, the bowls were highly polished.
244 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

92

Harp with human Nineteenth-century Zande kings owned five-stringed harps that were
head (kundi) played at the king’s pleasure by royal harpists residing in the palace
(fig. 51). According to an Italian visitor of the day, itinerant singers took
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zande peoples
their harps to war, and those who owned figurative harps treasured them
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood, leather, metal, and glass beads
as precious possessions.35
11 × 41/* × 1611/!6 in. (27.90 × 10.48 × 42.39 cm) The arched neck of the Dallas harp ends in a sculpted head with eyes
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of
made of precious imported blue beads. It has been suggested that the
Congo Sculpture, The Eugene and Margaret head alludes to the ancestors whose voices sound through the harp.36 The
McDermott Art Fund, Inc., 1978.54.McD shape of the head is echoed in the lozenge-shaped sounding box covered
with leather and decorated with geometric designs. Figurative pegs fitted
into the arched neck tuned the strings stretched between the pegs and the
sounding box. Both the tuning pegs and the strings are missing.

fig 51  Itinerant Zande troubadors accom­panied them-

selves on decorated harps. Illustration made before 1891
by J. Boden.
246 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

93

Woman’s marriage or Women among the Ida ou Nadif and Ida ou Zeddoute peoples of North
ceremonial veil Africa wear dye-decorated headcloths on special occasions (fig. 52).37 The
rectangular or roughly U-shaped patterns, created by tying the cloth and
Morocco, central Anti-Atlas mountain range,
dyeing it with henna, appear in tan, reddish brown, and bluish black on a
Amazigh (Berbers), Ida ou Nadif or Ida ou
Zeddoute peoples
natural ground. Patterns called mirrors are believed to protect the wearer
1900–1930 against the evil eye. The cloth is draped so that the dramatic pattern cas-
Wool and natural dyes, including henna cades down the wearer’s back.38
60 × 52½ in. (152.40 × 133.35 cm)

Textile Purchase Fund, 2005.78

fig 52  A ceremonial veil. Anti-Atlas Mountains, Morocco.

248 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

94

Overskirt with wavy Bushoong women wear a special overskirt made of appliquéd woven raffia
edge (ntshakakot) cloth. Wrapped around the waist and worn with cowrie-­embroidered belts
over a longer ceremonial skirt, the overskirt (which can measure more
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kuba peoples,
than five yards or four and a half meters long) has a cut-pile raffia border
Bushoong group
Early 20th century
edged with an encased flexible reed (fig. 53). It is important to note that
Palm leaf fiber (raffia), cotton, wool, and cowrie shells and woven raffia cloth were used as currency before the
vegetal fiber introduction of coins and paper money. Once an indicator of status and
30½ × 85½ × 2½ in. (77.47 × 217.17 × 6.35 cm) rank, the skirts, which were produced in stages by male weavers and
Textile Purchase Fund, 2005.41 female embroiderers, were expensive to obtain and were owned only by
aristocratic women, who wore them on special occasions (fig. 54).
This cloth is appliquéd with patches made of imported cotton ticking,
which was used in Western countries to cover mattresses.39 The imported
cloth’s blue-and-white pattern was probably deemed attractive and appro-
priate because Kuba beadwork designs were formed with blue and white
beads. An early visitor to Kuba country noted the patches were both for
ornament and to cover holes,40 some of which were created when the raffia
cloth was pounded to make it supple. The patches were named according
to their shapes. For example, the L or comma shape is called shina mboa,
meaning “the tail of a dog,” and a circle is idingadinga.41

fig 53  Although this drawing was made in the late nine- fig 54  Kuba women wearing appliquéd raffia wrappers dance during
teenth or early twentieth century, the Kuba women have the Itul ceremony. Bushoong Village, Democratic Republic of the Congo,
continued to wear appliquéd raffia wrappers into the c. 1971.
present era.
250 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

95

Cape (linaga) Ndebele women wear curved goatskin capes adorned with a wide rectan-
gular strip of beadwork on ceremonial occasions (fig. 55). The Dallas linaga
South Africa, Limpopo Province, Ndebele peoples
Early 20th century is an example of an old-style beadwork that is characterized by a predomi-
Glass beads, cotton yarn, and goatskin nantly white background and a row of open squares near the bottom of
42½ × 57½ in. (107.95 × 146.05 cm) the cape. The abstract designs are made with red, green, orange, and blue
The Otis and Velma Davis Dozier Fund, 1991.24 beads. The beads were attached one bead at a time and reinforced by pull-
ing the thread through each bead three times.42

fig 55  This traditional linaga is embellished with beads

of red, green, orange, blue, and pink. The curved shape of
the cape is a result of the way that the skins have been
stitched together. Limpopo Province, South Africa,
1976–1982.
252
96
Man’s robe (dandogo)
Cameroon, Gandura region, Hausa peoples
20th century
Cotton and dye
107 × 50 in. (271.78 × 127 cm)
Textile Purchase Fund, 2006.43
fig 56  A Yoruba man in Abeokuta, Nigeria,
wears a robe of ikat cloth, 1963. This type of
robe was traditionally worn by horsemen who
lived in the more northern areas of Nigeria.
As evidenced by this photograph, however, the
prevalence of this garment has moved south.
3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s
Elaborately embroidered and voluminous men’s robes made of hand­
woven strips of cotton are distributed widely throughout Cameroon and
Nigeria. This type of robe derives from the Hausa dandogo or “riding robe,”
so called because of the vertical slitlike openings that allowed the wearer
to hold the reins in his hands.43 Embroidered with Islamic patterns, it was
introduced to the area with the southerly spread of Islam from northern
Nigeria in the nineteenth century.44 While not all who encountered Islam
converted to the religion, many people adopted the robe. In the south-
ern areas where the environment could not support horses, the robe was
modified to include pockets, as in the example shown in fig. 56.
Making this type of robe requires the skills of spinners, dyers, weavers,
tailors, and embroiderers. It is intentionally large so the man wearing it
appears larger than normal, thereby projecting an image of prosperity and
power. Now designated the national dress of Nigerian men, it is worn on
formal occasions, traditional ceremonies (such as weddings, baby-­naming
events, milestone birthdays), and funeral celebrations. The dandogo has
also become a symbol of African identity and pride within Africa and the
African diaspora.
Collected in a Hausa enclave in the Gandura region of Cameroon, the
Dallas riding robe is similar to one from northern Nigeria in the Venice
and Alastair Lamb Collection.45 The wide sleeves of both are lined with
red and white strip cloth, which in the Dallas cloth is made of cotton. The
Dallas garment is distinguished by pinstriped strips that flank a dramatic
red, white, and blue warp stripe (see detail, below). The blue and white
“bleeding” effect is achieved by tying and dyeing the yarns before they
were woven. This dyeing technique, known as ikat, has not been practiced
by Hausa dyers since the 1970s.
254 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s

97

Pendant mask
(gikhokho)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Pende peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Ivory
17/* × 1¼ × 7/* in. (4.76 × 3.18 × 2.22 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of
Congo Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret
McDermott, 1969.S.166
Pende men and women wear miniature replicas of the masks (sing.
­gikhokho, pl.  ikhokho) used in village masquerades and healing rituals.
Those carved from elephant ivory and hippopotamus bone—the preferred
material being ivory—are worn as jewelry and considered prime aesthetic
objects that enhance their owner’s sense of beauty and style (ginango).
Pendant mask replicas are suspended from cords or strings of beads and
worn around the neck.46
Close contact with the owner’s sweaty and red camwood-covered skin
discolored this mask to an undesirable quality. To maintain the natural
color of the ivory, owners wash their pendant masks as a part of their daily
toilet. Because it was scrubbed with fine sand, the once sharply carved
facial features of this mask have almost disappeared.
256 3 : af ric an d e c orat ive art s
Notes
1. Sieber 1972; Sieber 1980
2. Hultgren and Zeidler 1993: 6
3. Compare with examples from the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, in Ezra 1988: 92–93
4. Imperato 1978: 57
5. Ibid., 54
6. Griaule 1965
7. Calame-Griaule, in Bilot et al. 2003: 58–59; Ezra
1988: 92–93
8. Imperato 1978: 57
9. Vogel 1997: 278; J. Vogel, in Herreman 2005: 51,
cat. 30; similar doors are found in Tishman 1966: n.p.,
cat. no. 42; and the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the
Michael C. Rockefeller Memorial Collection, Bequest
of Nelson A. Rockefeller, 1979 (acc. no. 1979.205.120)
10. Homberger 1999: 276, cat. no. 75
11. Vogel 1997: 278
12. Seligman and Loughran 2006: 93; Thomas Selig-
man, personal communication, September 13, 2006
13. Headrests made of hard materials are also used
among East Asian and Oceanic/Pacific peoples; see
Dewey 1993: 148–79 (Asia), 180–95 (Oceania).
14. Ibid., 16–17; Sieber 1980: 107–108. For another
selection of headrests, see Sieber and Herreman
2000: 32–97.
15. Eugene Burt, quoted in Dewey 1993: 17
16. Roberts and Roberts 1996: 184–92; for example,
the nkaka pattern is found on diviners’ beaded
headdresses.
17. Wardwell 1986: 112; this headrest (acc. no. AF 5154)
is attributed to the Pende peoples.
18. Cornet 1971: 330
19. Sieber and Walker 1987: 112, cat. no. 63
20. Sotheby’s 1991: lot 94; Sotheby’s 2006: lot 114
21. Nooter 1984: 62–63
22. Cole and Ross 1977: 48–51
23. Fraser 1972: 140–44
24. Cole and Ross 1977: 140–44
25. Photograph reproduced in Sieber and Herreman
2000: 12, as fig. 4
26. It is similar to one in the Corice and Armand P.
Arman Collection; reproduced in Sieber and Herre-
man 2000: 139, cat. no. 133.
27. Ibid., 140, cat. no. 136
28. Vogel 1997: 283–84; Boyer, Girard, and Rivière
1997: 108, plate 110
29. Torday and Joyce 1910: plate 26, no. 18
Torday attributes an oil vessel with the heart-shaped
motif to the Mbala.
30. Strother 1998: 114–15
31. Cornet 1971: 143
32. Hultgren and Zeidler 1993: 73
33. Mack, in T. Phillips 1995: 271, cat. no. 4.42;
Robbins and Nooter 1989: 431, fig. 1111
The Wongo cup on which the standing female is
depicted part of the permanent collection of the
Buffalo Museum of Science.
34. Fischer and Himmelheber 1984: 135
35. Casati 1891
36. Maquet 1956: 50
37. Paydar and Grammet 2002: 269, 273
38. Picton and Mack 1989: 48
39. Trowell 1960: n.p., plate 24
A similar appliqué cloth at the Royal Museum for
Central Africa in Tervuren, Belgium, has patches
of imported prints with a floral motif.
40. Hultgren and Zeidler 1993
The Presbyterian missionary William H. Sheppard,
an African American, and his party were the first
foreigners to enter the Bushoong royal court in 1890.
The paramount king of the Kuba peoples came from
the Bushoong group. During the twenty years Shep-
pard lived among the Kuba, he amassed a col­lection
of objects that was deposited at Hampton Institute,
now Hampton University, Virginia; Darish, in T. Phil-
lips 1995: 276, cat. no. 4.48b. Another early example
collected by Emil Torday on the Torday Congo Expe-
dition, 1907 to 1909, was deposited at the British
Museum.
41. Picton and Mack 1989: 175–76; Darish, in Weiner
and Schneider 1989: 117–40
42. Knight and Priebatsch 1983: 8
43. Compare with examples from northern Camer-
oon and northern Nigeria: Zerbini 2002: cat. no. 310,
and Eicher 1976: pl. 19, respectively
44. Clarke 2005: 8–12; Bravmann 1983: 86–101
45. Lamb 1975: 39
The Lamb cloth is made from native Nigerian silk
yarns obtained from the Anaphe infracta moth.
46. Strother, in T. Phillips 1995: 262, cat. no. 4.32
chapter 4
african art and the influences
of foreign trade

Arabs and Europeans came to Africa in search of trade, to spread their ­culture
and the teachings of their religions, and to extend their territory and politi‑
cal power. Their experiences were recorded and provide useful, sometimes
invaluable, information. Muslim travelers, historians, and geographers in
the tenth century described what they found in Bilad al‑Sudan, “the land
of the blacks,” which they reached by trade routes across the Sahara Desert.
The Portuguese, whose mission was to divert the gold trade from the Arab
monopoly and find a direct route to the source of the highly desirable Asian
spices, were the first Europeans to explore Africa. Beginning in 1434, they
traveled southward on the Atlantic Ocean until they rounded the Cape of
Good Hope and reached East Africa. On successive voyages they stopped
at Cape Verde (1444), the Gold Coast (modern Ghana, 1471), the Benin king‑
dom (in modern Nigeria, c. 1476), the mouth of the Congo (1483), and the
Cape of Good Hope (in modern South Africa, 1488). They were followed
by the Castilians and Flemish in the mid-fifteenth century; the French,
English, and Dutch in the sixteenth century; and the Danes, Swedes, and
Brandenburgers in the seventeenth century.1 Some early European travel‑
ers’ accounts are referenced in discussions of the African works of art in the
Museum’s collection, especially those from the Benin kingdom.
African trade goods—pepper, ivory, animal hides, wax, amber, indigo, tex‑
tiles, gold, and slaves—were exchanged for European horses, silk, copper
and brass, clothing, beads, tobacco, alcohol, and firearms. Slaves for the
overseas trade, which the Portuguese initiated in 1441 with twelve cap‑
tives, became the major export by the nineteenth century. After slavery
was abolished around 1850, legitimate trade was established, and palm oil
and other raw materials were exchanged for factory-made textiles (“trade
cloth”), utensils, beads, doors, paint, and weapons. Trading with Africans
was not enough. Europeans, who desired to own and control the sources
of Africa’s wealth, colonized the regions in which they had been trading
partners. By 1914, the continent was owned by Belgium, France, Germany,
Great Britain, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. Only Ethiopia remained an inde‑
pendent nation.
Africans recorded their experiences, actual or received, orally and in the
visual arts. They sculpted figures and masks that depicted European slave
traders, missionaries, soldiers, clerks, and men, women, and children in
various mediums for use in traditional African contexts and for the export
trade.2 Adoption of Christianity provided an outlet for creativity as demon‑
strated in the variety of Ethiopian crucifixes. An ivory waist pendant from
the Benin kingdom references the sea on which the Portuguese, the ini‑
tial source of Benin’s wealth, traveled. Trade with Portugal also resulted in
having more copper to make “bronze” sculptures for ancestral altars, items
of royal regalia, and architecture. Although a few ­sculptures, such as the
lidded bowl by Arowogun (Aerogun) of Osi-Ilorin and the figurative vessel
by Voania Muba, depict foreigners and their belongings (horses, bicycles
or motorcycles, articles of clothing, weapons), most of the ­holdings in the

261
262
fig 57  Dorothea Tanning, Pincushion to Serve as Fetish,
1979. Black velvet, wood, metal, paint, and copper. Collec-
tion of Deedie and Rusty Rose and the Dallas Museum of
Art, 2005.27.
4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de
Museum’s collection display Africans’ use of imported materials and objects
including glass beads, cowrie shells, mirrors, porcelain, various types of
trade cloth, copper and brass, and even wine glasses. The Muslim/Islamic
presence is referenced in horse-and-rider and turbaned figures. Muslim
influences are also evident in the geometrical patterns in beadwork and
embroidery, the leather amulets depicted on a Mende sowei helmet mask,
a Yoruba bead-embroidered ile ori, and a Hausa man’s robe from Cameroon.3
Olowe of Ise (c. 1875–c. 1938), the famous Yoruba sculptor to kings, used
imported European paints as well as local pigments to color the sculptures
he carved out of wood.
This chapter is about not only what Africans received from foreigners and
how they used and applied the ideas, beliefs, and materials in their own
lives, but also Africa’s contributions to the cultural heritage of mankind.
For example, around the turn of the twentieth century, African sculpture
was instrumental in shifting “modern art from styles based on visual per‑
ception to those based on the artist’s particular view of the world.”4 Derain,
Vlaminck, Picasso, Modigliani, Païlès (who once owned a Baule seated
figure now in the Museum’s collection), and others may not have known
about the cultures in which the African masks and figures originated or
their significance, but they felt the power of their forms. The influence of
African sculpture on Western artists has continued, as evidenced by such
works as Pincushion to Serve as Fetish (1979) by Dorothea Tanning (fig. 57) and
Fetish #2 (1988) by Renée Stout (fig. 58), a work that was inspired by Kongo
minkisi (power figures).
The art of the African weaver has undoubtedly made an impact on
American popular culture, fashion, and furnishings. Two textiles, one from
Ghana and the other from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in the
Museum’s collection exemplify this assertion. African designs and patterns
are reproduced wholesale or stylized but are rarely identified as such by the
manufacturers. That omission is corrected here.
fig 58  Renée Stout, Fetish #2, 1988. Mixed media
(plaster body cast). Dallas Museum of Art, Metro-
politan Life Foundation Purchase, 1989.27.
264 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

98

Processional cross Christianity has an extensive history in Africa. It was first ­introduced
in the fourth century to the ancient and prosperous Axumite kingdom
Ethiopia
Probably 18th to 20th century in present-day Ethiopia. The Axumites traded far and wide, exporting
Cast copper alloy incense, ivory, rhinoceros horn, tortoiseshell, apes, and slaves through
11¾ × 8¼ in. (29.85 × 20.96 cm) the port of Adulis on the Red Sea and importing goods and ideas from
Gift of Dr. Hebe Redden and Dr. Kenneth Redden, Syria, Egypt, and other lands. St. Mark (or Frumentius), a Syrian from
1991.352.43 Alexandria, Egypt, is usually credited with introducing Coptic Christianity
to the Axumite king Ezana, who established the Ethiopian Orthodox
99 Church. During the period between the late twelfth and early thirteenth
centuries, King Lalibela desired to build a new Jerusalem. The churches in
Standing figure of a the capital of Lalibela were cut out of rock and are the largest monumental
religious structures in Africa.5
Portuguese navigators in the late fifteenth century took Roman
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kongo peoples
Catholic priests on their exploratory voyages to coastal West, Central,
Late 19th century to c. 1930
Wood and East Africa. Initial efforts to convert the king (oba) of the Benin king‑
14½ × 3 × 35/* in. (36.83 × 7.62 × 9.21 cm) dom failed but mutually beneficial commercial trade—the trafficking of
African Collection Fund, 2008.38.2 European luxury goods, firearms, and brass in exchange for salt, pepper,
and slaves—was established. During the early sixteenth century the
reigning Edo king also refused to be baptized, but he allowed his son to
do so and to learn Portuguese, thereby enhancing diplomatic relations.
Missionary efforts had ceased by 1540, probably as a result of unprofitable
commercial transactions, and were not attempted again until the seven‑
teenth century.
The first Christian state in sub-Saharan Africa was the Kongo kingdom
in present-day northern Angola. João I and his nobles were baptized in
1491,6 and hundreds of Kongo subjects and Portuguese carpenters built
a Catholic church. By the time João died in 1509, he had lost interest in
Christianity. His son and successor Afonso I Mvemba Nzinga (reigned
1506–1543) was a devout Christian, however, and re-founded the Kongo
kingdom with Christianity as its state religion.7 Although Afonso thought
the Portuguese partners were not adhering to Kongo laws governing the
slave trade, he sent his son Henrique Kinu a Mvemba to Portugal to be
educated. Henrique eventually became a bishop.
The Dutch seized Portuguese trading establishments in the early sev‑
enteenth century and supplanted the Portuguese in the Atlantic slave
trade. The Dutch were followed by the Danes, and they by the British. Each
reintroduced European Christianity to Africa as part of their commercial
and colonial agendas. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,
repatriated Christian slaves helped spread the Word. When European
powers divided sub-Saharan Africa among themselves and created colo‑
nies in the late nineteenth century, conversion to the Christian religion
availed one of Western education and with access to the requisite skills
for survival in a changed world.

CAT. 98
266 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

Representing the crucified Christ, crosses are the most important

symbol of Christianity. Artists made them in different sizes for use in
different contexts. For example, large elaborately decorated crosses are
mounted on poles that raise them above the heads of the worshippers
in processions during feast days (fig.  59). During worship, processional
crosses are used to bless the congregation, baptismal water, sacra‑
ments, and the four corners of the church. They are commonly made of
copper alloys and cast by the lost-wax process (cire perdue), which makes
each one unique. Processional crosses made of iron and silver are more
uncommon.8
The Dallas Museum of Art’s collection of over two hundred examples
also includes handheld crosses made of wood or metal and small metal
pendants for necklaces. Kenneth Redden, a founder of Ethiopia’s first law
school in the late 1960s, assembled the collection. Haile Selassie, emperor
of Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974, allowed Redden to export the crosses on the
condition that they be displayed publicly.9
Tradition-based artists in West and Central Africa also found new
patronage in the Christian church.10 In addition to crucifixes and other
devotional objects, they carved figures of religious. The Dallas figure
posed in prayer may depict a monk or a nun wearing a pith helmet or a
veil. Because both men and women wore habits that concealed their
bodies from head to toe, gender identification is difficult. The observant
artist carefully depicted the knotted leather or fiber belt with ends that
terminate in a cross, the folds of the garment, and the shoes.

fig 59  Priests of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church carry

large brass crosses hung with colorful cloths during
the Timkat (Epiphany) festival. Lalibela, Ethiopia, 1999.
© Dave Bartruff / corbis.

CAT. 99
268 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

100

Horse-and-rider figure This exquisite sculpture depicts one of the most important imports: Equus
(elesin Shango) caballus, the domestic horse. Introduced circa 1640–1532  BC to ancient
Egypt by western Asian conquerors, horses were initially used to draw
Nigeria, Owo, Yoruba peoples
chariots in military campaigns.11 Subsequently, horses were introduced
17th to 18th century
Ivory
to western Sudan (northern region of West Africa) via the Sahara Desert in
6½ × 1¾ × 2¼ in. (16.51 × 4.45 × 5.72 cm) about AD 1000 by Muslim Arab and Amazigh (also known as Berber) trad‑
The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art Fund,
ers. Mounted armies enabled the medieval Sudanese kingdoms of Ghana,
Inc., 1994.197.McD Mali, and Songhai to be established and flourish. Despite the inhospi­
table, humid climate and deadly tsetse flies, it appears that horses—or the
knowledge of horses—reached as far as the southern area of present-day
Nigeria. The evidence is a tenth-century AD bronze hilt cast in the form of
a horse and rider that was excavated from a royal burial chamber in Igbo-
Ukwu village. This sculpture predates the horses Portuguese mariners and
merchants brought to coastal West Africa in the mid- to late fifteenth cen‑
tury.12 During the centuries that followed, northern traders and invaders
continued to supply horses while successive European voyagers brought
new breeds to sub-Saharan Africa.
Horses bearing foreign goods were welcome, but horses carrying war‑
riors on their backs were “fearful bearers of power”13 that facilitated con‑
quests of other peoples and territorial expansion. Equine speed, physical
strength, ability to elevate their riders above even the tallest standing
person, and the cost to acquire, sustain, and replace them made horses,
and by association their owners, symbols of power and prestige. In
African art, horse-and-rider imagery generally connotes prestige, wealth,
and power.
Among the Yoruba, carved wood elesin (literally “horse owner”), horse-
and-rider figures, serve as supports for divination bowls, as superstruc‑
tures on staffs and Epa masks, and as freestanding figures on altars
dedicated to various deities (e.g., Shango, the god of thunder and light‑
ning; Ogun, the god of iron; Erinle, the hunter; Orisha-oko, god of the
farm; or Eshu, the divine messenger/­trickster).14 Carved ivory horse-and-
rider figures like this one are prized because elephant ivory was reserved
for the king (oba) and the hunter who killed the animal. Such objects are
found among the divining paraphernalia owned by highly successful Ifa
diviners and by rulers who install the figures on private or communal
altars in shrines dedicated to Shango (the deified fourth king of the old
Oyo kingdom in northern Yorubaland, who is believed to have reigned
in the seventeenth century, and who was a brilliant military general and
a master horseman). According to his praise poem (oriki), Shango had a
stable of ten thousand horses!15
Religious rituals and indigenous oral traditions, which include oriki
and owe (proverbs), can be used to interpret the meaning of equestrian
figures for Shango shrines. During worship activities, for example, favored
devotees are “ridden” or “mounted” by Shango; hence, horse-and-rider
270 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

imagery symbolizes the state of being possessed. In an oriki about the

deity, the horse symbolizes lightning that Shango learned to attract using
a powerful charm:

Fire in the eye, fire in the mouth,

fire on the roof
You ride fire like a horse.16

The concept that the power of words is equal to the strength and
speed of a horse is expressed in the adage “Proverbs are the horses of
communication.”17
This elesin Shango was carved in the Owo kingdom located in the tropi‑
cal forest region and famous for the fine ivory carvings that were made
from the sixteenth to eighteenth century. It would have been difficult
to sustain horses in Owo, so this rendering may not be based on actual
experience, but on oral descriptions or the carved altarpieces that trav‑
eled with Shango worship. The unknown sculptor carefully and skillfully
depicted the details of the rider’s costume and the horse’s tack as he cre‑
ated a highly stylized and esoteric image. The rider is taller than the horse,
which could indicate that the artist had no firsthand experience of horses.
The horse depicted could be one of the small breeds, but it is more likely
that the artist was emphasizing the importance of the rider, Shango. The
single-reined, bitless bridle and the absence of saddle and stirrups prob‑
ably reflects early West African horsemanship before the introduction of
saddles.18 Equestrian figures carved during the nineteenth century or later
portray the rider seated on a saddle and his feet in stirrups.
The rider’s tailed cap is decorated with a geometric pattern that is per‑
forated, probably for inlaid pieces like those used to form his pupils. His
bulging eyes follow stylistic conventions of Yoruba art and contain char‑
acteristics, such as the notched lids that may represent eyelashes, associ‑
ated with Owo artistry. The lines, carved in relief and extending from his
temple to his mouth, may represent a scarification pattern, albeit one that
is found among the Ijebu-Ode Yoruba to the south.19 The clientele of Owo
ivory carvers extended far beyond the artisans’ hometown. In another
interpretation, the rider has a gag to echo the curved bridle on the horse.20
If the rider is indeed Shango, as either king or deity, however, he would
not stand to be gagged.
272 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

101

Four-faced helmet The Betsi and Ntumu call this type of helmet mask ñgontang, a term that
mask (ñgontang) is a contraction of nlo ñgon ntañga, which means “face of the daughter of
the white man.” When the Betsi and Ntumu peoples first encountered
Gabon, Ogooué River and Woleu-Ntem Province,
the Europeans, they believed the Europeans were spirits returned from
Fang peoples, Betsi or Ntumu group
1920–1940
the world of the dead. Introduced in the 1920s, the mask has multiple
Wood and pigment faces with eyes that see everything, and it was a ritual object that fought
1015/!6 × 815/!6 × 89/!6 in. (27.78 × 22.70 × 21.75 cm) against malevolent forces such as witchcraft.21 Eventually the traditional
The Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection beliefs were abandoned and the masks were used for entertainment pur‑
of African Sculpture, gift of the McDermott poses (fig. 60). It is thought the ñgontang replaced the ngil mask, which
Foundation in honor of Eugene McDermott, policed the Fang communities and was banned by the French colonial
1974.SC.33
government.
The faces on the ñgontang are not identical (see the two-dimensional
rollout photograph, pp. 274–75). They have different measurements, ana‑
tomical details, and scarification. The Dallas mask has two large and two
small faces. The larger faces have brows formed with perforations and a
black line drawn from the forehead to the tip of the nose. The mouths on
these faces differ—one is upturned in a smile while the other is pursed.
The male dancer who wore the mask looked through a pair of horizontal
openings carved in the bottom of the mask under one of the faces.

fig 60  Representing Europeans, ñgontang masks were

originally used in the context of ancestor worship and
social control. By the 1960s they were principally for
entertainment. Gabon.
276 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

102

Bowl with lid (opon igede) This sculpture is attributed to Arowogun, a celebrated master sculptor
who was a contemporary of Olowe of Ise (see pp. 90–93). Born around 1880
Attributed to Arowogun (Areogun) of Osi-Ilorin
(c. 1880–1954) in the village of Osi in the Ekiti area of northern Yorubaland, Arowogun
Nigeria, Yoruba peoples was known by his praise name Arowogun, which refers to his occupation
1920–1940 and is a short form of Areogun-yanna—“one who gets money with the
Wood and patination
tools of Ogun and spends it liberally.” Ogun is the patron saint of those
20¾ × 17 9/!6 in. diam. (52.71 × 44.61 cm)
who use iron tools, including blacksmiths, carvers, hunters, soldiers, and
Gift of Carolyn C. and Dan C. Williams, 1984.57.A–B
in today’s world, truck drivers and all who use machinery. Arowogun did
not come from an artistic family but was allowed to pursue carving. He
was apprenticed to Bamgbose of Osi (known for multifigured Epa masks,
oloju foforo face masks, figurative house posts, and palace doors) for six‑
teen years and to Fasan of Isare for some years before he was qualified to
be his own master with apprentices. Toward the end of his life, Arowogun
carved Christian themes for the Roman Catholic Church in Oye-Ekiti.22 He
was about seventy-five years old when he died in 1954.
Foreign people and objects are depicted on this elaborately decorated
lidded bowl that was used to store ritual paraphernalia. Carved in relief
on the lid are a turbaned Muslim chief riding a horse and holding in one
hand a rope tied around a captive and in the other, a weapon; a uniformed
soldier displaying an imported firearm; and a British district officer wear‑
ing a pith helmet and riding a motorcycle. Muslim traders from the north
and Portuguese merchants introduced horses to sub-Saharan Africa many
centuries ago. In the context of this container, the Muslim horseman may
symbolize the slave raids that occurred during the nineteenth century.
The bowl, which has three compartments, also bears indigenous ref‑
erences. For example, a priest of the healing deity Osanyin is portrayed
on the lid. In one hand he holds a staff surmounted by a bird and in the
other a medicine horn; he is flanked by attendants or clients. A standing
male figure on the bowl represents either a priest or a devotee of Shango,
the god of thunder and lightning. He carries a dance staff (oshe Shango)
in one hand and a gourd rattle (shekere) in the other. Other figures include
musicians playing a pressure drum and a flute and a soldier brandishing
bladed weapons. The visual references to the presence of North African
Muslims and Europeans on the lid indicate the Yoruba’s changed world,
but those on the bowl suggest that indigenous religion and customs
still prevailed.
278 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

103

Torque Heavy castings like this one were used as currency in West Africa prior to
the introduction of coinage. Also worn by women in certain ritual dances,
Nigeria, Yoruba peoples
18th century torques are considered “stored wealth” because they are composed of the
Cast bronze metal from numerous manillas (open bracelets that served as another
10½ × 10 × 3½ in. (26.67 × 25.40 × 8.89 cm) form of pre-coinage currency). Individuals took their amassed manillas to
Gift of The Cecil and Ida Green Foundation, blacksmiths to be melted down and recast into the much larger torques.
1999.63 Manillas, which were introduced by foreign merchants, circulated in West
Africa from the fifteenth to the early twentieth century. Royal brasscast‑
ers in the Benin kingdom in present-day Nigeria melted down manillas
obtained from the Portuguese and recast them as plaques (for example,
see fig. 18, p. 44).23
The ideal form is said to be a near perfect circle with the two pointed
finials meeting, as displayed in the Dallas torque.
280
104
Hat with hornlike projections
(misango mayaka)
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Yaka or Suku peoples
20th century
Coiled basketry, glass beads, palm splints, and palm fiber
7¼ × 22 × 14 in. (18.40 × 55.88 × 35.56 cm)
Gift of Linda and Stanley Marcus, 1992.20
fig 61  Hats covered with expensive, imported beads
project the wealth and status of Yaka and Pende chiefs.
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de
This hat was originally part of the regalia worn by a Yaka or a Suku regional
chief (mfumu misala) or overlord, who is the second ­highest-ranking politi‑
cal leader (fig. 61).24 The form and materials of Yaka and Suku beaded hats
resulted from the complex political relationships that existed between
the ancient Lunda empire and the peoples they conquered (upon whom
they imposed their political structures and leadership symbols) and from
contact with Europe.
Around 1940 Yaka chiefs began wearing a beaded pillbox-style hat they
purchased from their eastern neighbors, the Pende, who were also Lunda
conquests. Chiefly regalia among the Pende included beaded hats—one
with an avian finial and knoblike forms projecting from its sides and one
with two hornlike appendages—that were borrowed from the Lunda.25 The
Yaka and Suku both appropriated the latter hat. Museum collections and
field documentation record masks adorned with animal horns among the
chiefly insignia of the Yaka in 1910. Buffalo (mpakasa; Syncerus caffer) are the
largest African bovine; their horns in particular symbolized their strength
and bulk.
To personalize the borrowed hat, the Yaka incorporated an important
element from their indigenous leadership regalia—a pompom of white
feathers that ordinarily surmounted a miniature cone-shaped basketry
hat (tsala). The colors of the feathers on the misango mayaka varied to
indicate the wearer’s rank—for example, that of a paramount, regional,
or other chief. The colored glass beads used to decorate the hats prob‑
ably came from Czechoslovakia, which has been exporting beads to Africa
since the early twentieth century when the bead trade was associated with
the latex industry in the former Belgian Congo.26
282 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

105

Pipe in the form of a
seated female figure
Angola, Ovimbundu peoples
1900–1950
Wood, stain, metal, and beads
83/!6 × 25/!6 × 33/!6 in. (20.70 × 5.88 × 8.10 cm)
Gift of Gustave and Franyo Schindler, 1980.44.A–B
106
Water pipe in the form
of a seated female figure
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kanyok peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
Wood, hide, plant fiber, and glass beads
151/* × 53/* × 4 1/!6 in. (38.42 × 13.65 × 10.32 cm)
The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Congo
Sculpture, gift of Eugene and Margaret McDermott,
1969.S.18
The Portuguese introduced tobacco (Nicotiana tobacum and Nicotiana
­rustica) to West Africa in the seventeenth century after they discovered
it in the Americas.27 Tobacco usage in sub-Saharan Africa is recorded on
an elaborately decorated Ifa divination tray that originally belonged to a
Yoruba king of Adra, in present-day Benin, and was taken to Ulm, Germany,
before 1659. Among the motifs is a standing male figure smoking a long-
stemmed pipe that was probably made of terracotta and is an example of
the earliest type of pipe that has been excavated.28 Other explorers and
merchants, including the Dutch and Arabs, reintroduced tobacco at differ‑
ent times and at various points along the west and east coasts from which
it spread to the interior of the continent.
Access to tobacco, whether in the form of leaves or snuff, was a preroga‑
tive of African rulers. Chokwe sculptures, for example, portray rulers hold‑
ing snuff containers, other tobacco paraphernalia, and beautifully carved
containers for storing the substance; for an extraordinarily large terracotta
pipe belonging to a Bamum ruler, see p. 95. Because imported tobacco was
too expensive for ordinary people to obtain, they resorted to substitutes.
According to a late nineteenth-century visitor, it was not unusual to see
the Chokwe smoke lighted charcoal in place of tobacco.29
Tobacco usage inspired artists to create pipes for their patrons, who
may have been African or European. These two pipes are excellent ex­
amples of this type of object. The Ovimbundu pipe (cat. 105) in the form
of a seated female figure is carved in the characteristic light colored wood
used by sculptors. Her head was constructed separately and serves as a
cover for the pipe bowl. The details of the figure’s coiffure, facial scarifica‑
tion, and hands are pyro-engraved. The stem, which is missing, fitted into
the hole in the figure’s abdomen.30
The rare Kanyok water pipe (cat. 106), of which only three are known,
is carved in the form of a seated woman with a swollen abdomen, which
serves as the water chamber in which the smoke is cooled before being in‑
haled. The large covered hole at the center originally held the pipe stem.31
Water pipes were used by bilumb women who were possessed by ancestral
spirits and functioned as diviners. They sat on the chief’s stool while per‑
forming the divining ritual.32

CAT. 105
CAT. 106
286 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

107

Male figure effigy African artists have supplied the European expatriate and export mar‑
vessel kets with merchandise for at least five centuries. Such artistic production
began in the fifteenth century on Africa’s west coast, where Portuguese
Voania Muba (died 1928)
explorers and seamen first encountered Africans. Europeans’ curiosity
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Woyo peoples
Late 19th or early 20th century
about the voyagers’ exotic souvenirs from Africa may have encouraged
Ceramic trade. Whatever the catalyst, in the late fifteenth and the sixteenth cen‑
191/* × 8¼ in. diam. (48.58 × 20.96 cm) tury, Portuguese merchants commissioned Sapi and Bini (Edo) ivory
Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Eugene McDermott, 1975.75 carvers in present-day Sierra Leone and present-day Nigeria, respectively,
to produce objects to sell in Europe. These objects included elaborately
decorated ivory spoons, shoehorns, saltcellars, hunting horns, and other
108
objects that found homes in the curiosity cabinets and on the banquet
Palm wine vessel tables of the European nobility.33
During the late nineteenth century, when the European presence
Democratic Republic of the Congo,
was constant, a Woyo potter named Voania (Voanya) Muba made figura‑
Mangbetu peoples
Early 20th century tive vessels exclusively for the European market. Voania was the chief of
Terracotta Muba, a village on the Atlantic Coast and a three-day walk from the towns
25 × 8 in. diam. (63.50 × 20.32 cm) of Boma and Banana.34 He became a potter although he lived in a village
Gift of The Junior Associates, 1995.20 where pottery had not previously been made.
Men in Muba carved wooden lids with high-relief figures to cover the
bowls imported from pottery-making villages. Although the Muba villag‑
ers believed Voania had lieya liambu, or talent, and was self-taught because
he never left the village to become an apprentice, Voania probably learned
how to model clay and make pots from men (who customarily worked in
isolation) in a pottery-making village. Whatever the source of his knowl‑
edge, Voania created his own formula for the clay body and perfected his
skills. Voania’s only assistant was a nephew who neither helped to mix the
materials or to form the vessels. He served instead as the middleman in
selling Voania’s vessels.
Voania’s pottery typically depicts Europeans alone, as a couple, as
eques­trians, or as a family group standing or sitting on top of a globular
vessel. He occasionally portrayed an African male or a female figure. Some
pots have only a human head for decoration. The hollow vessels have an
opening, usually in the head of a figure. The figures’ hats sometimes have
two parts—the hat with an opening and a lid to cover it. None of Voania’s
vessels ever functioned as pitchers.
The Dallas vessel depicts a seated European male wearing a hat and
jacket with carefully detailed buttons and buttonholes. There is an open‑
ing in the top of the hat. The figure holds a flask for liquor in one hand
and a drinking cup or glass in the other. During the nineteenth century,
Europeans imported alcoholic beverages that became African symbols of
prestige; their consumption was a ­privilege of rulers, who were the first to
be introduced to the foreign imports.35
The Woyo use proverbs to offer a compliment, appeal to principle, or
settle an argument. Carved pot lids that visually illustrate proverbs can

CAT. 107
288 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

silently convey messages when covering bowls containing food. Voania’s

vessels, on which the imagery on pot lids was not duplicated, were clearly
not intended for this kind of communication nor were they sold to Muba
villagers. They were meant for European customers, who probably found
them amusing. Still the one and only male potter from Muba village,
Voania died in 1928.
During the late nineteenth century, European explorers penetrated
far inland to Mangbetu country in the northeastern part of the former
Belgian Congo (the present-day Democratic Republic of the Congo). The
Mangbetu vessel depicts a woman with an elongated head (the result of
binding the forehead at infancy) wearing a classic, fanlike coiffure that
identifies her as royal (fig. 62). European taste for figurative art encour‑
aged Mangbetu sculptors to create objects in this style.36 The figure’s hair‑
style, which in real life required an armature to stand upright, serves as
the spout of the vessel.
This particular type of Mangbetu vessel, of which only a few are
known,37 is unusual because it is double-chambered and is buff colored
instead of black. In Mangbetu society, male artists made terracotta “head”
vessels as well as vessels of carved wood and cast or forged metal. Women
traditionally made nonfigurative pottery strictly for domestic purposes.
In addition to European influence on artistic production, interethnic mar‑
riages between peoples who observed gender-specific rules in making pot‑
tery may have also resulted in men and women working together to make
these vessels.

fig 62  The flaring hairstyle Mangbetu women wore

during the 19th and early 20th centuries is reproduced
on palm wine vessels. Democratic Republic of the
Congo, 1929–1937.

CAT. 108
290 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

109

Cut-pile and embroidered African visual arts have undoubtedly inspired Western artists and ­textile,
raffia textile furniture, household, and fashion designers to create works of art and con‑
sumer products. Numerous instances come to mind: Picasso’s Bust (1907–
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kuba peoples,
1908; fig.  63) borrows elements from a Baga D’mba mask (see p.  141),38
Shoowa group
Early 20th century
Cosima von Bonin’s Rorschachtest #4 (2006; fig. 64) incorporates a kikoi
Raffia with natural dyes cloth worn by East African coastal peoples,39 Pierre-Emile Legrain’s art
19¾ × 18½ in. (50.17 × 46.99 cm) deco seating replicates ceremonial chairs and stools of the Ngbombe, Fon,
Anonymous gift in honor of Professor Roy Sieber, and Chokwe peoples,40 and Norma Kamali’s and Emmanuel Ungaro’s day
2007.50.6 and evening wear of the 1970s and 2000s, respectively, integrates bologon
textile designs of the Dogon peoples (Mali).
Kuba textiles, exemplified by this cut-pile panel, have long captured
the imagination of a host of designers since at least the early twenti‑
eth century. For example, Kuba textiles included in a 1923 African art
exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum (then called the Brooklyn Institute
Museum) inspired textile designs for ­women’s dresses sold by Bonwit
Teller and Company.41 The dresses were displayed in the store’s window
and a duplicate set was installed at the museum (fig.  65). The cloths—
which the Kuba and related groups traditionally used as currency, ele‑
ments of ceremonial dress, and shrouds for the dead—reappeared in
the European and American art markets in the 1960s during the clashes
between various African peoples in the then Congo. This was also the
period of Black Is Beautiful in the United States, and the cloth became
one of the symbols of Black Pride. Fashionable again and again, stylized
Kuba textile designs have been reproduced on stationery and house‑
hold linens and furnishing, such as those manufactured by Canon in the
1960s, Martex in the 1970s, Tufenkian carpets, and Ralph Lauren’s elabo‑
rate African Collection in the 1990s and 2000s.

fig 63  Pablo Picasso, Bust, 1907–1908. Oil on canvas.

Dallas Museum of Art, Foundation for the Arts Collection,
gift of Joshua L. Logan, Loula D. Lasker, Ruth and Nathan
Cummings Art Foundation, Mr. and Mrs. Edward S.
Marcus, Sarah Dorsey Hudson, Mrs. Alfred L. Bromberg,
Henry Jacobus, and an anonymous donor, by exchange,
1987.399.FA.

This study for Les Demoiselles d’Avignon shows the begin­

nings of the influence of African masks in Picasso’s work.
292 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de 4 : a f r i ca n a rt a nd t h e I nf l u ences of f or ei gn t r a de 293

“Kasai velvets,” as Kuba cut-pile and embroidered textiles were known

when first introduced to foreign markets at the turn of the twentieth cen‑
tury, are so described because they feel like velvet. The men wove the plain
raffia panels and women, during their pregnancies, embroidered them.
Gifted embroiderers specialized in this laborious and time-consuming
needlework.

The shapes were filled in by threading the [iron] needle under one
strand of the weave and pulling the fiber through until only about
2 mm were left on the far side of the stitch. The fiber was then cut
off at the same height on the near side, and when this stitching had
been repeated closely over the whole area, the result was a smooth,
unknotted, brushlike surface resembling a pile velvet. The work
was so finely done that the embroidery fibers did not appear on the
wrong side.42

The geometric motifs on the surface of the plain-weave mat were out‑
lined or filled by various means to create different textures. For example,
a single row or multiple rows of black or colored stem stitching outlined
the form, and sometimes the pile was left as loops rather than being cut.
Kuba textiles have retained their cultural importance and are still being
made for local use as well as for sale abroad.

fig 64  Cosima von Bonin, rorschachtest #4, 2006.

Cotton and linen. Dallas Museum of Art, dma/amfar
Benefit Auction Fund, 2007.56.

This work of art makes use of an African textile as its

ground cloth.

fig 65  A Bonwit Teller advertisement for fashions

inspired by Kuba cut-pile cloth and Bushoong raffia
cloth textile designs. “Women’s Wear” section of the
New York Times, April 14, 1923.
294 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de

110

Textile (kente)
Ghana, Bonwire town, Asante peoples
c. 1925
Silk and dye
125½ × 67 in. (318.77 × 170.18 cm)
African Collection Fund, 2006.45
fig 66  Kente-patterned tippet worn by R
­ everend Elzie
Odum Jr., senior pastor of St. Paul United Methodist
Church, in the Arts District, Dallas, Texas, 2008.
Strip-woven kente from Ghana is undoubtedly the best-known African
textile in the world. Adopted by Americans, especially African Americans,
kente gained worldwide attention in 1957 when Kwame Nkrumah, then
president of Ghana, the first independent country in sub-Saharan Africa,
wore it for his official portraits and during an official visit to the United
States. Kente cloth subsequently became a symbol of pan-African iden‑
tity and a symbol of Black Pride. A half century later, handwoven kente
remains a successful export product that is used as is or to make Western-
style clothing and accessories. African Americans wear kente to celebrate
their African ancestry; Americans wear it as a sign of solidarity.43 It is not
unusual for African American clergymen to wear a tippet made entirely
of or simply decorated with handwoven or printed kente (fig. 66). At com‑
mencement exercises, high school and college students wear colorful
kente strips that display the initials or insignia of their school or social
organization with their cap and gown. Factory-printed cloths are used for
everything from domestic linens to haute couture; for example, a ­woman’s
suit with peplum design by the late Patrick Kelly was also derived from a
Ghanaian model.44
Kente has probably been woven in Ghana since at least the sixteenth
century, when cotton yarns dyed with natural indigo were used. Silk kente
dates from about the eighteenth century, as indicated by the first pub‑
lished account by a Danish envoy to the court of King Opoku Ware I. The
envoy reported that the African “artists” unraveled imported taffeta cloth
to obtain the silk threads, which they wove into cloth.45
Among the Asante, kente is a prestigious cloth that has traditionally
been worn by kings and chiefs. The king, who reserves certain kente designs
for himself, can grant the privilege to others. Kings wear kente made of
silk, rayon, or cotton on state occasions, are transported to the events in
kente-covered palanquins, and shielded from the sun under giant umbrel‑
las decorated with kente accents. Asante kings are traditionally buried in
this presti­gious cloth.
296 4 : af rican art and t h e Inf l ue nce s of f or ei gn t r a de
Notes
1. For more information about African history and
exploration, see Fage with Tordoff 2002; Oliver and
Oliver 1965; Levenson 2007
2. National Museum of African Art 1982; Lips 1966
3. Bravmann 1983: 86–101
4. Myers 2006; NDiaye 1995; Robbins, in Robbins and
Nooter 1989: 23–34
5. Grierson 1993: 8; Mark, in T. Phillips 1996: 17–18
6. Pigafetta [1881] 1970, 70–78
7. MacGaffey 2000: 214
8. Moore, in Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen 1973:
67–90
9. Louise Cantwell to Anne Bromberg, personal
communication, August 14, 1992
10. Lips 1966: 164–88; see Carroll 1966: 137–53, for the
most noteworthy examples of African Christian
art found among the Yoruba of Nigeria and various
peoples of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(the former Belgian Congo); Lehmann 1966; National
Museum of African Art 1982
11. Quirke and Spencer 1992: 21
12. Shaw 1977: 56–58, fig. 4–11; 92
13. Cole 1989: 126
14. Lawal 1970: 124
15. Thomas Jefferson Bowen, quoted in Lawal
1970:116 n. 375
16. Ulli Beier, quoted in Abiodun, in Pemberton 2000:
187; Beier 1970
17. Abiodun, in Pemberton 2000: 182–92
18. Law, in Pezzoli 1995: 179–80
19. Joubert, in Musée des Arts d’Afrique et d’Océanie
1997: 259, fig. 89
20. Okediji 2000: 16
21. Perrois 2006: 45–46, 134, plate 56
22. Carroll 1967: 55–57
23. National Museum of African Art 2000: 8; T. Phillips
1995: 428; Eyo 1979: 61–63
24. Biebuyck and Abbeele 1984: 72–73
25. Bourgeois 1982: 30
26. Ibid.
27. Laufer, in Laufer, Hambly, and Linton 1930: 16–38
28. This divination tray is reproduced in Sieber and
Walker 1987: 73, cat. no. 30
29. Walker 1991: 21–23
30. Comparable examples of both types of pipes are
reproduced in Jordan 1998: 180, cat. no. 139, and
Petridis 2001: 178, cat. no. 85
31. Smet 1999: 114–21 describes design of water pipes:
“Real water pipes are employed for smoking tobacco
and hemp in many parts of Central and Southern
Africa. Basically, these pipes consist of a large con‑
tainer holding water or some other liquid, a bowl
with a stem dropping into the liquid, and a stem
from the large chamber from which the smoker
draws the smoke. One of the main reasons for using
such pipes is that the process of bubbling the smoke
through the liquid makes it cooler and less harsh.
This latter effect is particularly useful when there
has not been enough time to remove the harshness
of tobacco by sun-drying.”
See Cache, Paudrat, and Stéphan 1988: 450, and
Petridis 2001: n.p., cat. no. 83, for two anthropomor‑
phic water pipes by different sculptors in the collec‑
tions of, respectively, the British Museum and the
Royal Museum for Central Africa, Tervuren, Belgium.
32. Petridis 2001: n.p., cat. no. 83
33. Plass 1963: 38–41; Bassani and Fagg 1988 provide
a survey of the first works of art to reach Europe
34. Volavka 1977: 61–62
35. See Smet 1999: 107, for a similar vessel
36. Schildkrout and Keim 1990: 109–12, 247
37. See Olderogge and Forman 1969: 19 and 155, for
similar figural terracotta vessels in the Tartu Museum
in Estonia; they were collected in the 1920s and 1930s
by I. P. and D. P. Solomentsevs.
38. Rubin 1984: vol. 1, 277
39. Museum of Contemporary Art 2007
40. National Museum of African Art 1998
41. New York Times, “Women’s Wear” section, April 14,
1923
42. Trowell 1960: 30–31
43. For example, the former New Jersey Governor
Christie Todd Whitman wore kente cloth at an
inaugural event at the Newark Museum of Art;
photograph in Ross 1998: 247.
44. Ibid., 150–289
45. Ludvig Rømer, quoted in ibid., 151; see also
Rømer [1706] 1965
 299

peoples of africa

Peoples located on the Map

TUNISIA

MOROCCO
1 Amazigh (Berbers) Morocco 27 Kuba Democratic Republic of the Congo

2 Asante Ghana 28 Lega Democratic Republic of the Congo

1
ALGERIA 3 Baga Guinea 29 Luba Democratic Republic of the Congo
LIBYA EGYPT
WESTERN 4 Bamana Mali 30 Lulua Democratic Republic of the Congo
SAHARA
5 Bamileke Cameroon 31 Makonde Mozambique and Tanzania

6 Bamum Cameroon 32 Mangbetu Democratic Republic of the Congo

MAURITANIA 7 Baule Côte d’Ivoire 33 Mbala Democratic Republic of the Congo

MALI 8 Bobo Burkina Faso 34 Mboma Democratic Republic of the Congo

14 45 NIGER
ERITREA 9 Boma Democratic Republic of the Congo 35 Mende Sierra Leone
13 CHAD
SENEGAL 10 Cham / Mwona Nigeria 36 Ndebele South Africa and Zimbabwe
GAMBIA SUDAN

GUINEA-
4 Sokoto
20 DJIBOUTI 11 Chokwe Angola and Democratic 37 Oron Nigeria
BURKINA FASO
BISSAU GUINEA Republic of the Congo
3 8 BENIN NIGERIA 38 Ovimbundu Angola
41 37 10 12 Dan Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire
SIERRA
35 CÔTE
ETHIOPIA
39 Pende Democratic Republic of the Congo
D'IVOIRE
LEONE 51 13 Djennenke / Soninke Mali
19 7 GHANA 23 CENTRAL AFRICAN 40 Sango
12 15 REPUBLIC
Gabon
2 Lower Niger 6
LIBERIA
18 22 5 14 Dogon Mali
TOGO 41 Senufo Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, and Mali
CAMEROON 52
32 SOMALIA 15 Edo Nigeria
42 Songye Democratic Republic of the Congo
17
EQUATORIAL GUINEA
16 UGANDA KENYA
16 Ekonda Democratic Republic of the Congo
26 43 Suku Democratic Republic of the Congo
CONGO 17 Fang Gabon and Cameroon
GABON
44
RWANDA
44 Tsogo Gabon
40 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC 28 18 Grebo Liberia
OF THE CONGO 45 Tuareg Algeria, Libya, Mali, Burkina Faso,
33 27 BURUNDI
49 42 19 Guro Côte d’Ivoire and Niger
25 34 46 30 21
47 43 20 Hausa Nigeria 46 Wongo Democratic Republic of the Congo
9 39 TANZANIA
48
50
24 29 21 Hemba Democratic Republic of the Congo 47 Woyo Democratic Republic of the Congo
11
38
22 Igbo Nigeria 48 Yaka Democratic Republic of the Congo
ANGOLA 31
MALAWI 23 Igede Nigeria 49 Yanzi Democratic Republic of the Congo

ZAMBIA 24 Kanyok Democratic Republic of the Congo
25 Kongo Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Republic of the Congo, and Angola
AR
50 Yombe Democratic Republic of the Congo
and Republic of Congo
51 Yoruba Nigeria and Republic of Benin

ZIMBABWE 26 Kota Gabon 52 Zande Democratic Republic of the Congo,

SC

MOZAMBIQUE
Central African Republic, and Sudan
GA
DA

NAMIBIA BOTSWANA
36
MA

SWAZILAND

LESOTHO
SOUTH AFRICA

298
300
Amazigh (Berbers)  1
Amazigh peoples (Imazighen, “the free people”; also known as
Berbers), who live in North and West Africa (see Tuareg), comprise
between 40 and 60 percent of Morocco’s population of thirty-one
million. The Ida ou Nadif and the Ida ou Zeddoute live around
Igherm village in the central region of the Anti-Atlas mountain
range, which extends from the Atlantic Ocean to the Sahara, and
speak the Chleuh dialect. They use henna to decorate cloth woven
from lamb’s wool for women’s ceremonial garments. Cat. 93
Asante  2
The south-central forest of Ghana is home to the Twi-speaking
Asante peoples, who number about two million. Their expansive
territory has three distinct regions, each organized into a king-
dom. An agrarian peoples, the Asante make art that varies widely
in both subject and form. Asante art—whether religious, political,
or pertaining to daily life—is infused with symbolic meaning that
derives from the human or natural world. Cat. 33, 83, 110
Baga  3
The Baga peoples, who reside in villages along the coast of Guinea
and now number a hundred thousand, were once divided into
small villages. Each village was governed by a council of elders,
who derived their powers from specialized knowledge only they
possessed and their interactions with spiritual beings. The reli-
gious regalia and ritual objects used by elders in ceremonies and
male initiation rites were central to Baga artistic traditions, which
persisted for several hundred years. A variety of religious and
sociopolitical disturbances in the 1950s, however, have gradually
caused the Baga culture, and thus artistic production, to disappear
in most areas. Cat. 41
Bamana  4
The Bamana peoples are the largest ethnic group in the Republic of
Mali with a population of about 2.5 million. Primarily farmers, the
Mande-speaking peoples of the Niger savannah strongly resisted
Islam and were known as bambara, or pagans, by the Muslim invad-
ers. Bamana artists work in mud-dyed cloth, wood, iron, bronze,
and brass to make ritual objects, masks, and tools. Cat. 55
Bamileke  5
The nearly seven hundred thousand Bantu-speaking Bamileke
peoples live within the Cameroon Grasslands, a mountainous
region in western Cameroon made up of many different kingdoms.
Although the Bamileke peoples share artistic traditions with their
Bamum and Kom neighbors, they produce works with distinct
characteristics. Much of the art created by the Bamileke is for the
king or ruler. Royal portraits and stools carved in wood are some-
times covered with beads, a prestige medium limited to royal use.
The Bamileke also create commemorative figural sculptures and
zoomorphic masks for use in ceremonies. Cat. 13
pe opl e s of af rica
Bamum  6
The Cameroon Grasslands is also home to the Bamum ­peoples,
their capital at Foumban in the Northwest Province of Cameroon.
The one hundred thousand Benue-Congo-speaking Bamum are
farmers and herders who live in villages presided over by heredi-
tary headmen. They are among the few African peoples to have
developed their own system of writing, which is largely ideo-
graphic or pictographic. Bamum sculptors emphasize depth and
roundness in their wooden masks and other objects. Cat. 24
Baule  7
In the savannah between the Bandama and N’zi rivers (the “Baule
V”) in central Côte d’Ivoire, the Baule peoples raise crops and ani-
mals to sell at markets run by the village women. Today, the Baule
number 1.5 million. Their villages are ruled by notables, some of
whom are descended from those who left Ghana in the eighteenth
century. Baule artists work in wood and brass to create anthropo-
morphic masks and figures related to the afterlife. Although the
practice has waned since the 1960s, the Baule also carve wooden
doors. Some Baule art is stylistically similar to that of their
neighbors, the southern Mande, the Malinke, and the Senufo.
Cat. 12, 26, 78, 85
Bobo  8
The Mande-speaking Bobo peoples are a group of clans in Burkina
Faso and Mali. They are farmers who live in compact and autono-
mous villages. The Bobo use natural materials such as leaves,
wood, and fiber to create masks that are typically angular in shape
and used in various ritual contexts. Nearly eight hundred thou-
sand people make up the Bobo ethnic group. Cat. 34
Boma  9
The Bantu-speaking Boma peoples (also called Buma) live in the
central savannah region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Their small hunting and farming society, numbering about
twenty-five thousand, is organized into chiefdoms. Boma art-
ists carve angular wooden figures that provide protection against
adverse forces in the universe. Fig. 4, p. 17
Cham / Mwona  10
The Adamawa-speaking Cham peoples of northeastern Nigeria,
of which there are about fifteen thousand, inhabit the southern
region of the Gongola River Valley. Agriculture and small-scale
herding as well as hunting sustain the Cham. Best known for the
terracotta vessels that are used to invoke spirits in divination and
healing rituals, Cham artists also work in iron and brass, decorate
gourds, and create architectural decoration. Cat. 45
Chokwe  11
The Chokwe peoples have lived as hunters, farmers, and pastoral-
ists between the Kwango and Kasai rivers in northeastern Angola
p eop l es of a f r i ca
for nearly four hundred years. By the twentieth century, they
expanded their territory into the present-day Democratic Republic
of the Congo and the northwestern part of Zambia. Chokwe cul-
ture peaked in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, during
which time luxurious art was produced for the courts of chiefs.
Figures, stools, thrones, and ceremonial objects were carved out
of wood, especially for the leadership.
Although artistic production declined during the twentieth
century in the wake of famine, war, and disease, Chokwe cultural
traditions have persevered. Today the Chokwe number nearly one
million. Cat. 19, 46, 84
Dan  12
The Dan peoples are part of the Mande linguistic group and live in
northeast Liberia and the neighboring areas of Côte d’Ivoire and
Guinea. Farmers and warriors, the Dan, who number about five
hundred thousand, have no central authority; rather, they live in
independent villages made up of different clans grouped around
a chief. Secret societies are important to the organization of Dan
society, especially the Poro society, which is common to all ethnic
groups of the region. Masks are perhaps the most important works
of art created by the Dan. Artists also carve figural sculpture and
spoons and make pottery. Cat. 35
Djennenke / Soninke  13
Djennenke and Soninke are cultural designations for ancient and
rare wooden statues collected in the region of the Bandiagara
Escarpment in Mali. Figures that have been subjected to scientific
analysis are dated as early as the eleventh century AD. The wooden
sculptures, some of which have an oily patina, represent human
figures detailed with scarification, jewelry, and clothing. Cat. 2
Dogon  14
Dogon farmers in the rocky plateau and plains of Bandiagara in
Mali established their villages under vertical cliff faces to pro-
tect themselves from invasion. The Gur-speaking Dogon peoples
migrated to this area in the fifteenth century to escape the Mande,
and they developed an architectural style to fit their defensive
geography. The cult of ancestors is important to the Dogon, who
craft various sculptures and instruments for these ceremonies and
other initiation rites. Figural sculptures are carved in a stylized
manner as are the wide variety of masks also made by the Dogon
peoples, whose present population is nearly two hundred and fifty
thousand. Cat. 76, 77
Edo  15
Benin City in present-day southern Nigeria was the capital of the
Benin kingdom, which was established around AD 900 and flour-
ished until the end of the seventeenth century. The name of its
capital city has caused some to refer to the kingdom and the art
produced there as Benin. The people of this kingdom, however,
301
called their land, language, and themselves Edo. Portuguese
explorers arrived in the Benin kingdom at the end of the fifteenth
century to find a vast kingdom ruled by a divine king. Copper alloy
(brass or bronze) and ivory were the prestigious materials for art
commissioned by the king for his regalia, palace, and shrines. The
city-state was destroyed during the British Punitive Expedition
of 1897. Today there are approximately one million Edo people.
Cat. 3–5
Ekonda  16
The Ekonda, who number approximately three hundred thousand,
are a group of Mongo-speaking peoples who live in the northwest-
ern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. An account of
the Ekonda written in 1944 describes the by-then defunct prac-
tice for choosing the ritual chief who embodied Ekonda political
authority. According to the report, a group of village elders selected
a wealthy outsider who paid the village in exchange for the title of
chief. Following his installation, the chief was responsible for divi-
nation, ceremonial activities, and acted as a spiritual mediator. He
had the exclusive right to wear the tiered fiber hat decorated with
brass plates. Cat. 14
Fang  17
The forested area that extends from Cameroon to Gabon includes
Equatorial Guinea and was home to the Fang ­peoples whose culture
thrived in the nineteenth century. Fang villages and communities
were organized around families and clans with common ances-
tors. Indeed, the cult of ancestors was central to Fang religion,
and artists made reliquary figures to guard the bones and skulls
of deceased relatives. Fang artists also carved wooden masks. As a
migratory group, the Fang continually absorbed the cultural and
artistic traditions of the peoples with whom they came in contact.
European influence in the 1910s and 1920s resulted in a decline in
the interest in the cult of ancestors, which was eventually replaced
by Western religion, thereby causing Fang artistic production to
die away. Today this ethnic group numbers two hundred thousand.
Cat. 68, 101
Grebo  18
In the tropical rain forests of southeastern Liberia, the Grebo
­peoples make their living through agriculture, fishing, hunting,
and gathering. Rice is the principal crop, but cotton, okra, millet,
and sorghum are also grown. The Grebo are ruled by a chief, who
lives in absolute isolation. Grebo villages consist of cone cylinder
huts grouped in family compounds around a central plaza. Today
there are approximately three hundred thousand Grebo. Cat. 91
Guro  19
Originally known as the Kweni, the Guro are a group of Mande-
speaking agricultural peoples who live in central Côte d’Ivoire. The
two hundred thousand Guro live in independent villages with no
302
central authority, but form alliances for the purpose of war. The
direct descendant of the village founder, known as the “master
of the earth,” controls the distribution of agricultural lands. Guro
art is produced by specialists and often takes the form of wooden
animal masks that are valued as sacred objects. The Guro received
their present appellation in the early twentieth century when they
were aggressively colonized by the French. Cat. 56
Hausa  20
With a total population of over twenty-two million, the Hausa live
primarily in northwestern Nigeria and throughout West Africa,
including Niger, Cameroon, and Ghana. Hausa artists create work
in a variety of media, including leather, metal, ceramics, and fiber,
in which African and Islamic characteristics are often combined.
Hausa men both weave and embroider the voluminous prestige
gowns that have become the masculine national dress in Nigeria.
Cat. 96
Hemba  21
Previously considered part of the Luba peoples, the Bantu-speaking
Hemba create art that is somewhat similar in style to that of the
Luba, but represents a culture that is independent from the Luba.
Today, the eighty thousand Hemba are farmers and hunters in the
eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where they
live in large clans of families with a common ancestor. The cult of
ancestors plays an important role in the Hemba’s matriarchal soci-
ety, and most art is produced for this cult. Sculptors carve wooden
ancestor figures and masks for ceremonies dedicated to the cult.
Cat. 75
Igbo  22
The Igbo peoples of Nigeria believe that every piece of art has value,
and they are known for the masks and sculpted figures of wood
associated with shrine architecture. Although the earliest extant
works of Igbo art date to the tenth century, most extant Igbo art
was made in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Igbo,
who number between seventeen and twenty million, are primarily
farmers. They are not ruled by a chief or king, but rather by a coun-
cil of elders whose power is balanced by secret socie­ties. The Ada
of Afikpo are a subgroup of Igbo which lives near the Cross River.
Cat. 36, 39
Igede  23
In the Benue State of central Nigeria, the Igede peoples live in
farming villages of cone-cylinder huts. The Igede speak a language
of the Kwa subfamily that is distinct from that of their northern
neighbors, the Idoma, with whom the Igede are associated. The
Igede are farmers, who also raise small herds of livestock, and
traders. The funeral is perhaps the most important event of the
life cycle for the Igede; consequently, much art is produced for
funerary use and for the cult of ancestors. Today the Igede number
around three hundred thousand people. Cat. 44
pe opl e s of af rica
Kanyok  24
The Kanyok are agricultural peoples who live in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, along the eastern side of the Luba king-
dom with which they were associated politically. The population
amounts to about ninety thousand, and they produce a variety of
artworks including decorated prestige items and narrative sculp-
tures. Sculptors carved wooden stools, water pipes, staffs, and
ritual containers for the king and other titleholders. Older Kanyok
art forms were very angular, but their carvings have evolved to be
more rounded and portraitlike in appearance. Cat. 106
Kongo  25
The Kongo are a group of related Bantu-speaking peoples—
which includes the Yombe, Woyo, Boma, and Mboma—who live
in the adjacent areas of the Republic of Congo, Angola, and the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. They are known for their carved
wood power figures that invoke the spirits. The Kongo also create
stone and ceramic funerary art, wooden masks, and regalia. An alli-
ance with the Portuguese enabled the Kongo peoples to prosper
and gain immense political power in the fifteenth century. During
this time the king and many of the Kongo peoples converted to
Christianity. Slavery and war eventually led to the demise of
the Kongo kingdom in the eighteenth century. Today the Kongo
number over five million people. Cat. 99
Kota  26
Before settling in northeastern Gabon and the bordering areas
of the Congo, the Kota peoples—forced by the Fang peoples—
migrated across Africa for years. Kota society comprises several
smaller groups that are governed by village chiefs. Kota religion,
like that of the Fang, is based on the cult of the ancestors, whose
power is thought to reside within their skulls and bones. Reliquary
figures, the most common objects of Kota artwork, guard these
bodily relics. The Kota also created masks and sculptures, many of
which were destroyed in the twentieth century by Christian mis-
sionaries. Today, the Kota peoples number around one hundred
and twenty-five thousand. Cat. 69
Kuba  27
The Kuba kingdom of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
probably began to develop in the sixteenth century, when people
migrated from the north to settle between the Sankuru, Kasai,
and Lulua rivers. The kingdom peaked in the mid-nineteenth cen-
tury as the trade center for ivory, exported textiles, and other art.
Although the Kuba kingdom comprises many ethnic groups, each
one with its own leader, the king over all of Kuba is a member of
the Bushoong group.
The two hundred thousand Kuba sustain themselves today as
farmers and fishermen. Art objects created by the Kuba demon-
strate a preference for geometric patterns. Kuba works include
vegetal fiber textiles, wooden figures, and masks, often used to
demonstrate prestige and ­leadership.
Cat. 15, 16, 64, 86, 88, 94, 109
p eop l es of a f r i ca
Lega  28
The Lega, a Bantu-speaking cluster of farmers who also pan for
gold, inhabit the east-central area of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo. The Lega, who now number around four hundred thou-
sand, immigrated to this area from Uganda in the seventeenth
century. Instead of a centralized government, the Lega have the
Bwami, an age-graded association in which leadership is vested.
Lega artists work ivory, wood, and bone to create masks and fig-
ures that symbolize moral principles. Cat. 10, 11, 17, 18
Luba  29
Founded in 1585 by King Kongolo, the Luba kingdom of the
­present-day southeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo,
peaked in the seventeenth century when it controlled a federa-
tion of kingdoms. Luba art is made for the cult of ancestors, secret
societies, and the king’s court. The frequent depiction of women
in Luba art, particularly on prestige objects, attests to the iconic
status of women in this matriarchal society. The empire began to
collapse in the 1860s as a result of raids, slave traders, and Belgian
consolidation. Today the Luba number over four million people.
Cat. 20, 40, 48, 80
Lulua  30
In the eighteenth century, a group of farmers and hunters of Luba
origin, known as the Lulua peoples, migrated from West Africa
to the Kasai region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The
three hundred thousand Lulua live in independent villages ruled
by a local chief in conjunction with a council of elders. The Lulua
are known for crafting masks that are performed during initiation
rites. Their culture underwent extreme changes in the late nine-
teenth century when the Lulua king prohibited the tradition of
drinking palm wine, encouraged ritualized smoking of hemp, and
burned all cult images. Cat. 47, 81
Makonde  31
There are two groups of Bantu-speaking peoples called Makonde,
totaling about two million people. One group lives in northern
Mozambique, the other in southeastern Tanzania. Before the
Portuguese colonized the Makonde in the early twentieth cen-
tury, the most important artistic works they created were carved
wooden ancestor figures and masks. Tanzanian Makonde artists
create facial and body masks, while the Makonde of Mozambique
carve wooden helmet masks for boys’ initiation rituals. These
helmet masks are usually decorated with hair, wax facial scarifica-
tions, and pointed teeth. Makonde artists also make decorative
objects such as pipes, combs, canes, and bark boxes. Cat. 37
Mangbetu  32
The Mangbetu settled in the northeastern part of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo in the nineteenth century and remained
a political force until slave traders from North Africa arrived in
the region in 1880. Many Mangbetu artworks are decorated with
303
realistic-looking human heads with similar elongated heads and
flared hairstyles. Although Mangbetu art is made primarily for
the ruling class, artists also create prestige objects, such as knives
with ivory handles, harps with figural motifs, and trumpets. Today
the Mangbetu peoples number about five hundred thousand.
Cat. 108
Mbala  33
Related to the Pende peoples, the Mbala have been present in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo since the seventeenth century.
The two hundred thousand Mbala are agriculturalists who live in
villages ruled by chiefs. They weave baskets, carve figures in wood,
and, if rarely, produce masks. A red pigment (tukula) is used to
color sculpted figures in a variety of forms. Cat. 32
Mboma  34
The Mboma, of which there are about thirty thousand, one of the
Kongo-related groups, live in the area of Boma-Matadi on the Zaire
River. They subsist on farming, hunting, fishing, and trading. In
addition to wood, the Mboma used soft steatite to carve funerary
figures distinguished by various attitudes—e.g., head-on-hand,
cross-legged. Cat. 74
Mende  35
The Mende are rice farmers who migrated to Sierra Leone from var-
ious African territories in the sixteenth century and number about
two million today. Within Mende chiefdoms, boys and girls are
initiated into secret societies and remain members for life. These
secret societies, Poro for males and Sande for females, serve as
educational institutions that impart and preserve Mende morals
and customs. Artworks, especially wooden masks, are created for
initiation and healing ceremonies. The masquerade for the Sande
society provides a rare instance of African women as maskers.
Cat. 22, 38
Ndebele  36
The Ndebele, a Nguni-speaking peoples, are divided into two
groups: those who live in Zimbabwe, called the North Sotho; and
those who live in the Mpumalanga and Limpopo provinces in
South Africa. Ndebele women of South Africa create beadwork that
decorates clothing and items related to initiation, weddings, and
healing rites. They are also renowned for the murals they paint on
the walls of their houses. The Ndebele number nearly three hun-
dred and thirty thousand today. Cat. 95
Oron  37
According to some scholars, the Oron are related to the Ibibio; the
Oron insist they are not. Estimated to number over one hundred
thousand, the Oron peoples live on the west bank of the Cross
River in southeastern Nigeria. Village elders rule their Oron com-
munities while the Ekpe socie­ties (secret associations of which
only the men are members and charged with maintaining social
304
and political control) enforce the rules of the village and control
the distribution of wealth. The Oron peoples create ancestor fig-
ures, many of which were destroyed or stolen in the 1970s during
the Biafran War. Cat. 67
Ovimbundu  38
High on the Benguela Plateau of Angola live the approximately
4.6  million Ovimbundu peoples. They farm and raise livestock.
Although Ovimbundu art was inspired by Chokwe forms, contact
with Europeans probably informed the naturalism evident in some
Ovimbundu works. Depictions of Ovimbundu women are charac-
terized by their braided hairstyles. Other artworks, predominantly
statuary, may have been enacted in ritual settings. Today, there are
more than two million Ovimbundu peoples. Cat. 105
Pende  39
The Bantu-speaking Pende peoples of the Democratic Republic
of the Congo were at one time overwhelmed by the Chokwe, but
regained their independence with the rise of colonialism in the
twentieth century. Pende art, which varies by region, shows sty-
listic similarities with the Chokwe and the Luba. Chiefs use carved
objects, such as stools and staffs, as symbols of their power, and
wooden or fiber masks are made for initiation and healing cer-
emonies as well as for masquerades that entertain and reinforce
social norms. Although carved figures are rare, Pende artists
carve ivory pendants in the form of miniature masks. The Pende
peoples number five hundred thousand and sustain their villages
through agriculture, selling the harvests at markets run by women.
Cat. 21, 87, 89, 97
Sango  40
The Sango live in the regions of northern Lastourville and
Kulamoutou, along the course of the Sebe River in Gabon. The
total population is estimated to number about fifty-four thou-
sand people. Like the Kota, they make reliquary guardian figures
that are decorated with brass. Sango figures are, however, carved
with smaller, more ovular heads and lack the elaborate hairstyles
of Kota figures. Cat. 70
Senufo  41
The Senufo peoples, who now number three million, have inhab-
ited areas of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Côte d’Ivoire since the fif-
teenth century. Senufo villages are organized according to family
lineage and age and are governed by a council of elders. All men
belong to the Poro society in which they learn their social, politi-
cal, and spiritual roles. Similarly, women belong to the Sandogo
society. Senufo art includes wooden sculpture and masks for ini-
tiation and funeral ceremonies as well as dye-decorated textiles
and pottery. Cat. 25, 55, 59, 63
pe opl e s of af rica
Songye  42
Thirty-five individual chiefdoms make up the Songye territory
west of the Lualaba River in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The Songye are historically related to their Bantu-speaking neigh-
bors, the Hemba and Luba peoples, though their society and artis-
tic styles are unique. The one million Songye peoples, who farm
and hunt, are renowned for their visual arts, especially expressive
masks for the ­kifwebe secret society. Cat. 53, 54, 57, 58
Suku  43
The Suku peoples, of which there are about eighty thousand, have
had a complex history in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
With the Yaka, they invaded the Kongo kingdom and, years later,
were themselves overtaken by the Yaka. Suku society is matrilineal
and ruled by regional chiefs. Most Suku art is created as regalia
for these chiefs. The Suku also craft power figures, masks, and
wooden sculpture for ritual and everyday use. Cat. 104
Tsogo  44
The Tsogo are a small ethnic group originally located in the area of
the Upper Ngoume River in Gabon and numbering about thirty-
seven thousand. They are neighbors of the Sango with whom they
share a tradition of ancestor worship and the production of carved
wood figures that guarded ancestral relics preserved in baskets or
bundles. Cat. 71
Tuareg  45
Numbering over one million, the Tuareg are seminomadic pas-
toralists who inhabit the Sahara Desert, southern Algeria, south-
western Libya, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. They are grouped
into politically autonomous federations that, on occasion, join
together for purposes of trade and defense. Continuing droughts
since the 1980s have caused some Tuareg to become sedentary
agriculturalists and city dwellers. They are renowned for carved
wood household furnishings, metal and leatherwork, and jewelry
with simple shapes and decoration that combines linear and geo-
metric motifs. Cat. 79
Wongo  46
The Wongo are a small ethnic group of about ten thousand who
live in the Democratic Republic of the Congo where they are neigh-
bors of the Pende and Kuba peoples. They subsist on farming and
fishing. Their art includes raffia weaving and woodcarving, the
styles of which resemble that of their neighbors. Cat. 90
Woyo  47
One of five groups that originally made up the Kongo kingdom, the
Woyo (residing in the western part of the present-day Democratic
Republic of the Congo and Cabinda, with a population total of
about twelve thousand) are considered a cultural subgroup of the
p eop l es of a f r i ca 305
Kongo. Woyo power figures and other statuary resemble those of trays, and brass and terracotta sculptures, which are frequently
other Kongo groups, but their polychrome masks, pot lids with dedicated to the spirits and ancestors. Besides sculptural works
figures carved in relief, and figurative ceramic vessels by Voania and masks, the Yoruba make a variety of beaded objects and woven
Muba are unique. Cat. 107 textiles. Cat. 6–9, 23, 27–30, 42, 65, 66, 100–103
Yaka  48 Zande  52
The Wamba River that flows along the southwest area of the During the eighteenth century the Zande peoples began to emerge
Democratic Republic of the Congo and northern Angola is home from groups of people who were moving from the west toward
to one million Yaka. The Bantu-speaking Yaka migrated to this the forests of central Africa. Today, the Zande inhabit an area that
region in the sixteenth century. Their highly structured hunting spans the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Central African
and farming society is ruled by a chief of Lunda origin. Like the Republic, and southern Sudan. Although Zande art is very similar
Suku, the Yaka believe their chiefs are superhuman and create to that of the neighboring Mangebetu peoples, it is not intended
royal regalia for their use. Yaka artists craft masks for initiation for royal use. Rather, Zande artists create musical instruments and
ceremonies, statuettes, and prestige objects. Although the Yaka carved statues for secret societies. The Central Sudanic-speaking
have been influenced by the Suku, Kongo, Holo, and Teke peoples, Zande number about one million. Cat. 50, 82, 92
their art can be identified by its distinctive features, such as the
upturned nose and the pigments applied to the surface of carved
wooden objects. Cat. 104
Yanzi  49
The Yanzi, a trading community in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, are organized by a caste system. The Yanzi peoples have a
tradition of exchanging artistic styles and borrowing forms from
neighboring cultures. However influenced by their neighbors the
Yanzi may be, their figures are recognizable by their elongated
and angular forms. Today, the Yanzi peoples number around forty
thousand. Cat. 49
Yombe  50
Two hundred thousand Yombe peoples live in the mountain-
ous forests and savannahs of western Republic of Congo and
the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Their society is based on
a matrilineal line of inherited power and ruled by male chiefs.
The Yombe subsist by farming, hunting, and raising animals. The
Yombe create animal masks for ceremonial traditions related to
their agricultural and herding pursuits. Perhaps best known for
their “power figures,” which hold ritual medicines and are embel-
lished with mirrors and nails, the Yombe also forge iron, carve
wooden masks, and weave raffia. Cat. 31, 51, 52, 72, 73
Yoruba  51
One of the largest ethnic groups in Africa, now numbering approx-
imately twenty-five million, the Yoruba, comprised of several dif-
ferent groups that speak the Yoruba language, trace their origins
to the city of Ife in present-day Nigeria, where according to their
story of the Creation, the world began. Today, most Yoruba people
are farmers who live in Nigeria and the neighboring areas of the
Republic of Benin and Togo.
The Yoruba believe in an extensive pantheon of deities, deified
kings, ancestors, and nature spirits. They create masks, divination
306 pe opl e s of af rica p eop l es of a f r i ca 307

Cultures or Sites

Egypt, ancient
Located in the northeastern corner of modern Africa and along the
Nile River, ancient Egypt was bounded by the Mediterranean to
the north, the First Nile Cataract to the south, and desert to the
east and west. The ancient Egyptian kingdoms (Old, Middle, and
New) prevailed for three and a half thousand years, from c. 3000 BC
to AD 395 (from the First Dynasty to the Ptolemaic period), as evi-
denced by the extant monuments and treasures as well as hiero-
glyphic texts. Ancient Egyptian art was essentially religious and
made for tombs and temples. Cat. 60–62

Ethiopia
As early as the first century AD, the East African country of Ethiopia
was part of a prosperous trade network from the Horn of Africa
(modern Ethiopia, Djibuti, and Somalia) to Egypt, South Arabia,
Persia, India, and Ceylon. There arose the kingdom of Axum—
consisting of Sabean and indigenous African Cushite cultures—in
the regions of ­present-day Tigray and Eritrea. It thrived from the
fourth to seventh century  AD. Along with trade came new reli-
gions. Judaism was introduced first and, by the fourth century AD,
Egyptians in Alexandria were practicing Christianity. During the
seventh century, Islam rose, conquered, and prevailed along the
Red Sea, depriving Axum of its control over trade and religion. Yet
Christianity survived, especially in Highland Ethiopia, where it is
practiced today. Cat. 98

Lower Niger
The term Lower Niger is a geographic designation assigned to works
of art that have been attributed to ancient Nigeria, but are stylisti-
cally divergent from works that have been confirmed as having an
ancient Nigerian origin. Cat. 43

Sokoto
Sokoto is the name of both a state and its capital, as well as the
designation for terracotta sculptures that have been found in the
region since the late twentieth century. Characterized by a heavy
brow, delicate features, and lack of ornate accessories, the Sokoto
terracottas seem severe in comparison with those discovered at
Nok, a village located near the confluence of the Niger and Benue
rivers. Separated by a vast distance, the Nok and Sokoto cultures
date from about the same time, between about the fifth century BC
and the third century  AD, but a relationship between the two
remains to be established. Cat. 1

ABBREVIATED references and SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abiodun, Drewal, and Pemberton 1991
Abiodun, Rowland, Henry John Drewal, and John Pemberton III.
Yoruba: Art and Aesthetics. Edited by Lorenz Homberger. Zurich:
Rietberg Museum; New York: Center for African Art, 1991.
Abiodun, Drewal, and Pemberton 1994
Abiodun, Rowland, Henry J. Drewal, and John Pemberton III, eds.
The Yoruba Artist. Washington and London: Smithsonian
Institution Press, 1994.
Allison 1944
Allison, Philip A. “A Yoruba Carver.” Nigeria 22 (1944): 49–50.
Anderson and Peek 2002
Anderson, Martha G., and Philip M. Peek, eds. Ways of the Rivers:
Art and Environment of the Niger Delta. Los Angeles: University of
California, Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 2002.
Awolalu 1979
Awolalu, J. A. Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rituals. London:
Longmans, 1979.
Barbier 1993
Barbier, Jean-Paul, ed. Art of Côte d’Ivoire from the Collection of the
Barbier-Mueller Museum. 2 vols. Geneva: Barbier-Mueller Museum,
1993.
Barley 1994
Barley, Nigel. Smashing Pots: Works of Clay from Africa. Washington,
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1994.
Bascom 1969
Bascom, William R. Ifa Divination: Communication between Gods and
Men in West Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1969.
Basden [1921] 1966
Basden, G. T. Among the Ibos of Nigeria. 1921. Repr. London: Frank
Cass, 1966.
Bassani 1977
Bassani, Ezio. “Kongo Nail Fetishes from the Chiloango River
Area.” African Arts 10, no. 3 (April 1977): 36–40, 98.
Bassani 1998
Bassani, Ezio. “A Superb Kongo Figure.” In Important African and
Oceanic Art. Auction catalogue, lot no. 328, November 22, 1998.
New York: Sotheby’s.
Bassani and Fagg 1988
Bassani, Ezio, and William Fagg. Africa and the Renaissance: Art in
Ivory. Edited by Susan Vogel. New York: Museum for African Art,
1988.
Bastin 1982
Bastin, Marie-Louise. La Sculpture Tshokwe. Trans. by J. B. Donne.
Meudon, France: Chaffin, 1982.
Beier 1970
Bieir, Ulli, comp. and transl. Yoruba Poetry: An Anthology of Tradi­
tional Poems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970.
Ben-Amos 1995
Ben-Amos, Paula Girshick. The Art of Benin. Rev. ed. Washington,
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995.
308
Ben-Amos and Rubin 1983
Ben-Amos, Paula Girshick, and Arnold Rubin, eds. The Art of Power,
the Power of Art: Studies in Benin Iconography. Monograph series
no. 19. Los Angeles: University of California, Museum of Cultural
History, 1983.
Berzok 2005
Berzok, Kathleen Bickford. For Hearth and Altar: African Ceramics from
the Keith Achepohl Collection. Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago; New
Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2005.
Biebuyck 1969
Biebuyck, Daniel P., ed. Tradition and Creativity in Tribal Art. Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1969.
Biebuyck 1973
Biebuyck, Daniel. Lega Culture: Art, Inspiration, and Moral Philosophy
among a Central African People. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1973.
Biebuyck 1985
Biebuyck, Daniel. The Arts of Zaire. Vol. 1, Southwestern Zaire.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985.
Biebuyck and Abbeele 1984
Biebuyck, Daniel, and Nelly van den Abbeele. The Power of
Headdresses: A Cross-cultural Study of Forms and Functions. Brussels:
Tendl S.A., 1984.
Bilot et al. 2003
Bilot, Alain, Michel Bohbot, Geneviéve Calame-Griaule, and
Francine NDiaye, eds. Serrures du pays Dogon. Paris: Adam Biro, 2003.
Blackmun 1983
Blackmun, Barbara. “Reading a Royal Altar Tusk.” In The Art of
Power, The Power of Art: Studies in Benin Iconography, edited by Paula
Ben-Amos and Arnold Rubin, 59–70. Los Angeles: University of
California, Museum of Cultural History, 1983.
Blackmun 2000
Blackmun, Barbara. “Marshalling the Spirits: An Imperial Icon in
Ivory.” Unpublished essay. Dallas: Dallas Museum of Art, 2000.
Blier 1998
Blier, Suzanne Preston. The Royal Arts of Africa: The Majesty of Form.
New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1995.
Boone 1986
Boone, Sylvia A. Radiance from the Waters: Ideals of Feminine Beauty
in Mende Art. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1986.
Borgatti 1979
Borgatti, Jean. From the Hands of Lawrence Ajanaku. University of
California at Los Angeles, Museum of Cultural History Pamphlet
Series 1, no. 6 (Fall 1979).
Borgatti and Brilliant 1990
Borgatti, Jean M., and Richard Brilliant. Likeness and Beyond:
Portraits from Africa and the World. New York: Center for African Art,
1990.
Bourgeois 1982
Bourgeois, Arthur. “Yaka and Suku Leadership Headgear.” African
Arts 15, no. 3 (May 1982): 30–35, 92.
A BBREVIATED r ef er ences a nd SELECTED BI BLIOGRAPH Y
Bourgeois 1988
Bourgeois, Arthur. “The Jerome L. Joss Mbala Drummer, Its
Relatives and Meaning.” Arts d’Afrique noire 66 (Summer 1988):
19–29.
Boyer, Girard, and Rivière 1997
Boyer, Alain-Michel, Patrick Girard, and Marceau Rivière. Arts
premiers de Côte d’Ivoire. Saint-Maur, France: Sepia, 1997.
Bravmann 1983
Bravmann, René A. African Islam. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian
Institution; London: Ethnographica, 1983.
Brincard 1982
Brincard, Marie-Thérèse, ed. The Art of Metal in Africa. New York:
African-American Institute, 1982.
Bromberg and Kilinski 1996
Bromberg, Anne R., and Karl Kilinski II. Gods, Men, and Heroes:
Ancient Art at the Dallas Museum of Art. Dallas: Dallas Museum of Art
in association with the University of Washington Press, 1996.
Brown 1944
Brown, H. D. “The Nkumu of the Tumba: Ritual Chieftainship on
the Middle Congo.” Africa 14, no. 8 (1944): 431–47.
Cache, Paudrat, and Stéphan 1988
Cache, Jacques, Jean-Louis Paudrat, and Lucien Stéphan. L’Art
Africain. Paris: Éditions Mazenod, 1988.
Cameron 1877
Cameron, Vemey Lovett. Across Africa. New York: Harper, 1877.
Cameron 2001
Cameron, Elisabeth L. Art of the Lega. Los Angeles: University of
California, Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 2001.
Carroll 1967
Carroll, Kevin. Yoruba Religious Carvings: Pagan and Christian Sculpture
in Nigeria and Dahomey. New York: Praeger, 1967.
Casati 1891
Casati, Gaetano. Ten Years in Equatoria and the Return with Emin Pasha.
Trans. J. Randolph Clay and I. Walter Savage Landor from the
original manuscript. London: Warne, 1891.
Chemeche 2003
Chemeche, George. Ibeji: The Cult of Yoruba Twins. Milan: 5 Conti-
nents Editions, 2003.
Christie’s 1992
Christie’s. Tribal Art. Auction catalogue. March 24, 1992. London:
Christie’s.
Christie’s 2003
Christie’s. The Russel B. Aitken Collection of African, American Indian
and Oceanic Art. Auction catalogue. April 3, 2003. New York:
Christie’s.
Clarke 2005
Clarke, Christa. Power Dressing: Men’s Fashion and Prestige in Africa.
Newark: Newark Museum, 2005.
Cole 1989
Cole, Herbert M. Icons: Ideals and Power in the Art of Africa. Washing­
ton, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press for the National Museum
of African Art, 1989.
Cole and Aniakor 1984
Cole, Herbert M., and Chike C. Aniakor. Igbo Arts: Community and
Cosmos. Los Angeles: University of California, Museum of Cultural
History, 1984.
Cole and Ross 1977
Cole, Herbert M., and Doran H. Ross. The Arts of Ghana. Los Angeles:
University of California, Museum of Cultural History, 1977.
309
Colleyn 2003
Jean-Paul Colleyn, ed. Bamana: The Art of Existence in Mali. New
York: Museum for African Art; Zurich: Museum Rietberg; Ghent,
Belgium: Snoeck-Ducaju & Zoon, 2003.
Cornet 1971
Cornet, Joseph. Art of Africa: Treasures from the Congo. Trans. Barbara
Thompson. London: Phaidon, 1971.
Dallas Museum of Art 1989
Dallas Museum of Art. Black Art—Ancestral Legacy: The African
Impulse in African-American Art. Edited by Alvia J. Wardlaw. Dallas:
Dallas Museum of Art, 1989.
Dallas Museum of Fine Arts 1969
Dallas Museum of Fine Arts. The Clark and Frances Stillman Collection
of Congo Sculpture. Dallas: Dallas Museum of Fine Arts, 1969.
Dallas Museum of Fine Arts 1972
Dallas Museum of Fine Arts. African Art from Dallas Collections.
Dallas: Dallas Museum of Fine Arts, 1972.
Dallas Museum of Fine Arts 1975
Dallas Museum of Fine Arts. The Gustave and Franyo Schindler
Collection of African Sculpture: Gift of the McDermott Founda­tion in
Honor of Eugene McDermott. Dallas: Dallas Museum of Fine Arts,
1975.
Dapper Museum 1986
Dapper Museum. The Way of the Ancestors: A Tribute to Claude
Lévi-Strauss. Paris: Éditions Dapper, 1986. Published with Kota
Reliquary Figures: Proceedings of Round-Table held at the Dapper
Foundation from the 15th–19th of September 1986, pp. 55–84. Paris:
Dapper Museum, 1986.
Darish and Binkley 1995
Darish, Patricia, and David A. Binkley. “Headdresses and Title­
holding Among the Kuba.” In Crowning Achievements: African Arts of
Dressing the Head, edited by Mary Jo Arnoldi and Christine Mullen
Kreamer, 158–69. Los Angeles: University of California, Fowler
Museum of Cultural History, 1995.
D’Azevedo 1973
D’Azevedo, Warren L., ed. The Traditional Artist in African Societies.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1973.
Dewey 1993
Dewey, William J. Sleeping Beauties: The Jerome L. Joss Collection of
African Headrests at UCLA. Los Angeles: University of California,
Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1993.
Drewal 1978
Drewal, Henry John. “The Arts of Egungun among Yoruba
Peoples.” African Arts 11, no. 3 (April 1978): 18–19, 97–98.
Drewal and Mason 1998
Drewal, Henry John, and John Mason, with a contribution by
Pravina Shukla. Beads, Body and Soul: Art and Light in the Yoruba
Universe. Los Angeles: University of California, Fowler Museum
of Cultural History, 1998.
Drewal and Pemberton with Abiodun 1989
Drewal, Henry John, and John Pemberton III, with Rowland
Abiodun. Yoruba: Nine Centuries of African Art and Thought. Edited by
Allen Ward­well. New York: Center for African Art, in association
with Harry N. Abrams, 1989.
Egharevba 1968
Egharevba, Jacob. A Short History of Benin. Ibadan, Nigeria: Univer­
sity of Ibadan Press, 1968.
Eicher 1976
Eicher, Joanne Bulboz. Nigerian Handcrafted Textiles. Ile-Ife, Nigeria:
University of Ife Press, 1976.
310
Elsen 1972
Elsen, Albert. Purposes of Art: An Introduction to the History and
Appreciation of Art. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972.
Epega and Neimark 1995
Epega, Afolabi A., and Philip John Neimark. The Sacred Ifa Oracle.
San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1995.
Evans-Prichard 1937
Evans-Prichard, E. E. Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande.
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937.
Eyo 1979
Eyo, Ekpo. Nigeria and the Evolution of Money. Lagos, Nigeria: Central
Bank of Nigeria, in association with the Federal Department of
Antiquities, 1979.
Eyo 1990
Eyo, Ekpo. Two Thousand Years of Nigerian Art. London: Ethno­
graphica, in association with the National Commission for
Museums and Monuments, 1990.
Ezra 1988
Ezra, Kate. Art of the Dogon: Selections from the Lester Wunder­man
Collection. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1988.
Fage with Tordoff 2002
Fage, J. D., with William Tordoff. A History of Africa. London and
New York: Routledge, 2002.
Fagg 1963
Fagg, William. Nigerian Images. New York: Praeger, 1963.
Fagg 1968
Fagg, William. African Tribal Images: The Katherine White Reswick
Collection. Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1968.
Fagg 1990
Fagg, Bernard. Nok Terracottas, 2nd ed. Lagos: National Com­mis­
sion for Museums and Monuments; London: Ethnographica,
1990.
Fagg and Pemberton 1982
Fagg, William, and John Pemberton. Yoruba Sculpture of West Africa.
Edited by Bryce Holcombe. New York: Knopf, 1982.
Felix 1987
Felix, Marc Leo. 100 Peoples of Zaire and Their Sculpture: The Handbook.
Brussels: Zaire Basin Art History Research Foundation, 1987.
Fischer 2008
Fischer, Eberhard. Guro: Masks, Performances, and Master Carvers in
Ivory Coast. Zurich: Museum Rietberg, 2008.
Fischer et al. 1993
Fischer, Eberhard, Barbara Fischer, and Hans and Ulrike Himmel­
heber. Boti: Ein Maskenschnitzer der Guro Elfenbeinküste. Zurich:
Museum Rietberg, 1993.
Fischer and Himmelheber 1984
Fischer, Eberhard, and Hans Himmelheber. The Arts of the Dan in
West Africa. Zurich: Museum Rietberg, 1984.
Fischer and Homberger 1986
Fischer, Eberhard, and Lorenz Homberger. Masks in Guro Culture,
Ivory Coast. Zurich: Museum Rietberg; New York: Center for African
Art, 1986.
Flickinger 1885
Flickinger, D. K. Ethiopia, or Thirty Years of Missionary Life in Western
Africa; with an Appendix Embracing the Period between 1877 and 1885.
Dayton, Ohio: United Brethren Publishing House, 1885.
Förster 2005
Förster, Till. “Smoothing the Way of the Dead: A Senufo Rhythm
Pounder.” In Yale University Gallery Bulletin, African Art at Yale issue
(2005): 54–67.
ABBRE VIATED re f e re nc e s and SELECTED BI BLIOGRAPH Y
Fraser 1972
Fraser, Douglas. African Art and Leadership. Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1972.
Garrard 1993
Garrard, Timothy F. “Baule.” In Art of Côte d’Ivoire from the Collection
of the Barbier-Mueller Museum. Edited by Jean-Paul Barbier. 2 vols.
Geneva: Barbier-Mueller Museum, 1993.
Gathercole and Lowenthal 1990
Gathercole, Peter, and David Lowenthal, eds. The Politics of the Past.
London: Unwin Hyman, 1990.
Geary 1983
Geary, Christraud M. Things of the Palace: A Catalogue of the Bamum
Palace Museum in Foumban (Cameroon). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1983.
Geary 2000
Geary, Christraud M. “Being Bamileke: An Elephant Mask.”
Unpublished essay. Dallas: Dallas Museum of Art, 2000.
Ghent 1994
Ghent, Gregory. African Alchemy: Art for Healing in African Societies.
Moraga, California: Saint Mary’s College of California, Hearst Art
Gallery, 1994.
Ghysels 2003
Ghysels, Marc. “CT Scans in Art Work Appraisal.” Art Tribal
4 (Winter 2003): 116–31.
Glaze 1981
Glaze, Anita J. Art and Death in a Senufo Village. Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1981.
Glaze 1993
Glaze, Anita J. “Call and Response: A Senufo Female Caryatid
Drum.” In Chicago: Museum Studies (Art Institute of Chicago) 19,
no. 2 (1993): 118–33.
Goldwater 1964
Goldwater, Robert. Senufo Sculpture from West Africa. New York:
Museum of Primitive Art, 1964.
Greenfield 2005
Greenfield, Molly. “Cataloguing a Mystery: A Yoruba Egungun.”
Newsletter (University of Wisconsin-Madison, School of Human
Ecology) (Fall 2005): 1–8, 18.
Griaule 1965
Griaule, Marcel. Conversations with Ogotemmeli. London: Oxford
University Press, 1965.
Grierson 1993
Grierson, Roderick, ed. African Zion: The Sacred Art of Ethiopia. New
Haven and London: Yale University Press, in association with
Fort Worth: InterCultura; Baltimore: Walters Art Gallery; and
Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, 1993.
Grunne 1998
Grunne, Bernard de. The Birth of Art in Africa: Nok Statuary in Nigeria.
Paris: Adam Biro, 1998.
Grunne 2001a
Grunne, Bernard de. Masterhands: Afrikaanse beeldhouwers in de
kijker / Mains de Maîtres: À la decouverte des sculpteurs d’Afrique.
Brussels: BBL cultuurcentrum, 2001.
Grunne 2001b
Grunne, Bernard de. “Towards a Definition of the Soninke Style.”
Arts & Cultures (Geneva), no. 2 (2001): 75–88.
Haight and Fakeye 1987
Haight, Bruce, and Lamidi Olonade Fakeye. Lamidi Olonade Fakeye:
African Sculptor of the Twentieth Century. Kalamazoo, Mich.: Western
Michigan University, 1987.
A BBREVIATED r ef er ences a nd SELECTED BI BLIOGRAPH Y
Hammer and Hammer 1986
Hammer, Deborah Stokes, and Jeffrey S. Hammer. “The Master of
the Owu Shrine.” African Arts 19, no. 2 (February 1986): 70–73, 92.
Hare 1983
Hare, J. N. Itinate and Kwandalowa: Ritual Pottery of the Cham, Mwana
and Longuda Peoples of Nigeria. London: Ethnographica, 1983.
Herreman 2003
Herreman, Frank, ed. Material Differences: Art and Identity in Africa.
New York: Museum of [sic] African Art; Ghent, Belgium: Snoeck-
Ducaju & Zoon, 2003.
Herreman 2005
Herreman, Frank, ed. Resonance from the Past: African Sculpture from
the New Orleans Museum of Art. New York: Museum for African Art;
New Orleans: New Orleans Museum of Art, 2005.
Heusch 1995
Heusch, Luc de. Objects: Signs of Africa. Ghent, Belgium: Snoeck-
Ducaju & Zoon, 1995.
Homberger 1999
Homberger, Lorenz. Entry for cat. no. 75. In Orakel: Der Blick in die
Zukunft. Zurich: Museum Rietberg, 1999.
Houlberg 1973
Houlberg, Marilyn Hammersley. “Ibeji Images of the Yoruba.”
African Arts 7, no. 1 (Autumn 1973): 20–27, 91–92.
Houlberg 1978
Houlberg, Marilyn Hammersley. “Notes on Egungun Masquerades
among the Oyo Yoruba.” African Arts 11, no. 3 (April 1978): 56–61, 99.
Hultgren and Zeidler 1993
Hultgren, Mary Lou, and Jeanne Zeidler. A Taste for the Beautiful:
Zairian Art from the Hampton University Museum. Hampton, Va.:
University Museum, 1993.
Imperato 1978
Imperato, Pascal James. “Dogon Door Locks.” African Arts 1, no. 4
(July 1978): 54–57, 96.
Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen 1973
Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. Religiöse Kunst Äthiopiens.
Religious Art of Ethiopia. Edited by Walter Raunig. Stuttgart: Bodan
AG, 1973.
Jones 1988
Jones, David. Poets with Adzes: An Introduction to Yoruba Religious Art.
Ipswich, England: Museums and Galleries, 1988.
Jordan 1998
Jordan, Manuel, ed. Chokwe! Art and Initiation among Chokwe and
Related Peoples. Munich, London, and New York: Prestel, 1998.
Kasfir 1982
Kasfir, Sidney Littlefield. “Anjenu: Sculpture for Idoma Water
Spirits.” African Arts 15, no. 4 (August 1982): 45–51, 91–92.
Kingdon 1999
Kingdon, Zachary. “Crosscurrents of Subjugation and Defiance:
Masquerades and Tattooing among the Makonde.” Paper pre­
sented at the Ninth Stanley Conference, Crosscurrents: Art and
Power in East Africa. Project for the Advanced Study of Art and
Life in Africa, University of Iowa, March 26–28, 1999.
Kloman and Elliott 2004
Kloman, Susan, and Catherine Elliott. “Discovered: A Supremely
Rare and Important Yoruba Bowl by Olowe of Ise.” Tribal: The
Magazine of Tribal Art 9, no. 35 (Summer 2004): 120–23.
Knight and Priebatsch 1983
Knight, Natalie, and Suzanne Priebatsch. Ndebele Images.
Johannes­burg: Natalie Knight Gallery; Boston: S. Priebatsch, 1983.
311
Koloss 2002
Koloss, Hans-Joachim, ed. Africa: Art and Culture. Masterpieces of
African Art, Ethnological Museum, Berlin. Munich and New York:
Prestel, 2002.
Kosinski 2003
Kosinski, Dorothy. Dallas Museum of Art: 100 Years. Dallas: Dallas
Museum of Art, 2003.
Kreamer 2007
Kreamer, Christine Mullen, with Bryna Freyer and Andrea Nicolls.
African Vision: The Walt Disney-Tishman African Art Collection. Washing­
ton, D.C.: National Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institu­
tion; Munich: Prestel, 2007.
Kreamer et al. 2007
Kreamer, Christine Mullen, Mary Nooter Roberts, Elizabeth
Harney, and Allyson Purpura. Inscribing Meaning: Writing and
Graphic Systems in African Art. Washington, D.C.: National Museum
of African Art, Smithsonian Institution; Milan: 5 Continents
Editions, 2007.
LaGamma 2007
LaGamma, Alisa, ed. Eternal Ancestors: The Art of the Central African
Reliquary. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art; New Haven,
Conn.: Yale University Press, 2007.
LaGamma 2008
LaGamma, Alisa, “Mangaaka Power Figure (Nkisi N’Kondi).”
The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 66, no. 2 (Fall 2008): 40.
Lamb 1975
Lamb, Venice, and Alastair Lamb. The Lamb Collection of West African
Narrow-Strip Weaving. Edited by Patricia Fiske. Washington, D.C.:
Textile Museum, 1975.
Lamp 2004
Lamp, Frederick, ed. See the Music, Hear the Dance: Rethinking African
Art at the Baltimore Museum of Art. New York: Prestel, 2004.
Laufer, Hambly, and Linton 1930
Laufer, Berthold, Wilfrid D. Hambly, and Ralph Linton. Tobacco and
Its Use in Africa. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, 1930.
Lawal 1970
Lawal, Babatunde. “Yoruba ‘Shango’ Sculpture in Historical
Retrospect.” PhD diss., Indiana University, 1970.
Lawal 2002
Lawal, Babatunde. “Orilonise: The Hermeneutics of the Head and
Hairstyle among the Yoruba.” World of Tribal Arts 7, no. 2 (Winter
2001–Spring 2002): 80–89.
Lawal 2008
Lawal, Babatunde. “Incarnating the ‘Living Dead’ through
Egungun Masquerades. In Embodying the Sacred in Yoruba Art:
Featuring the Bernard and Patricia Wagner Collection, 76–81. Atlanta:
High Museum of Art; Newark, N.J.: Newark Museum, 2008.
Leakey and Leakey 1950
Leakey, Mary Douglas, and Louis S. B. Leakey. Excavations at the
Njoro River Cave. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1950.
Lehmann 1966
Lehmann, Arno. Christian Art in Africa and Asia. St. Louis:
Concordia, 1966.
Lehuard 1981
Lehuard, Raoul. “Païlès n’est plus.” Arts d’Afrique noire, no. 26
(Summer 1978): 7.
Lehuard 1989
Lehuard, Raoul. Art Bakongo: Les Centres de Style. 4 vols. Arnouville-
lès-Gonesse, France: Arts d’Afrique noire, 1989.
312
Lehuard 1997
Lehuard, Raoul, “Un grand fétiche à dous des Vili au Dallas
Museum of Art,” Arts d’Afrique noire, arts premiers, no. 101 (Spring
1997): 22–23.
Leloup 1994
Leloup, Hélène. Dogon Statuary. With William Rubin, Richard
Serra, and George Baselitz. Trans. from the French by Brunhilde
Biebuyck. Strasbourg: Éditions Amez, 1994.
Leloup 2000
Leloup, Hélène. “A Djennenke Sculpture: Image of an Elite
Woman.” Unpublished manuscript. Dallas: Dallas Museum of Art,
2000.
Leloup 2005
Leloup, Hélène. “At the Origins of Dogon Sculpture.” In Arts of
Africa: 7000 Years of African Art, edited by Ezio Bassani, 168–73.
Milan: Skira; Monaco: Grimaldi Forum Monaco, 2005.
Levenson 2007
Levenson, Jay A. with contributions by Diogo Ramada Curto and
Jack Turner. Encompassing the Globe: Portugal and the World in the 16th
and 17th Centuries. Washington, D.C.: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery,
Smithsonian Institution, 2007.
Lips 1966
Lips, Julius E. The Savage Hits Back. New Hyde Park, N.Y.: University
Books, 1966.
Lunsford 1972
Lunsford, John. “Congo Sculpture in the Dallas Museum of Fine
Arts.” African Arts 5, no. 4 (Summer 1972): 12–19, 88.
MacGaffey 2000
MacGaffey, Wyatt. Kongo Political Culture: The Conceptual Challenge
of the Particular. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000.
MacGaffey and Harris 1993
MacGaffey, Wyatt, and Michael Harris. Astonishment and Power:
Kongo Minkisi and the Art of Renée Stout. Washington, D.C.:
Smithsonian Institution Press for the National Museum of
African Art, 1993.
Mack 2000
Mack, John, ed. Africa: Arts and Cultures. New York: Oxford
University Press; London: British Museum Press, 2000.
Maggs and Davison 1981
Maggs, Tim, and Patricia Davison. “The Lydenburg Heads.”
African Arts 14 (2): 28–33, 88.
Maquet 1956
Maquet, J.-N. Note sur les instruments de musique congolais. Mémoires
in-80; n.s., 6, no. 4. Brussels: Académie royale des sciences
colonials, Classe des sciences morales et politiques, 1956.
Mark, 1996
Mark, Peter. “Historical Contacts and Cultural Interaction: Sub-
Saharan Africa, Northern Africa, the Muslim World, and Southern
Europe, Tenth–Nineteenth Century, A.D.” In Africa: The Art of a
Continent: 100 Works of Power and Beauty, 15–21. New York: Guggen­
heim Museum, 1996.
Matthews [1788] 1966
Matthews, John. A Voyage to the River Sierra Leone. 1788. Repr.
London: Frank Cass, 1966.
Mbiti 1970
Mbiti, John S. African Religions and Philosophy. New York: Praeger,
1970.
McGuire 1980
McGuire, Harriet. “Woyo Pot Lids.” African Arts 13, no. 2 (February
1980): 54–56, 88.
ABBRE VIATED re f e re nc e s and SELECTED BI BLIOGRAPH Y
McLeod 1981
McLeod, Malcolm. The Asante. London: British Museum
Publications, 1981.
McNaughton 1979
McNaughton, Patrick. Secret Sculptures of Komo: Art and Power in
Bamana Initiation and Associations. Philadelphia: Institute for the
Study of Human Issues, 1979.
Murray 1947
Murray, Kenneth C. “Ekpu: The Ancestor Figures of Oron,
Southern Nigeria.” Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 89, no. 536
(November 1947): 310–14.
Musée de l’Homme 1967
Musée de l’Homme. Arts primitives dans les ateliers d’artistes. Paris:
Société des Amis du Musée de l’Homme, 1967.
Musée des Arts d’Afrique et d’Océanie 1997
Musée des Arts d’Afrique et d’Océanie. Arts du Nigeria: Collection
du musée des Arts d’Afrique et d’Océanie. Paris: Réunion des musées
nationaux, 1997.
Museum of Contemporary Art 2007
Museum of Contemporary Art. Cosima von Bonin: Roger and Out.
Los Angeles: Museum of Contemporary Art, 2007.
Myers 2006
Myers, Jeffrey. Modigliani: A Life. Orlando, Fla.: Harcourt, 2006.
National Museum of African Art 1982
National Museum of African Art. The Stranger Among Us. Exh.
broch. Wash­ington, D.C.: National Museum of African Art,
Smithsonian Institution, 1982.
National Museum of African Art 1998
National Museum of African Art. “African Forms in the Furniture
of Pierre Legrain.” Exh. broch. Washington, D.C.: National
Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, 1998.
National Museum of African Art 1999
National Museum of African Art. Selected Works from the Collection
of the National Museum of African Art. Vol. 1. Washington, D.C.:
National Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, 1999.
National Museum of African Art 2000
National Museum of African Art. “The Artistry of African
Currency.” Exh. broch. Washington, D.C.: National Museum
of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, 2000.
NDiaye 1995
NDiaye, Francine. De l’art d’Afrique à l’art Moderne: Aux sources de
la création. Sisteron, France: Éditions Sepia, 1995.
New Art Circle 1927
New Art Circle. Blondiau-Theatre Arts Collection of Primitive African
Art. New York: New Art Circle, 1927.
Neyt 1981
Neyt, François. Arts traditionnelles et histoire au Zaire: Cultures fores­
tières et royaumes de la savane / Traditional Arts and History of Zaire:
Forest Cultures and Kingdoms of the Savannah. Trans. Scott Bryson.
Brussels: Société d’Arts Primitifs; Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium:
Institut Supérieur d’Archéologie et d’Histoire de l’Art, 1981.
Neyt 2004
Neyt, François. Songye: La Redoutable Statuaire Dongye d’Afrique
Centrale. Anvers, France: Fonds mercator; Milan: 5 Continents
Editions, 2004.
Nicholls 1984
Nicholls, Robert. “Igede Funeral Masquerades.” African Arts 7, no. 3
(May 1984): 70–76, 92.
Nooter 1984
Nooter, Mary H. “Luba Arts and Leadership.” MA thesis. Columbia
University, 1984.
A BBREVIATED r ef er ences a nd SELECTED BI BLIOGRAPH Y
Northern 1984
Northern, Tamara. The Art of Cameroon. Washington, D.C.: Smith­
sonian Traveling Exhibition Service, 1984.
O’Connor 1993
O’Connor, David B. Ancient Nubia: Egypt’s Rival in Africa. Philadel­
phia: University of Pennsylvania, 1993.
Ojo 1966
Ojo, G. J. Afolabi. Yoruba Culture: A Geographical Analysis. Ife, Nigeria:
University of Ife; and London: University of London, 1966.
Okediji 2000
Okediji, Moyo. “Shango’s Equestrian Figures of Speech and
Spectacle.” Unpublished essay. Dallas: Dallas Museum of Art,
2000.
Olbrechts 1946
Olbrechts, Frans. Plastiek van Kongo. Antwerp: Standard, 1946.
Olderogge and Forman 1969
Olderogge, D. A., and Werner Forman. The Art of Africa: Negro Art
from the Institute of Ethnography, Leningrad. London and New York:
Hamlyn, 1969.
Oliver and Oliver 1965
Oliver, Roland, and Caroline Oliver, eds. Africa in the Days of
Exploration. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1965.
Ottenberg 1975
Ottenberg, Simon. Masked Rituals of the Afikpo: The Context of an
African Art. Seattle: University of Washington Press for the Hurst
Art Gallery, 1975.
Paydar and Grammet 2002
Paydar, Niloo Imami, and Ivo Grammet, eds. The Fabric of Moroccan
Life. Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 2002.
Pelrine 1996
Pelrine, Diane. “Reinstallation of the Permanent Collection of
African Art.” African Arts 31, no. 1 (Winter 1998): 76–77.
Pemberton 2000
John Pemberton III, ed. Insight and Artistry in African Divination.
Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 2000.
Perrois 1979
Perrois, Louis. Arts du Gabon: Les Arts plastiques du bassin de l’Ogooué.
Arnouville-lès-Gonesse, France: Arts d’Afrique noir, 1979.
Perrois 1985
Perrois, Louis. Ancestral Art of Gabon from the Collections of the Barbier-
Mueller Museum. Trans. Francine Farr. Geneva: Musée Barbier-
Mueller, 1985.
Perrois 2006
Perrois, Louis. Fang. Milan: 5 Continents Editions, 2006.
Petridis 2001
Petridis, Constantine, ed. Frans M. Olbrechts 1899–1958: In Search
of Art in Africa. Antwerp: Ethnographic Museum, 2001.
Pezzoli 1995
Pezzoli, Gigi. Cavalieri dell’Africa: Storia, iconografia, simbolisimo / 
Cavaliers d’Afrique: Histoire, iconographie, symbolisme / Horsemen
of Africa: History, Iconography, Symbolism. Milan: Centro Studi
Archeologia Africana, 1995.
R. Phillips 1995
Phillips, Ruth B. Representing Woman: Sande Masquerades of the
Mende of Sierra Leone. Los Angeles: University of California,
Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1995.
T. Phillips 1995
Phillips, Tom, ed. Africa: The Art of a Continent. London: Royal
Academy of Arts; Munich: Prestel, 1995.
313
Picton and Mack 1989
Picton, John, and John Mack. African Textiles. 2nd ed. New York:
Harper and Row, 1989.
Pigafetta [1881] 1970
Pigafetta, Filippo. A Report of the Kingdom of Congo. 1881. Repr.,
trans. Margarite Hutchinson. London: Cass, 1970.
Plankensteiner 2007
Barbara Plankensteiner, ed. Benin Kings and Rituals: Court Arts from
Nigeria. Ghent, Belgium: Snoeck-Ducaju & Zoon; Vienna: Kunst­
historisches Museum mit MVK und OTM, 2007.
Plass 1963
Plass, Margaret. “Above the Salt.” Expedition 5, no. 3 (Spring 1963):
38–41.
Quirke and Spencer 1992
Quirke, Stephen, and Jeffrey Spencer. The British Museum Book of
Ancient Egypt. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1992.
Rasmussen 2008
Rasmussen, Mark. “Setting the Standard for Due Diligence:
Scientific Techniques in the Authentication Process.” In Original—
Copy—Fake? Examining the Authenticity of Ancient Works of Art Focusing
on African and Asian Bronzes and Terracottas, edited by Ernst Pernicka
and Silke von Berswordt-Wallrabe, 19–32. Proceedings of the
International Symposium “Stiftung Situation Kunst,” Ruhr-
University Bochum, Germany, February 17–18, 2007. Mainz: von
Zabem, 2008.
Ray 2000
Ray, Benjamin. African Religions: Symbol, Ritual, and Community,
2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 2000.
Robbins and Nooter 1989
Robbins, Warren M., and Nancy Ingram Nooter. African Art in
American Collections: Survey, 1989. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian
Institution Press, 1989.
Roberts 1995
Roberts, Allen F. Animals in African Art: From the Familiar to the
Marvelous. New York: Museum for African Art; Munich: Prestel,
1995.
Roberts 2000
Roberts, Mary Nooter. “The King Is a Woman: Gender and
Authority in Luba and Hemba Arts.” Unpublished essay. Dallas:
Dallas Museum of Art, 2000.
Roberts and Roberts 1996
Roberts, Mary Nooter, and Allen F. Roberts, eds. Memory: Luba and
the Making of History. New York: Museum for African Art; Munich:
Prestel, 1996.
Rømer [1706] 1965.
Rømer, Ludvig Ferdinand. The Coast of Guinea. 1706. Translated
from the Danish by K. Bertelsen and repr. Legon, Ghana: Insitute
of African Studies, 1965.
Roese and Bondarenko 2003
Roese, Peter M., and Dmitri M. Bondarenko. A Popular History of
Benin. Frankfurt and New York: Peter Lang, 2003.
Ross 1992
Ross, Doran H., ed. Elephant: The Animal and Its Ivory in African
Culture. Los Angeles: University of California, Fowler Museum
of Cultural History, 1992.
Ross 1998
Ross, Doran H., ed. Wrapped in Pride: Ghanaian Kente and African
American Identity. Los Angeles: University of California, Fowler
Museum of Cultural History, 1998.
314
Roth [1903] 1972
Roth, H. Ling. Great Benin: Its Customs, Art, and Horrors. 1903.
Reissued with a foreword by Donald Franklin Joyce. Northbrook,
Ill.: Metro Books, 1972.
Roy 1984
Roy, Christopher D. Art for Life’s Sake: African Art from the Stanley
Collection. Muscatine, Iowa: Muscatine Art Center, 1984.
Roy 1987
Roy, Christopher D. Art of the Upper Volta Rivers. Trans. and adapted
into French by Françoise Chaffin. Meudon. France: Alain et
Françoise Chaffin, 1987.
Roy 1993
Roy, Christopher D. “Dallas Museum of Art.” African Arts 26, no. 2
(April 1993): 78.
Roy 2000
Roy, Christopher D., ed. Clay and Fire: Pottery in Africa. Vol. 4, Iowa
Studies in African Art: The Stanley Conferences at the University of Iowa.
Iowa City: University of Iowa, School of Art and Art History, 2000.
Rubin 1993
Rubin, Arnold. “Accumulation: Power and Display in African
Sculpture.” In Arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas: Selected
Readings, edited by Janet Catherine Berlo and Lee Anne Wilson,
4–21. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1993.
Rubin 1984
Rubin, William, ed. “Primitivism” in 20th Century Art: Affinity of the
Tribal and Modern. 2 vols. New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1984.
Schildkrout and Keim 1990
Schildkrout, Enid, and Curtis A. Keim. African Reflections: Art from
Northeast Zaire. Seattle: University of Washington Press for the
American Museum of Natural History, New York, 1990.
Schneider 1973
Schneider, Betty. “Body Decoration in Mozambique.” African Arts
6, no. 2 (Winter 1973): 26–31, 92.
Sciama 1998
Sciama, Lidia D., and Joanne B. Eicher, eds. Beads and Bead Makers:
Gender, Material Culture and Meaning. New York: Berg, 1998.
Seligman and Loughran 2006
Seligman, Thomas K., and Kristyne Loughran, eds. Art of Being
Tuareg: Sahara Nomads in a Modern World. Stanford, Calif.: Iris and
B. Gerald Cantor Center for Visual Arts at Stanford University;
Los Angeles: University of California, Fowler Museum of
Cultural History, 2006.
Shaw 1977
Shaw, Thurstan. Unearthing Igbo-Ukwu: Archaeological Discoveries in
Eastern Nigeria. Ibadan and New York: Oxford University Press,
1977.
Shelton 2001
Shelton, Anthony, ed. Collectors: Individuals and Institutions.
London: Horniman Museum and Gardens; Coimbra, Portugal:
Museu Anthropológico da Universidade de Coimbra, 2001.
Sieber 1972
Sieber, Roy. African Textiles and Decorative Arts. New York: Museum
of Modern Art, 1972.
Sieber 1980
Sieber, Roy. African Furniture and Household Objects. Bloomington:
Indiana University, 1980.
Sieber and Herreman 2000
Sieber, Roy, and Frank Herreman, eds. Hair in African Art and
Culture. Munich: Prestel, for the Museum for African Art, 2000.
ABBRE VIATED re f e re nc e s and SELECTED BI BLIOGRAPH Y
Sieber and Walker 1987
Sieber, Roy, and Roslyn Adele Walker. African Art in the Cycle of Life.
Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press for the National
Museum of African Art, 1987.
Siroto 1968
Siroto, Leon. “The Face of the Bwiti.” African Arts 1, no. 3 (Spring
1968): 22–89, 96.
Siroto 1995
Siroto, Leon. East of the Atlantic, West of the Congo: Art from Equato-
rial Africa from the Dwight and Blossom Strong Collection. Edited by
Kathleen Berrin. San Francisco: Fine Arts Museums of San
Francisco, 1995.
Slye 1977
Slye, Jonathan. “Mwona Figurines.” African Arts 10 no. 4 (July
1977): 23.
Smet 1999
Smet, Peter A. G. M. de. Herbs, Health, Healers: Africa as Ethnopharma­
cological Treasury. Berg en Dal, Netherlands: Afrika Museum, 1999.
Sotheby’s 1991
Sotheby’s. The Kuhn Collection of African Art. Auction catalogue.
November 29, 1991. New York: Sotheby’s.
Sotheby’s 2006
Sotheby’s The William W. Brill Collection of African Art. Auction
catalogue. November 17, 2006. New York: Sotheby’s.
Sousberghe 1958
Sousberghe, Léon de. L’art Pende. Brussels: Académie royale de
Belgique, 1958.
Strother 1998
Strother, Zöe. Inventing Masks: Agency and History in the Art of the
Central Pende. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998.
Thompson 1970
Thompson, Robert F. “Sign of the Divine King: An Essay on Yoruba
Bead-embroidered Crowns.” African Arts 3, no. 3 (Summer 1970):
8–19.
Thompson 1973
Thompson, Robert Farris. African Art in Motion: Icon and Act. Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1973.
Thompson 1976
Thompson, Robert Farris. Black Gods and Kings: Yoruba Art at UCLA.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976.
Thompson 1978
Thompson, Robert F. “The Grand Detroit N’kondi.” Bulletin of the
Detroit Institute of Art 4 (1978): 206–21.
Thompson 2005
Thompson, Robert Farris. “Icons for the Brave and Generous:
Kongo Art at Yale.” Yale University Art Gallery Bulletin (2005): 80–87.
Thompson and Cornet 1981
Thompson, Robert Farris, and Joseph Cornet. The Four Moments of
the Sun: Kongo Art in Two Worlds. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery
of Art, 1981.
Timmermans 1966
Timmermans, Paul. “Essai des typologie de la sculpture des Bena
Luluwa du Kasai.” Africa-Tervuren 12, no. 1 (1966): 17–27.
Tishman 1966
Tishman, Paul. Arts connus et Arts méconnus de l’Afrique noire:
Collection Paul Tishman. Paris: Musée de l’Homme, 1966.
Torday and Joyce 1910
Torday, Emil, and T. A. Joyce. Notes ethnographiques sur les peoples
communément appelés Bakuba, ainsi que sur les peuplades apparentées
Les Bushongo; aquerelles par Norman H. Hardy. Brussels: Ministère
des colonies, 1910.
A BBREVIATED r ef er ences a nd SELECTED BI BLIOGRAPH Y 315
Trowell 1960 Walker 1998
Trowell, Margaret. African Design. New York and Washington: Walker, Roslyn Adele. Olowe of Ise: A Yoruba Sculptor to Kings. Wash­
Praeger, 1960. ing­ton, D.C.: National Museum of African Art, Smithsonian
Institution, 1998.
Tull 1998
Tull, A. J. T. “Accelerator Radiocarbon Dating of Art, Textiles, and Walker 2005
Artifacts.” Nuclear News (June 1998): 30–38. Walker, Roslyn Adele. “Variations on a Theme: Three Olumeye by
Olowe of Ise.” Exh. broch. Dallas: Dallas Museum of Art, 2005.
Turner 1996
Turner, Jane, ed. The Dictionary of Art. New York: Grove, 1996. Walker Art Center 1967
Walker Art Center. Art of the Congo. Minneapolis: Walker Art Center,
Vandenhoute 1948
1967.
Vandenhoute, P. J. L. Classification stylistique du masque Dan et Guéré
de la Côte d’Ivoire occidentale. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1948. Wardwell 1986
Wardwell, Allen. African Sculpture from the University Museum,
Van Noten 1972
University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum
Van Noten, F. “Le plus ancienne sculpture sur bois de l’Afrique
of Art, 1986.
central.” Africa-Tervuren 18 (1972): 133–36.
Wastiau 2006
Vansina 1984
Wastiau, Boris. Chokwe. Milan: 5 Continents Editions, 2006.
Vansina, Jan. Art History in Africa: An Introduction to Method.
New York: Longman, 1984. Weeks [1914] 1969
Weeks, John H. Among the Primitive Bakongo: A Record of Thirty Years’
Verswijver et al. 1995
Close Intercourse with the Bakongo and Other Tribes of Equatorial Africa,
Verswijver, Gustaaf, Els De Palmenaer, Viviane Baeke, and Anne-
with a Description of Their Habits, Customs and Religious Beliefs. 1914.
Marie Bouttiaux-NDiaye, eds. Treasures from the Africa-Museum,
Repr. New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969
Tervuren. Tervuren, Belgium: Royal Museum for Central Africa,
1995. Weiner and Schneider 1989
Weiner, Annette B., and Jane Schneider, eds. Cloth and Human
Verswijver et al. 1996
Experience. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989.
Verswijver, Gustaaf, Els De Palmenaer, Viviane Baeke, and Anne-
Marie Bouttiaux-NDiaye, eds. Masterpieces from Central Africa. Wembah-Rashid 1971
Munich: Prestel; and Tervuren, Belgium: Royal Museum for Wembah-Rashid, J. A. R. “Isinyago and Midimu: Masked Dancers
Central Africa, 1996. of Tanzania and Mozambique.” African Arts 4, no. 2 (Winter 1971):
38–44.
Visonà et al. 2001
Visonà, Monica, Robin Poynor, Herbert M. Cole, and Michael Willett 1978
Harris. A History of Art in Africa. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 2001. Willett, Frank, “An African Sculptor at Work.” African Arts 11, no. 2
(January 1978): 28–33, 96.
Visonà et al. 2007
Visonà, Monica, Robin Poynor, Herbert M. Cole, and Michael Wingert 1960
Harris. A History of Art in Africa, 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Wingert, Paul. “The Sculpture of Negro Africa.” Introduction to
Prentice-Hall, 2007. The Sculpture of Negro Africa. La Jolla, Calif.: Art Center in La Jolla,
1960.
Vogel 1980
Vogel, Susan. “The Buli Master, and Other Hands.” Art in America Zerbini 2002
68 (May 1980): 133–42. Zerbini, Laurick. L’Afrique sans masque. Lyons: Museum d’Histoire
naturelle, 2002.
Vogel 1981
Vogel, Susan, ed. For Spirits and Kings: African Art from the Paul and
Ruth Tishman Collection. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art,
1981.
Vogel 1983
Vogel, Susan. “Rapacious Birds and Severed Heads: Early Bronze
Rings from Nigeria.” Museum Studies (Art Institute of Chicago)
10 (1983): 331–47.
Vogel 1997
Vogel, Susan M. Baule: African Art, Western Eyes. New Haven: Yale
University Press and Yale University Art Gallery in association
with the Museum for African Art, New York, 1997.
Vogel 1999
Vogel, Susan Mullin. “Known Artists but Anonymous Work:
Field­work and Art History.” African Arts 32, no. 1 (Spring 1999):
40–56.
Volavka 1977
Volavka, Zadenka. “Vonia Muba: Contribution to the History of
Central African Pottery.” African Arts 10, no. 2 (January 1977): 59–66,
92.
Walker 1991
Walker, Roslyn A. “Chokwe Snuff Mortars.” Journal of the Inter­
national Chinese Snuff Bottle Society 23, no. 1 (Spring 1991): 21–23.
 i ndex 317

INDEX doll (Asante akua’ba), 18, 19, 101, 118, 118–19 female Guerre, Léonce Pierre, Collection, Marseille, Luba, 82
door, 219 on Cham/Mwona divination vessel, 148, 214 n.18 Yoruba, 56–59, 106, 144
Baule, 224, 225 149 Guro (Côte d’Ivoire), 302 Ida ou Nadif, 246, 300
Dogon granary, 24, 220–21, 257 (det.) Djennenke/Soninke, 18, 30, 35 n.9, 42–43 helmet mask, 22, 170–71, 178 n.30 Ida ou Zeddoute, 246, 300
Yoruba, by Olowe, 92 Igbo Gustave and Franyo Schindler Collection of Idoma (Nigeria), 178 n.6, 302
door lock initiation, 18, 134–35 African Sculpture, 17, 20, 25 Ifa ritual, 106, 144, 194
Dogon (anuan), 18, 219, 220–23 shrine, 19 Ife, Nigeria, 34, 58, 305
Dogon bolt (ta koguru), 222 Igede seated shrine, 146–47 Haile Selassie, emperor of Ethiopia, 21–22, Igbo (Nigeria), 144, 302
mechanism of, 222 Luba initiation, 33, 136–37 266 figure
Dozier, Otis, 16, 21 Lulua caryatid for headrest, 228, 230 Hammer, Deborah Stokes, 111 female initiation, 18, 134–35
Dozier, Velma Davis, 17, 20–21 Mbala fertility (pindi), 15, 116–17 Hammer, Jeffrey, 111 female shrine, 19
Notes: Page references in italics denote artists, African Bragaline, Edward A., 25 colonialism, 261 Dozier Foundation, 20 Songye power (nkishi), 164–65 Hamon, Nancy, 25 male shrine (ikenga), 19
illustrations; page references in boldface anonymity of, as issue, 18, 27 n.13, 31–32, Brancusi, Constantin, 20 Belgian, 14, 15, 158, 280, 304 drum as symbolic, 121 Hampton University, Virginia, collection headdress, 18
italics denote principal illustrations of 90, 178 n.3 Brettel, Richard, 20 British, 44, 46, 50, 148, 192, 264 Burundi tambour, 6 Yanzi ritual (mbem), 156–57 of African art at, 20, 256 n.40 mask (igri), 24, 126–27
catalogued objects. apprenticeship for, 32, 276 Brister, Bernard, 17 French, 104, 176, 198, 272, 302 Senufo, 19, 139, 176, 176–77 Yombe, pfemba, 100 (det.), 114–15 Hare, J. N., 148 Igede (Nigeria), 146, 178 n.6, 302
Abbreviations used here: Asante (Ghana), 118, 300 British Colonial Administrative Service, Portuguese, 303 Yoruba, 276 ancestral (pfemba), 206–207 harp, Zande (kundi), 19, 218 (det.), 244–45 shrine figure, 146–47
DMA: Dallas Museum of Art comb, 19, 232–33 Nigeria, 148 color, symbolism of, 32, 130, 172 Dutch, influence of, in Africa, 264, 282 see also rhythm pounder hat Ijebu kingdom (Yoruba), 56
DMFA: Dallas Museum of Fine Arts doll, 18, 19, 101, 118–19 British Empire Exhibition, 92 comb Dwo (Bobo deity), 122 female and male, Yoruba twin (ere ibeji), for Bamileke elephant mask, 6, 70–73, Ijo (Nigeria), water-spirit headdress, 25
DRC: Democratic Republic of the Congo kente, 18, 28 (det.), 294–95, 296 n.43 British Museum, London, 17, 46, 92, 111, Asante (duafe), 19, 232, 233 dye. See camwood; henna; ikat 62, 194–95 97 (det.) ikat (dyeing technique), 252, 252
Austin, Ramona, 22–23, 25 256 n.40 Chokwe/Lena, 232, 234–35 guardian, 198–99 Cameroon Grasslands, 24 Ile-Ife, Nigeria, 34, 54, 60, 144
Axum kingdom, Christianity in, 21–22, 264, British Punitive Expedition, 44, 46, 50, 305 coming of age, ritual and, 121–37, 176, 220 Edo, Nigeria, 19, 39, 44–46, 301 Kongo, of a religious, 266–67 Ekonda tiered (botolo), 22, 74–75 infanticide, 194
Abua (Nigeria), headdress, 23–24 306 Bromberg, Mr. and Mrs. Alfred L., 17 conception and birth, art for, 101–119 see also Benin kingdom; Bini Lega four-faced half (Sakimatwematwe), 20, Kuba prestige (kalyeem; mpaan), 76–77 infertility, 102, 104, 108
Ada (Igbo, Nigeria), 126, 302 Azevedo, Warren d’, 32 Bromberg, Anne, 22 costume, masquerade, 170, 174, 175, 186, 188 education, sub-Saharan traditional, 121 64–65 Lega regalia (mukuba; sawamazembe), 78–79 ritual objects to alleviate, 101, 139, 156
adze, Pende ceremonial, 84–85 Bromberg, Juanita K., 24 Yoruba, 142 Egypt, ancient, 35 n.4, 268, 306 male Pende regalia, 280 initiation. See coming of age
Afonso I Mvemba Nzinga, 264 Baga (Guinea), 300 Brooklyn Institute Museum, New York, 290 Egungun, 4–5 (det.), 139, 190–93 (det.), bust of pharaoh, Seti I, 182–83 Baule seated, 20, 23, 104–105, 262 Yaka/Suku regalia (misango mayaki), 22, installations, DMA, 13, 15, 18–19, 22, 23
African American Museum, Dallas, Tex., 22 D’mba headdress, 18, 140–41 Brooklyn Museum, New York, 17 191 coffin, 184–85 Benin kingdom, chief (iyase), 23, 52–55 280–81 Institute des Musées Nationaux du Zaire,
African Art Acquisition Fund, DMA, 24 masks, 139 Budja (DRC), bird-form headdress, 25 cross, Ethiopian processional, 7, 21–22, combs found in, 232 Boma standing, 15, 16, 33 see also headdress; skullcap 210
African Art Acquisitions Endowment, DMA, Bamana (Mali), 168, 222, 300 Buffalo Museum of Science, 20, 50, 256 n.33 264–66, 265 limestone relief, 180, 180–81 Bwa standing, 19 Hausa (Cameroon, Ghana, and Niger), 302 instruments, musical, 219, 276, 305
26 Bamgbose of Osi (Yoruba sculptor), 276 Buli Master, 35 n.13 crown Ekonda (DRC), 301 Chokwe ritual container as, 150–51 man’s robe, 252–53, 262 see also drum; harp; horn
African Collection Fund, DMA, 24 Bamileke (Cameroon), 300 Bundu. See Sande society Baule, 68–69 hat, as regalia, 74–75 Ewua, Nigeria, 14, 14 Hawley, Henry W. III, 19 Islam
afterlife, art for the, 179–213 elephant mask and hat, 70–73 Burton, Sir Richard, 82 Yoruba royal (ade), 60, 60–61 Ekpe society, 304 Fang reliquary guardian, 8 (det.), 198–99 head, Yoruba “inner” and African art, 262, 268, 270, 302
Agbonbiofe of Effon-Alaiye, 24, 90, 90 Bamum (Cameroon), 300 Burundi, tambour drummers, 6 cup Elefon. See Epa Hemba ancestor (singiti), 18, 33, 212–13 house of (ile ori), 24, 62–63, 110, 112, 262, spread of, 42, 222, 252, 261, 268, 300, 306
Ajala (Yoruba deity), 62 prestige pipe, 94–95, 282 Bushoong (Kuba, DRC), 76, 188, 248, 248, divination (agere Ifa), 106 Eleko, HRH Eshugbayi, 192 Ibibio ancestor (ekpu), 196–97 307 (det.) ivory
Akan (Nigeria), miniature brass figures, 24 Barbier-Mueller, Ann, 25 256 n.40, 303 Kuba handled, 238–39 elephant Igbo shrine (ikenga), 19 ibori, as symbolic soul, 24, 62, 62 Afro-Portuguese, 86, 88, 286
Alafin of Oyo (legendary king), 194 Barbier-Mueller Museum, Geneva, 20, 164 Bussel, Loed van, 178 n.30 Pende figural, 19, 238–40 mask (Bamileke), 6, 70, 71 Kota Janus reliquary guardian, 25, ori, 108 Kuba kingdom and, 303
alafin (king), 110, 194 Barnes, Edward Larrabee, 19 buttons, as decoration, 4–5, 78, 79, 190–93 Wongo figural, 238, 241, 256 n.33 mask (Kuba), 188, 189 200–101 headdress, 18 sculpture of, 23, 48–51, 86, 106, 108, 109,
Alfred and Juanita K. Bromberg Collection, Bascom, William R., 32 Bwa (Burkina Faso), standing male figure, see also vessel as symbol, 68, 78 Luba shrine, 15, 154–55 Baga D’mba, 18, 140–41 228, 232, 254, 268–71
Dallas, Tex., 24 Basden, G. T., 134 19 elephant tail, as decoration, 78, 78 Lulua protective (mbulenga), 19, 152–53 Bamileke feathered, 70–73, 97 (det.) as status symbol, 188, 232, 268
Allison, Philip, 32 basketwork, 22, 60, 74–75, 78–79, 280, 281 Bwadi Bwa Kifwebe (Luba, Songye, and Dallas Arts Association, 14, 27 n.1 Emobo ceremony, 48, 50 Mbala drumming (pindi), 116 Benin iyase, 52
altar, Yoruba copper, 24 Bassani, Ezio, 178 n.21 Tempe-Songye society), 172 Dallas Museum for Contemporary Arts, 19 Epa (Elephon), Yoruba festival, 142 Mboma seated funerary (ntadi), 210–11 Budja bird-form, 25 Jacks, Mr. and Mrs. James H. W., 24
altarpiece, Spanish 15th-cent., 29, 29 Baule (Côte d’Ivoire), 68, 300 Bwami (Lega society), 64, 66, 78, 303 Dallas Museum of Art (DMA), 18, 19 Erinle (Yoruba hunter deity), 268 Sango reliquary guardian (mbumba Cham/Mwona divination figure, 148, 149 Jenne (Jenne-Jeno; Old Jenne), 42
Amazigh (Berber), 226, 268, 300 crown, 68–69 Bywaters, Jerry, 14 Dallas Museum of Art League, 24 Eshu (Yoruba deity), 106, 108, 144, 268 bwiti), 202–203 Egyptian royal (nemes), 182, 183 jewelry, 219
marriage or ceremonial veil, 246–47 door, 219, 224–25 Dallas Museum of Fine Arts (DMFA), 13, 19, Esigie, prince of Benin, 48, 52, 54 Senufo equestrian, 102–103 Igbo masquerade, 18, 126, 126 João I, king of the Kongo kingdom, 264
American Federation of Arts, New York, 17 ointment pot, 19, 236, 236 Cameron, Verney Lovett, 82 27 n.3 Espalargucs, studio of Pere, Altarpiece Sokoto, 23, 25, 26, 40–41 Ijo water-spirit, 25 Junior Associates, DMA, 24
American Museum of Natural History, New seated figure, 20, 23, 104–105, 262 Cameroon Grasslands, 24, 300 see also exhibitions Section: Angels and Gabriel Songye power (nkishi), 164, 166–67 Luba diviner’s beaded, 256 n.16
York, 20 Belande (DRC), 164 see also Bamileke; Bamum Dan (Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, and Liberia), 32, (15th. cent.), 29, 29 Tsogo reliquary guardian, 204–205 Yombe ancestor figure, 206, 207 Kagoro clan (Soninke), 42
Amma (Dogon: God), 222 bell, Lower Niger Bronze Industry, 18, 139, camwood powder, 74, 114, 134, 156, 160, 194, 301 Ethiopia, 261, 306 Yombe Yoruba Epa, 25, 142–43, 178 n.3, 268, 276 Kamali, Norma, 290
ancestors 144–45 236, 254 ceremonial bowls, 242 processional crosses, 7, 21–22, 264–66, 265 kneeling ancestor, 208–209 see also hat; mask Kan, Michael, 17
ceremonies for, 144, 150 Benin kingdom (Nigeria), 14, 25, 144, 264, cape, Ndebele linaga, 250–51 masks, 25, 121, 124–25 The Eugene and Margaret McDermott Art power (nkisi), 23, 160–63, 178 n.21 headrest (African “pillow”), 219, 256 n.13 Kanyok (DRC), 302
as channeled by diviners, 282 278, 301 Carlebach Gallery, New York, 13, 15 sculptors ( glen ye meh), 124 Fund, Inc., 18, 19, 23, 24, 25, 26 Yoruba horse-and-rider (elesin Shango), Luba, 19, 219, 228–29 water pipe, 15, 282, 284 (det.), 285
Dogon primordial (nommo), 18, 220, 222 figure of chief, 23, 52–55 Carroll, Father Kevin, 32, 178 n.3 dance, 6, 70, 70, 122, 170, 174, 176, 188, 188, Eugene McDermott Foundation, Dallas, 17, 23, 260 (det.), 268–71 Lulua, 228, 230 Kelland, Private William, 50
importance of, 66, 179 plaque, bronze, single-figure, 2 (det.), 25, Cecil and Ida Green Foundation, DMA, 24 272, 272, 278 20, 23 maternity, 114, 115 Pende, 228, 256 n.17 Kelly, Patrick, 294
infants as reincarnations of, 179 44–46, 45, 54 Center for African Art, New York, 20, 22 dance wand (Yoruba oshe Shango), 110–11, Europeans miniature fertility, 19 Shona (Wanoe), 231 kente. See textiles
masquerading and, 139, 142, 190 four-figure, 44, 44, 278 chair, 290 276 influence of, on African art, 261, 304 Mumuye standing, 18 Zande, with storage box, 228, 231 kingship, 39, 48, 56, 60, 154, 282, 303
sculptures of. See figure waist pendant, 23, 30, 38 (det.), 48–51, 49, Chokwe traveling throne as, 80–81 Dapper, Olfert, 44 as spirits of the dead, 272 power, 23, 139, 160–67 Heeramaneck Collection, New York, 13 Klee, Paul, 20
symbols of, 176 261 see also stool Dawu, Ghana, combs excavated at, 232 as subject matter for African artists, 261, reliquary, 8 (det.), 101, 179, 198–99, 201–205 Hemba (DRC), 302, 304 Kom, Cameroon, 300
worship of, 198, 208, 272 see also Edo Cham/Mwona (Nigeria), 301 death. See afterlife; funeral 272–76, 286, 287 shrine, 15, 19, 112, 139, 146–47, 154–55, 194, male ancestor figure, 18, 33, 212–13 Komo association (Bamana), 168
animals Berber. See Amazigh; Tuareg divination vessel, 148–49 Delabano, Barney, 18 Ewua, Nigeria, standing figure, 14, 14 268 henna, as textile dye, 246, 247 Kongo (DRC), 302, 305
head (Cuanza River, Angola), 29–30, 31 Bezalel Foundation, 18 children, 101, 110, 152–53, 179, 190 Derain, André, 262 exhibitions of African art, 13–24 passim, Zande nazeze-type (yanda), 18, 158–59 Henrique Kinu a Mvemba (Kongo prince), figure of a religious, 266–67
symbolism of, 68, 78, 176, 219 Bini (Edo), Nigeria, 19, 286 Chokwe (Angola, DRC, and Zambia), 15, 39, divination 35 n.2, 219, 290 Fischer, Eberhard and Barbara, 32 264 see also Mboma; Yombe
anonymity, as issue in African art. See Blondiau, Raoul, 15 94, 150, 282, 301, 304 Cham or Mwona, 148 Ezana, king of Axum, 264 Fogelson, Mr. and Mrs. E. E., 17 High Museum of Art, Atlanta, 20 Kongo kingdom, 264, 302, 304, 305
artists Bobo (Burkina Faso and Mali), 121, 122, 300 comb, 232, 234–35 container for paraphernalia. See bowl, Foundation for the Arts, DMA, 19, 23 Himmelheber, Hans and Ulrike, 31 Kongolo, king of the Luba, 303
Arabs, influence of, 261, 282 Nwenka mask, 18, 19, 101, 121, 122–23, 139 ritual container, 150–51 Yoruba lidded Fagg, William, 32, 111, 144, 178 n.3 Fowler Museum, University of California at Holland, Edwin, 92 Kota (Gabon and Congo), 302, 304
see also Islam; Muslim Boma (DRC), 300, 302 Christianity, 306 display figures for, 102, 104, 106–109, 139, Fakeye, Akobi Ogun, of Ila Orangun, 19, 32, Los Angeles, 108 Holo (DRC), 305 reliquary figures, 25, 101, 198, 200–201
Areogun. See Arowogun standing figure, 15, 16, 33 and African art, 232, 233, 261, 264–66, 276, 268 112–13 Foxworth, Mr. and Mrs. Walter, 17 Hondt, Gustave de (d. 1952), 15 Kuba (DRC), 31, 39, 188, 303, 305
Arhuanran, prince of Benin, 50, 52, 54 Bonin, Cosima von, RORSCHACHTEST #4 (2006), 302 Mbala, 116 Fakeye, Lamidi Olonade, 35 n.16, 112 Friends of African and African-American Horankh (25th Dynasty Egyptian), coffin of, ceremonial cup, 238–39
“ark,” Dogon, 19 290, 292 Coptic, 21–22, 264 Senufo, 102, 176, 186 Fang (Cameroon and Gabon), 198, 301, 302 Art, DMA, 22 184, 185 funeral mask, 24, 188–89
Armstrong, Robert Plant, 20 Bonwit Teller and Co., New York, 290, 293 City of Benin (engraving, 1668), 47 tray, 94, 282 four-faced helmet mask, 20, 272–75, 273 funeral, 76, 179, 180–81, 186, 188, 196, 214 n.1, horn Itul ceremony, 7, 248
Arowogun (Areogun) of Osi-Ilorin (c. 1880– Borgatti, Jean, 32 Clark and Frances Stillman Collection of Yoruba (opon Ifa), 106–108, 107, 144 ngil mask of, 272 228 animal, 130, 131, 144, 168, 169, 170, 171, 238, king, 188, 256 n.40
1954), 19, 32, 35 n.13, Boti (Côte d’Ivoire), 35 n.14 Congo Sculpture, 15, 15, vessel for, 148–49 reliquary figures, 8 (det.), 101, 198–99 280 overskirt, 7, 19–20, 219, 248–49, 256 n.40
142, 178 n.3, 261, 276–77 bowl 17, 18, 19, 20 diviner, 104, 106, 160, 168, 194, 282 Farr, Steve, 17 Gao empire. See Songhai empire and ritual medicine, 142, 164, 176, 276 pigment box, 236–37
art, African Grebo ceremonial rice, 242, 243 clothing, 219 Djennenke/Soninke (Mali), 30, 42, 301 Fasan of Isare (Yoruba sculptor), 276 Gates, Jay, 22 Mende side-blown, 23, 86–89 (det.), 87 prestige hat, 76–77
Christianity and, 232, 233, 261, 264–66, 276, Yoruba lidded (opon igede), 19, 178 n.3, 261, Kuba overskirt (ntshakakot), 7, 219, 248, female figure, 18, 30, 35 n.9, 42–43 feathers, as decoration, 174, 178 n.34, 188–89, Ghana empire. See Wagadu empire horses, in West Africa, 102, 268, 276 textiles, 290, 293, 293
302 276–77 248, 249, 256 n.39 D’mba (Baga headdress), 140–41, 290 198, 280 Giacometti, Alberto, 20 cut-pile embroidered raffia, 19–20,
dating, 13–14, 29–31, 31, 35 n.9, 42 Yoruba offering (olumeye) Ndbele cape (linaga), 21, 250, 250, 251 Dogon, Mali, 42, 301 fertility, 101, 140, 148, 158 Golden Stool (Asante symbol), 232 Ibibio (Nigeria), 304 290–91, 297 (det.)
decorative, 219–57 by Agbonbiofe, 24, 90, 90 Nigerian national dress (dandogo), 219, “ark,” 19 figure Greaves, Donald W., 17 iconography see also Bushoong
European art and, 261–62, 262, 263, 290, 290 by Olowe, 24, 90–93 (det.), 91 252–53, 302 door, 24, 219, 220–21, 257 (det.) Akan miniature cast-brass, 24 Grebo (Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia), 302 Bamileke elephant mask, 72 Kuosi (Kwosi) (Bamileke society), 70
uses of, 29, 39, 42, 94, 101, 121, 139, 179, 219 Yoruba (or Edo) terracotta ritual, 19 see also textiles door lock, 18, 219, 220, 222–23 Dogon nommo, 18 ceremonial bowls, 242–43 Baule ointment pot, 236 Kweni. See Guro
see also sculpture bowl carrier (arugba Shango), 19, 112–13 coffin, ancient Egyptian, 184–85 nommo figure, 18 equestrian, 23, 102–103, 260 (det.), 262, Greece, figure from funerary relief Benin kingdom, 48, 144 Kwosi. See Kuosi
Art Center, La Jolla, Calif., 13 box, Kuba pigment, 236, 237 Cole, Herbert M., 18 textiles, 290 268–70 (c. 330 BC), 29, 29
Art Museum League Travel Fund, DMA, 19 see also headrest; pot, ointment see also pre-Dogon

316
318
LaGamma, Alisa, 178 n.21
Lalibela, king of the Axum, 264
Lamb, Venice and Alastair, Collection,
United Kingdom, 252,
256 n.45
Lamp, Frederick, 140
Lane, John R., 24
Leakey, Dr. Louis, and Mary, 31
Ledbetter, Huddie “Leadbelly,” 33, 33
Ledbetter, Mr. and Mrs. James, 17
Leff, Jay C., 13
Lega (DRC), 39, 64, 78, 303
four-faced half figure, 20, 64–65
hat, as regalia, 78–79
mask, insignia, 66–67
ritual among, 66, 66, 78
Legrain, Pierre-Emile, 290
Lobi, Ghana, 18
lock. See door lock
Lower Niger Bronze Industry, bell, 18,
144–45
Luba (DRC), 302, 303, 304
figure
female initiation, 33, 136–37
male, shrine, 15, 154–55
headdress, 256 n.16
headrest, 19, 228–29
masks, 12 (det.), 172–75, 215 (det.)
stool, 82–83
Lulua (DRC), 303
headrest, 228, 230
protective figure, 19, 152–53
Lunda empire, 280, 305
Lunsford, John, 14, 15, 18
Luwe (Eastern Luba hunting spirit), 154
Luyties, Frederic A., III, 24
Lwena (DRC and Angola), comb, 232, 234–35
Lydenburg, South Africa, terracotta heads,
29, 31
Lynch, Cristina, 24, 25
Lynch, Peter Hanszen, 24
Makonde (Mozambique and Tanzania), 121,
128, 303
helmet mask, 24, 128–29
Mali empire, 42, 268, 286
Malinke (West Africa), 300
Mande (West Africa), 300
Mangbetu (DRC), 303, 305
vessel, palm wine, 286, 288–89, 296 n.37
Mani society (Zande), 158
manilla (bracelet as currency), 278
Manowulo (Mende sculptor, act. 1935–1960),
25, 32, 121, 130–33, 262
mantle, Teke, 20
map, of Africa, 298–99
Marcus, Billie, 13, 17, 18
Marcus, Linda, 19, 22
Marcus, Stanley, 13, 17, 18, 19, 22
Margaret McDermott Curator of African Art
Endowment Fund, DMA, 27 n.26
Marks, Mr. and Mrs. Richard K., 17
mask, 25, 139, 170
Bamileke elephant (mbap mteng), 6, 70–72,
71
Bamum, 94
Bobo Nwenka, 18, 19, 101, 121, 122–23, 139
Chokwe Cihongo, 80
crown as, 60–61
Dan face, 25, 124–25
Fang four-faced helmet (ñgontang), 20,
272–75, 273
Fang ngil, 272
Guro helmet
gye, 22, 170–71, 178 n.30
yu, 170
Igbo face (igri), 24, 126–27
Kuba Mukenga Muykeem, 24, 188–89
Lega insignia (lukwakongo), 66–67
Lwena, 234, 234
Makonde helmet (muti wa lipiko), 24,
128–29
Mende
gbini, 86, 88
helmet (sowei), 25, 32, 130–33, 131, 262
Pende
miniature pendant (gikhokho), 219,
254–55
village (mbuyu), 238
Senufo helmet (komo), 23, 27 n.28, 168–69
Songye/Luba helmet (kifwebe), 172–74, 173,
215 (det.)
Tempe-Songye helmet (kifwebe), 12 (det.),
172, 172 (det.), 174, 174, 175
Vagala, 18
Yaka horned, 280
Yoruba Epa, 142–43, 178 n.3
see also headdress
Master of the Owu Shrine (c. 1850–c. 1925),
110–11, 111
Mbala (DRC), 303
figures (pindi), 15, 116–17
oil vessel, 256 n.29
Mbidi Kiluwe (17th-cent. Luba ruler), 82, 154,
155
Mboma (Angola and DRC), 302, 303
seated funerary figure (ntadi), 210–11
Mbra (Baule deity), 104
McDermott, Eugene, 14, 17, 18
McDermott, Margaret (Mrs. Eugene
McDermott), 14, 17, 18, 25, 25, 27 n.26
McDermott Fund. See Eugene and Margaret
McDermott Art Fund, Inc.
McKinney, Alma L., 24
Meadows, Mr. and Mrs. Algur H., 18
Meadows Foundation Inc., Dallas, 18
medicine, ritual, 130, 136, 139, 142, 150, 152,
158, 160–64 passim, 176, 198, 206,
276
men
art objects made by, 31
clothing for, 252
masquerade and, 121, 122, 124, 126, 128,
130, 172, 174, 272
Mende (Sierra Leone), 32, 130, 132–33, 303
gbini mask, 86, 88
helmet mask, by Manowulo, 25, 32, 121,
130–33, 131, 262
side-blown horn, 23, 86–89 (det.), 87
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
27 n.7, 256n n.3, 9
Milwaukee Art Museum, 20
Moba, Ghana, 18
Modigliani, Amedeo, 20, 262
Moore, William, 13
Mosier, Madelon, 17
Muba, Voania (Voanya; d. 1928), 18, 261,
286–88, 305
Mukenga society (Kuba), 188
Mumuye, Nigeria, standing figure, 18
Murray, Kenneth C., Archives, Lagos,
Nigeria, 111
Musée de l’Homme, Paris, 17
Musée Dynamique à Dakar, Senegal, 22
Museum of Cultural History, University of
California at Los Angeles, 18
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 22
Museum of Modern Art, New York, 15, 20,
219
Museum of Primitive Art, New York, 13, 17,
27 n.7
Museum Rietberg, Zurich, 110
music. See instruments, musical
Muslim
holy men (mori), 130
horsemen, 42, 102, 268, 276
jihads, 176
Mwona (Nigeria), 178 n.8
divination vessel, 148–49
see also Cham/Mwona
ind e x
Nafana, Ghana, 18
Nasher, Mr. and Mrs. Raymond D., 17
National Museum of African Art,
Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, D.C., 35 n.2, 206,
214 n.37
National Museum of Scotland, Edinburgh,
50
Ndebele, South Africa, 304
cape (linaga), 21, 250–51
New York World’s Fair (1939), 15
Niger, Lower, 306
see also Lower Niger Bronze Industry
Nigeria
ancient. See Niger, Lower
horses in, 268
national dress in, 252–53, 256 n.45, 302
see also Benin kingdom
Nigerian National Museum, Lagos, 50, 111
Njoro, Kenya, vessel (c. 850 BC), 29, 31
Nkrumah, Kwame, 294
Nok (Nigeria), sculpture from, 29, 30, 40, 306
North Sotho (Ndebele), Zimbabwe, 304
Ntumu (Fang, Gabon), 272
Nubia, ancient, 184
Ny-Ank-Nesut (Egyptian official),
decoration from tomb of, 180,
180–81
Oba Akenzua II (1933–1978), 48, 51
Oba Eleko, 192
Oba Erediauwa, 46
Oba Esigie, 50
Oba Overami, 48
Oba Ozolua, 52
Oba William Adetona Ayeni, 60
oba (king), 42, 46, 47, 48, 52, 54, 60, 108, 192,
264, 268
Obatala (Yoruba deity), 62
Oduduwa, the Supreme Being (Yoruba), 34,
60
Odum, Rev. Elzie, Jr., 294
offerings
containers for, 19, 24, 90–93 (det.), 112–13
Egyptian funerary, 180, 180–81
for masks, 170
for yanda figures, 158
Ogboni society (Yoruba), 56
Ogoga of Ikere, 92
Ogun (Yoruba deity), 56, 268, 276
oil, use of, on wooden sculptures, 42, 76, 136
Olbrechts, Frans (1899–1958), 15, 27 n.13, 31,
35 n.13
Old Jenne. See Jenne
Olodumare or Olorun (Yoruba Creator God),
62, 106
Oloko (Yoruba ancestor figure), 142
Olokun (Benin kingdom and Yoruba deity),
52, 54, 60
Olorun. See Olodumare
Olosanyin (Yoruba ancestor priest), 142,
178 n.3
Olowe of Ise (c. 1875–c. 1938), 24, 32, 90–93,
106, 262, 276
Oni of Ife (Yoruba king), 56
Opoku Ware I, king, Ghana, 294
Orisha-oko (Yoruba deity), 268
Oron (Nigeria), 304
ancestor figures, 196–97
Orunmila (Yoruba deity), 106, 108
Osanyin (Yoruba deity), 142, 276
Osei Tutu, first Asante king, 232
Oshamuko of Osi (act. c. 1920–c. 1950), 32,
142–43
Oshugbo society (Yoruba), 24, 58
Oshun (Benin and Yoruba deity), 144
Osiris (Egyptian deity), 182, 184
Otis and Velma Davis Dozier Fund, 20, 22
Ovimbundu, Angola, 304
figural pipe, 18, 282–83
Owen, Michael G., Leadbelly (1943), 33, 33 Sango (Gabon), 198, 304
Owo kingdom, Nigeria, 34, 270 reliquary guardian figure, 200–203
Owsley, David T., 23 Sapi (Sierra Leone), as ivory carvers, 86, 286
Oyo (king), 110 Schindler, Gustave and Franyo, 17–18, 19
Oyo, Nigeria, 60 sculptor(s)
Oyo Yoruba empire, 110, 194, 268 advertising by, 224, 236
Dan glen ye meh, 124
Païlès, Isaac, 104, 262 of reliquary figures (Ntem River, Gabon,
Palmer, Wells, 190, 192 act. c. 1800–1860), 198, 214 n.18
pangolin see also Arowogun; Buli Master;
imagery of, 52, 219 Manowulo; Master of the Owu
pattern (nkaka) derived from, 228, 229, Shrine; Muba; Olowe; Oshamuko;
256 n.16 Semangoy
Parker, Harry S. III, 17, 18, 19 sculpture
parrot, African gray, feathers of, 70, 72, 73, 97 conventions of African, 32–33, 62, 104, 194
(det.), 152, 188, 188, 189 imoju-mora (imagination) in, 142
Pelrine, Diane, 23 as influence on European art, 262
Pemberton, John, 178 n.3 naturalism in, 34, 124, 304
pendant, ivory waist (Benin kingdom), 23, see also art; figure; mask
30, 38 (det.), 48–51, 49, 261 Seattle Art Museum, 214 n.18
Pende (DRC), 219, 280, 303, 304, 305 Semangoy of Zokolunga, reliquary figure
ceremonial adze, 84–85 by, 32, 200–201
ceremonial palm-wine cups, 19, 238–40 Senufo (Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, and
headrest, 256 n.17 Mali), 300, 304
masks, 25 divination among, 102, 176
miniature pendant, 254–55 drum, 19, 139, 176, 176–77
village, 238 equestrian figure, 102–103
Pereira, Duarte Pacheco, 44 mask, helmet, 23, 27 n.28, 168–69
Perutz, Mr. and Mrs. George, 17, 24 rhythm pounder, 18, 186–87, 214 n.7
Phillips, Ruth B., 132 Seti I, Egyptian pharaoh, bust of, 182–83
Picasso, Pablo, 20, 25, 262 Sewa-Mende. See Mende
Bust (1907–1908), 290, 290 Shango (Yoruba deity), 110, 112, 194, 268,
pillow. See headrest 269, 270, 271, 276
pipe Sheppard, William H., 219, 256 n.40
Bamum prestige, 94–95, 282 Sherbro (Sierra Leone), 86
Kanyok water, 15, 282, 284 (det.), 285 Shona (Wanoe), Zimbabwe, headrest, 231
Ovimbundu figural, 18, 282–83 Shoowa (Kuba, DRC), 20
water, described, 296 n.31 shrine, as memorial, 179, 194, 206, 206, 208,
Pitman, Bonnie, 24 210
plaque, bronze see also figure, shrine
four-figure, 44, 44, 278 Shyaam-a-Mbul Ngwoong (Kuba king), 76
single-figure, 2 (det.), 44–46, 45, 54 Sieber, Roy (1923–2001), 35 n.2, 219
Poro (secret society), 130, 168, 176, 186, 301, silk, 256 n.45, 294, 295
303, 304 Singleterry, Mr. and Mrs. Lee M., 19
Portugal skullcap, pineapple fiber (mpu), 162, 163, 208,
influence of, 44, 261, 264, 278, 282, 301, 302 209, 210, 211
ivories commissioned by, 86, 88, 286 slave trade, 261, 264, 302
pot, ointment, Baule, 19, 236, 236 Slye, Jonathan, 178 n.8
praise poem, Yoruba (oriki), 32, 268, 270 snake, imagery of, 44, 52, 54, 144, 176
pre-Dogon culture, Mali, 18, 30, 42 Sokoto culture, Nigeria, 30, 306
male figure, 23, 26, 40–41
Redden, Hebe, 21 Songhai (Gao) empire, 42, 268
Redden, Kenneth, 21–22, 266 Songye (DRC), 19, 304
regalia, 68–69, 74–75, 78–79, 84–86, 88, 136, masks, 172–75, 178 n.34
144, 280, 280 power figures, 164–67, 178n n.21, 22
relics, customs pertaining to, 101, 179, 198, Songye-Tempe (DRC), masks, 12 (det.),
198, 200, 200, 202 172–73
relief Soninke. See Djennenke
Benin bronze, 44–46 Sotho. See North Sotho
Egyptian funerary, 180, 180–81 St. Mary’s University, San Antonio, Tex., 22
Greek funerary, 29, 29 staff, Yoruba ritual (opa orere), 142, 143
rhythm pounder (Senufo), 18, 186–87, 214 n.7 status, art as symbol of, 39, 94, 232, 238
ring, Yoruba ritual sacrifice, 24, 56–59 (det.), Stillman, Clark, 14, 15, 18, 27 n.6, 35 n.13
57 Stillman, Frances, 14, 15, 35 n.13
Robbins, Carol, 19, 21, 26 Stillman Collection. See Clark and Frances
robe, Hausa man’s (dandogo), 252–53, 262 Stillman Collection of Congo
Robinson, Judith, 17 Sculpture
Robinson, Linda, 17 Stolper Galleries of Primitive Art, New York
Rose, Deedie, 27 n.26 and Los Angeles, 13
Ross, Doran H., 18 stool
Roy, Christopher D., 22 Asante symbolism of, 232
Royal Museum for Central Africa, Tervuren, Baule, 104
Belgium, 14, 15, 17, 228, 256 n.39 Kanyok chief’s, for divination, 282
Rubin, Ida and Jerry, 14 Luba throne (kipona), 82–83
as regalia figure, 64, 82, 82, 232
Sabean culture, 306 for shrine figure, 146, 147
saltcellar, Portuguese ivory, 86, 88 see also chair; Golden Stool
Sande (Bundu) society (Mende), 86, 130, Stout, Renée, Fetish #2 (1988), 262, 263
132–33, 303 Suku, DRC, 304, 305
Sandogo (Senufo society of women regalia hat, 280–81
diviners), 176, 186, 304 sword hilt (10th-cent. bronze), 268
i ndex 319
Tada, Nigeria, sculpture from, 34 well-being, art to promote, 139–76 Olosanyin, 142–43
Tanning, Dorothea, Pincushion to Serve as wheel, form of, as imagery, 86–89 ring, ritual sacrifice, 24, 56–59 (det.), 57
Fetish (1979), 262, 262 Williams, Mr. and Mrs. Dan, 17, 19 staff, ritual, 142, 143
tapper, Yoruba divination (iro Ifa), 19, 106, Wingert, Paul S., 13 tongs, ritual, 24
108, 109 women torque, 278, 279
Tayewo (Yoruba master sculptor), 112 ancestor figures of, 196, 206, 207
Teke (DRC), 20, 305 art objects made by, 20, 31, 94 Zande (Central African Republic, DRC, and
Temne (Sierra Leone), harp, 86 authority figures for, 156 Sudan), 305
Tempe. See Songye-Tempe clothing for, 20, 246–51 harp, 19, 218 (det.), 244–45
tent, Tuareg (ehen), 226 combs for, 232 headrest-box, 228, 231
tent post, Tuareg (ehel), 219, 226–27 dances of, 176 nazeze-type figure, 18, 158–59
Tetela (DRC), 172, 178 n.31 divination and, 108, 176, 186, 282
Textile Fund, The , DMA, 26 initiation for, 128, 130, 134–36
textiles, 219, 252, 262 as makers of ritual vessels, 178 n.8
Asante kente, 25–26, 28 (det.), 294–95, masquerade and, 121, 126, 130–33, 172, 174,
296 n.43 303
as currency, 248, 290 matrilineal society and, 116, 118, 302, 304,
Dogon bologon, 290 305
East African kikoi, 290 mental health of, 139, 176
European, for masquerade costume, regalia for, 76, 77
190–93 status of, in Luba society, 303
Kuba cut-pile and embroidered raffia, as symbol, 82
19–20, 290–93, 291, 297 (det.) Wongo (DRC), 305
see also clothing; mantle; veil ceremonial cup, 238, 241, 256 n.33
Thompson, Robert Farris, 32 wood, for sculpture, 30, 32, 42, 64, 178 n.22
throne. See chair oiled, 42, 136, 140
tobacco, use of, in Africa, 94, 282, 296 n.31 World Festival of Negro Arts (Dakar,
tomb, Egyptian, 180, 180–81, 182 Senegal, 1967), 22
tongs, Yoruba Oshugbo ritual, 24 Woyo (Angola, DRC, Republic of the
tools, for sculpture, 32, 32 Congo), 302, 305
torque (Yoruba), 278–79 effigy vessel, 18, 261, 286–88, 287, 305
trade beads, 20–21, 21 writing, Bamum, 300
tray, Yoruba divination (opon Ifa), 106–108, Wunderman, Lester, 18
107, 144 Wuro (Bobo Creator God), 122
Tsogo (Gabon), 198, 304
reliquary guardian figure, 204–205 x-ray, of Yombe power figure, 160, 178 n.22
Tuareg, 304
tent posts, 219, 226–27 Yaka (DRC), 304, 305
Tutankhamun, nesting coffin of, 184 mask, horned, 280
twins (Yoruba: ibeji), 110 regalia hat, 22, 280–81
figures of (ere ibeji), 194–95 Yale University Art Gallery, New Haven,
patron saint of, 110, 194 Conn., 206
sculpture of primordial, as ritual objects, Yanzi (DRC), 305
102 ritual figure, 156–57
Tyekpa (Senufo women’s society), 176 Yombe (DRC and Republic of the Congo),
206, 302, 305
Udo (Benin, Nigeria), 50, 52 ancestor figure
Ungaro, Emmanuel, 290 kneeling, 208–209
University of Arizona, 35 n.9, 96 n.3 maternal, 206–207
University of Pennsylvania Museum, 228 headdress, ancestor figure, 206, 207
University of Virginia, 22 pfemba, fertility cult, 100 (det.), 114–15
power figures, 23, 160–63, 178 n.21
Vagala (Ghana), mask, 18 Yoruba (Nigeria), 39, 60, 62, 179, 282, 305
Vandenhoute, P. J. L., 32 ancient kingdom of, 54, 144
veil, Amazigh (Berber), marriage/ bowl
ceremonial, 246, 246, 247 lidded, by Arowogun, 19, 178 n.3, 261,
vessel 276–77
Baule water, 236 offering
Cham/Mwona divination (itinate), 148–49 by Agbonbiofe, 24, 90, 90
drinking, 219 by Olowe, 24, 90–93 (det.), 91
Longuda ritual (kwandalowa), 178 n.8 terracotta ritual, 19
Mangbetu palm wine, 286, 288, 289, copper altar, 24
296 n.37 crown, 60–61
Mwona healing, 178 n.8 dance wand, 110–11, 276
Njoro, Kenya, 29, 31 divination tapper, 19, 106, 108–109
Woyo effigy, 18, 261, 286–87 divination trays, 94, 106–108, 107, 144
see also bowl; bowl carrier; cup door, by Olowe, 92
Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond, Egungun festival costume, 4–5 (det.), 139,
20 190–93 (det.), 191
Vlaminck, Maurice de, 262 Epa headdress, 25, 142–43, 178 n.3
Vogel, Susan Mullin, 20–21, 32 festivals, 142, 190
Vurungura clan, Zande, 158 figures
horse-and-rider, 23, 260 (det.), 268–70,
Wagadu (Ghana) empire, 42, 268 269
Walker Art Center, Minneapolis, 14 twin, 194–95
Walschot, Jeanne (1896–1977), 15 head, “inner,” as symbolic soul, 24, 62, 62
wand. See dance wand house for, 24, 62–63, 110, 112, 262, 307
Wanoe. See Shona (det.)
Wardlaw, Alvia, 20 masks, 139
We (Côte d’Ivoire), ceremonial bowls, 242 Epa, 142, 143, 178 n.3
weaving. See textiles Oloko, 142
319
illustration and copyright
credits
All photography, unless otherwise noted below, is © 2009 Dallas
Museum of Art.
Fig. 2: Carlebach Gallery, New York; fig. 13: © National Museums of
Kenya; fig. 14: © Museum of South Africa / University of Cape Town;
fig. 16: Photograph: Roslyn Adele Walker; fig. 17: © Estate of Michael G.
Owen Jr.; fig. 18: Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz / Art Resource,
NY. Photograph: Dietrich Graf, Ethnologisches Museum, Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin; fig. 19: Courtesy of William Fagaly and the New
Orleans Museum of Art; fig. 20: Werner Forman Archive; fig. 21: Photo-
graph: John Pemberton III; fig. 22: Dr. Daniel P. Biebuyck; fig. 23: Pho-
tograph: Eliot Elisofon, EEPA EECL 1546. Eliot Elisofon Photographic
Archives, National Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, D.C.; fig.  24: © Photo SCALA, Florence / Musée du Quai
Branly. Photograph: Frank Christol; fig. 26: Photograph: David A. Bink­
ley; fig. 27: Verney Lovett Cameron, Across Africa, Harper, New York,
1877; fig. 28: D. K. Flickinger, History of the Origin, Development and Condi-
tion of Missions among the Sherbro and Mendi Tribes in Western Africa, United
Brethren Publishing House, Dayton, Ohio, 1885; fig. 29: Photograph:
Henrietta Cosentino; fig.  30: Photograph: courtesy of Alain de Mon-
brison / Monbrison Archive; fig. 31: Photograph: Stephen Petergorsky,
courtesy of John Pemberton III; fig. 32: Archives mission 21: Basel Mis-
sion, E-30.31.043. Photograph: Eugen Schwarz; fig. 33: © National Com-
mission for Museums and Monuments, Nigeria. Photograph: Philip A.
Allison; fig. 34: © ­Herbert M. Cole; fig. 35: © Simon Ottenberg and The
University of Washington Press; fig. 36: Photograph: Lydia Puccinelli,
1976. Eliot Elisofon Photographic Archives, National Museum of Afri-
can Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.; fig. 37: The Secret
Museum of Mankind,Manhattan House, New York, 1935; fig. 38: X-ray:
courtesy of Claire M. Barry, Chief Conservator, Kimbell Art Museum,
Fort Worth, Texas; fig. 39: ©  abm-Archives ­Barbier-Mueller; fig. 40:
Photograph: Eliot Elisofon, 1971, EEPA EEng 02271. Eliot Elisofon Pho-
tographic Archives, National Museum of African Art, Smithsonian
Institution, Washington, D.C.; fig. 41: Christine El Mahdy, Mummies,
Myth and Magic,Thames & Hudson Ltd., London, 1989. Drawing: Philip
Winton; fig. 42: Photograph: Till Förster; fig. 43: Photograph: David A.
Binkley; fig. 44: Photograph: John Pemberton III; fig. 45: Karl Zimmer-
man, Die Grenzgebiete Kameruns im Sudem und im Osten, Mitteilungen aus
den Deutschen Schutzgebieten, 9a and 9b, Berlin, 1914. Photograph:
Hans Gehne; fig. 46: Charles Stéphen-Chauvet, L’Art funeraire au Gabon,
Immaculée, Castres, France, 1933; fig.  48: © Michel Huet / ­HOA-QUI /  phant society, fig. 24, p. 70; Tambour drummers, Burundi, pp. 98–99;
Eyedea; fig.  49: © Russell Sublette; fig.  50: © ­Froebenius-Institut;
fig.  51: Gaetano Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria and the Return with Emin
Pasha, transl. J. Randolph Clay and I. Walter Savage Landor, F. Warne,
London, 1891; fig. 52: © Lucien Viola; fig. 53: Emil Torday and T. A. Joyce,
Notes ethnographiques sur les peuples communément appelés Bakuba, ainsi que
sur les peuplades apparentées, Les Bushongo; aquarelles par Norman H. Hardy,
Ministry of the Colonies, Brussels, 1910; fig. 54: Photograph: Joseph
Cornet; fig. 55: © Natalie Knight Productions, CC.; fig. 56: Photograph:
David Radmore; fig. 57: © 1979 Dorothea Tanning / Artists Rights Soci-
ety (ARS), New York / ADAGP, Paris; fig. 58: © Renée Stout, Washington,
D.C.; fig. 60: © Archives du Musée Gabon; fig. 61: © Gelbard Photo-
graphic Archives of African Expressive Culture; fig. 62: Photograph:
Casimir Zagourski, EEPA Zagourski Collection, 1987-241055, National
Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.;
fig.  63: © Estate of Pablo Picasso / Artists Rights Society (ARS), New
York; fig. 64: © Cosima von Bonin; fig. 66: Photograph: Brad Flowers;
pp. 98–99: Bruno de Hogues / Stone / Getty Images
We greatly respect the protected status of all copyrighted material.
We have endeavored, with due diligence, to identify and contact each
copyright owner. In some cases we have been unable to trace current
copyright holders. We welcome notification and will correct errors in
subsequent editions.
Copyright © 2009 by Dallas Museum of Art.
Except for what Section 107 of the Copyright Act of 1976 permits as
“fair use,” no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, elec-
tronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without
written permission of the copyright holders, aside from brief quota-
tions embodied in critical reviews.
Dallas Museum of Art
  www.DallasMuseumofArt.org
Bonnie Pitman, The Eugene McDermott Director
Roslyn A. Walker, Senior Curator, The Arts of Africa, the Americas,
and the Pacific / The Margaret McDermott Curator of African Art
Tamara Wootton-Bonner, Director of Exhibitions and Publications
Eric Zeidler, Publications Coordinator
Jessica Beasley, Curatorial Administrative Assistant, Ancient and
Non-Western Art
Giselle Castro-Brightenburg, Manager, Imaging Department
Brad Flowers, Photographer
Distributed by Yale University Press, New Haven and London
  www.yalebooks.com
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Dallas Museum of Art.
The arts of Africa at the Dallas Museum of Art / Roslyn Adele
Walker.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-300-13895-5 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Art, African­—Catalogs. 2. Art—Texas—Dallas—Catalogs.
3. Dallas Museum of Art—Catalogs. I. Walker, Roslyn A. II. Title.
7380.5.d36 2009
n
709.6'0747642812­dc22 2009029308
Front cover: Janus reliquary guardian figure, front view, cat. 69, p. 201;
back cover: Janus reliquary guardian figure, rear view, cat. 69, p. 201;
frontispiece: Plaque with single figure, detail of cat. 3, p. 45; pages 4–5:
Egungun costume, detail of cat. 65, p. 191; page 6: Members of the ele-
page 7: Kuba women dancing, fig. 54, p. 248; Priests of the Ethiopian
Orthodox Church carrying brass crosses, fig. 59, p. 266; page  8: Reli-
quary guardian figure, detail of cat. 68, p. 199; page 12: Helmet mask
(kifwebe), detail of cat. 58, p. 175; page 28: Textile (kente), detail of
cat. 110, p. 295; page 38: Waist pendant, detail of cat. 4, p. 49; page 97:
Hat for elephant mask, detail of cat 13b, p. 73; page 100: Seated female
figure with child (pfemba), detail of cat. 31, p.  115; page  215: Helmet
mask, detail of cat. 57, p. 173; page 218: Harp with human head (kunde),
detail of cat. 92, p. 245; page 257: Fragment of a granary door or shutter,
detail of cat. 76, p. 221; page 260: Horse-and-rider figure (elesin Shango),
detail of cat. 100, p. 269; page 297: Cut-pile and embroidered raffia tex-
tile, detail of cat. 109, p. 291; page 307: House of the head (ile ori), detail
of cat. 9, p. 63
Principal photography by Brad Flowers
Designed by Jeff Wincapaw
Edited by Migs Grove and Frances Bowles
Proofread by Sharon Rose Vonasch
Map by Jeremy Linden
Typeset by Marie Weiler in Enigma 2 and Fedra Sans
Color management by iocolor, Seattle
Produced by Marquand Books, Inc., Seattle  www.marquand.com
Printed and bound in China by Artron Color Printing Co., Ltd.