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Multiculturalism and Education in Malaysia

Rozita Ibrahim

Version of record first published: 19 Jul 2007.

To cite this article: Rozita Ibrahim (2007): Multiculturalism and Education in Malaysia, Culture and Religion: An
Interdisciplinary Journal, 8:2, 155-167

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 MULTICULTURALISM AND
EDUCATION IN MALAYSIA

Rozita Ibrahim
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Malaysian multicultural society is typified by three major ethnic groups, namely Malays,
Chinese and Indians. In the Malaysian context, ethnicity is important in the identification
of one’s religion as well as giving a clue of their affiliated political parties. This paper
discusses the meaning of multiculturalism that emphasises the different cultural
communities and the governing strategies and policies practised by the government.
Particular attention is given to the issues and cases from the education system which are
examined in the light of post-colonialism and the globalisation era. The discussion in this
paper demonstrates how multiculturalism in Malaysia has undergone a long process of
negotiation between the various ethnic groups represented by their respective political
parties. The main aim of managing multiculturalism in Malaysia is to maintain national
integration in which all these various cultural communities could live alongside each
other while maintaining their own original identities.

KEYWORDS Malaysia; multicultural society; multiculturalism; education; ethnicity;

post-colonialism; globalisation

Introduction
Popular media often represent Malaysian multicultural society through
images of groups of people wearing different types of traditional costumes, but all
with the same happy smile on their faces—as in the ‘Malaysia: Truly Asia’
advertisement. Another interesting multicultural image was shown on the
National Television advertisement during last year’s ‘double-celebration’ of Hari
Raya Aidil Fitri (Muslim) and Deepavali (Hindu). The scene was at an ‘open house’
where the musicians were playing a traditional Indian song; the food was all
served but everyone present was waiting for the azan (call for Muslim prayers)
before starting to eat together. In everyday life, we can see Chinese and Indian
female school students wearing turquoise pinafores while the Malays wear white
baju kurung (long dresses) and head scarves with turquoise long skirts. Sometimes
we can also see Chinese and Indian girls wearing the Malay baju kurung but
without the head scarf, as well as Sikh boys with their turban. It is also common to

Culture and Religion, Vol. 8, No. 2, July 2007

ISSN 1475-5610 print/1475-5629 online/07/020155-167
q 2007 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/14755610701424024
 156 ROZITA IBRAHIM

see someone with a typical Malay face who speaks good English, and a Chinese or
Indian looking person who speaks excellent Malay language.
The above examples are just some of the images that could give an
impression of how Malaysians celebrate plurality in the society. The spirit that is
often echoed is that it is possible to have unity in diversity. For a Malaysian, the
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words ‘double-celebration’ and ‘open house’ are not alien and give specific
meanings—the first refers to the occasion when two of the main religious
celebrations fall simultaneously, while the latter means a party where everyone is
welcome without having to wait for a formal invitation. Having said that, one
might question whether or not these portrayals of unity in diversity are for real or
just superficial. If it is for real, how does Malaysia manage to achieve this ‘ideal’ at a
time when diversity and plurality are causing problems in many parts of the
world? If it is superficial, what are the underlying issues that prevent Malaysia from
achieving the ‘ideal’? Most importantly, what is ‘the ideal’ for a multicultural
society? These are the questions that I seek to explore in the discourse of
multiculturalism in Malaysia. I would argue that multiculturalism in Malaysia has
gone a long way. It is not stagnant and passive but rather changing and actively
interacts with the influences and forces at the local and global levels. Thus, the aim
of this paper is to discuss the active processes of multiculturalism in Malaysia. The
discussion will be focusing on the composition of the various cultural
communities and the policies that are implemented in managing these different
cultures. Particular attention will be given to the education system which is
regarded as an important tool in promoting national integration.

The Meaning of Multiculturalism

Diversity and plurality in human society is a reality that has been in
existence since the time of early human civilisations. Hall (2000, 210– 213) argues
that the Greek, Roman, Islamic, Ottoman and European Empires were all
multiethnic and multicultural in their own different ways. The same applies in
the contemporary period in that the USA, Canada, Britain, France, Malaysia, Sri
Lanka, New Zealand, Indonesia and Nigeria are all multicultural in their own ways,
but share the same features of having culturally heterogeneous societies. Hall
further argues that multiculturalism has changed its forms and become intensified
since the Second World War, and the major events that contributed to the new
dimension of multiculturalism are post-colonialism, the end of the cold war and
globalisation. Two of these major events, i.e. post-colonialism and globalisation
are relevant to the discussion of Malaysian multiculturalism.
To begin with, it is useful to clarify the definitions of the terms ‘multicultural’
and ‘multiculturalism’. Prior to the coinage of the term ‘multicultural society’, other
terms such as ‘plural society’, ‘cosmopolitan’, ‘multiethnic society’, ‘multiracial
society’ and ‘polyethnic society’ had been used to describe the state of diversity
and plurality in a society (Watson 2002, 3). Watson argues that the term
‘multicultural’ is preferred in contemporary academic discourse due to the notion
 MULTICULTURALISM AND EDUCATION IN MALAYSIA 157

of culture as referring to the way of life and speaks directly of one’s individual
sense of belonging. What is then the meaning of the terms ‘multicultural’ and
‘multiculturalism’? In this paper, I shall employ the definitions given by Hall (2000,
209). He draws the distinction between ‘multicultural’ and ‘multiculturalism’. He
stated that ‘multicultural’ is used adjectively and describes ‘the social
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characteristics and problems of governance posed by any society in which

different cultural communities live together and attempt to build a common life
while retaining something of their original identity’. ‘Multiculturalism’ on the other
hand is substantive and refers to ‘the strategies and policies adopted to govern or
manage the problems of diversity and multiplicity which multicultural societies
throw up’. Thus, the discussion in this paper will be directed mainly towards the
two major elements in those definitions, which are ‘the different cultural
communities’ and the ‘governing strategies and policies’ in the Malaysian context.
I would also refer to the ‘multicultural triangle’ suggested by Baumann
(1999, 83). He argues that the present day meaning of culture could imply
nationality as culture, ethnicity as culture, and religion as culture. Nationality as
culture refers to the state role in governing (often by the elites), the hegemonic
media and also the dominant civil culture. Religion as culture concerns the
seemingly absolute matters of life and death, good and evil, merit and failure or in
other words the meaning and morality of life. Finally, ethnicity as culture implies
that ethnicity is the same as cultural identity, it invokes biological ancestry, the
roots one comes from and what makes people who they are. I would argue that all
the three meanings exist in the discourse of multiculturalism in Malaysia. The state
plays a major role in deliberately managing the diverse cultural groups. This is very
much in agreement with the meaning of multiculturalism that emphasises the role
of the government.
In the case of ethnicity and religion, both are often considered as one
‘package’ in Malaysia. With that I refer to the definition of a Malay individual as an
example. The Federal Constitution refers to a Malay person as someone who
speaks the Malay language, practices the Malay culture and professes Islam as his
or her religion. In the same manner, a Chinese will always be identified as a
Buddhist or a Taoist and an Indian as Hindu or Christian. In this respect, culture is
considered as a heritage, fixed and never changing. The problem is that in reality
this does not always happen because the rights for religious freedom open the
space for conversion from one religion to another, thus identifying one’s religion
with ethnicity is sometimes problematic. The same problem also occurs in cases of
children from mixed parentage. This had been so since the establishment of
census data during the colonial period. Thus at that time, individuals are classified
subjectively according to their own perceptions on which community they
perceive themselves to belong to (Hirschman 1987).
In the more recent period, cases of individuals who choose to change their
identity have sometimes presented challenges to these categorisations.
Some examples are: Nyonya Tahir, a Malay born but lived the life of a Chinese
and died legally as a Buddhist (http://www.utusan.com, 26 January 2006); Lina Joy,
 158 ROZITA IBRAHIM

a Malay lady who demands to drop the word ‘Islam’ from her identity card (http://
www.utusan.com, 14 December 2004); M. Morthy, an Indian who was born Hindu
but converted to Islam before his death (http://www.utusan.com, 29 January
2006); and N. Anthonysamy, an Indian Christian who converted to Islam before his
death (http://www.utusan.com, 1 February 2006). Except for the case of Lina Joy,
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the cases were settled according to self-identification, i.e. the identity is as the
persons perceived themselves to be. This issue is particularly challenging in
Malaysia as a Muslim country where Malay Muslims form only a slight majority
over the other religions. Issues like these are considered as sensitive and are often
being politicised. Thus it has to be dealt with carefully, in order to maintain the
delicate balance of the Malaysian multicultural society. Even though associating
religion and ethnic group seems rather problematic recently, I would still use the
association in discussing this paper since it is the common practice in the country.
Generally speaking, Malaysian multiculturalism in typified by the three
major ethnic groups of Malays, Indians and Chinese. The total population for
Malaysia according to the 2000 census is 23.27 million, where 65.1 per cent
comprises the Bumiputera (literally means ‘son of the soil’ and includes the ethnic
Malay and indigenous communities) and ethnic Chinese and Indian makes up
26 and 7.7 per cent of the total population, respectively. In terms of religious
affiliations: Muslims make up 60.4 per cent of the total population, Buddhists
19.2 per cent, Christians 9.1 per cent, Hindus 6.3 per cent and Confucians, Taoists
and other traditional Chinese beliefs 2.6 per cent (Department of Statistics
Malaysia 2007). This pattern of multicultural construction of the Malaysian society
has a strong historical influence from the western legacy of British colonisation.
The following discussion will look briefly into the pattern of multicultural
Malaysia from the colonial period to the present era.

From the Colonial Period to the Globalisation Era

The Malay Peninsular has experienced a very long history of colonisation,
starting from the occupation of Malacca in 1511 by the Portuguese. One century
later, the Dutch took over the authority from the Portuguese. Later in 1874, the
British obtained full authority over the Malay Peninsular until independence in
1957. Each of these colonial powers had their own ways of dealing with and
managing the state and the people of the Malay Peninsular. I am of the opinion
that the British colonials have been most influential in shaping contemporary
Malaysia’s economy, society and politics. The British ‘foreign labour importation’
and ‘divide and rule’ policies impacted on the distribution of economic wealth and
structuring the society. In politics, the authoritarian approach in British rulings is
seen as setting a precedent to the political situation in contemporary Malaysia
(Case 2004, 30).
The British ‘foreign labour importation’ policy had seen the coming in of the
Chinese and Indians to work in the mining and rubber industries. This influx of
foreign labourers happened rapidly in rather a short period of time. By the
 MULTICULTURALISM AND EDUCATION IN MALAYSIA 159

beginning of the twentieth century, the imported labourers had outnumbered the
local Malay population. Von Der Mehden (1987, 178) quoted that at the time of
independence in 1957, the non-Malay population of over 500,000 at the turn of
the century had reached almost 3.5 million. The British also applied the ‘divide and
rule’ policy in locating the indigenous Malay people and the foreign labourers.
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The Chinese were mostly located in the mining areas and urban settlements to run
businesses while the Indians populated the estate areas. The Malays on the other
hand were located mainly in the rural areas working as farmers and fishermen,
with some Malay elites settled in the urban areas working alongside the British
Government officers. In other words, the multiethnic society was segregated
according to economic sectors and thus encounters with each other were limited
only to the functional level (such as buying and selling at the market) and not at
the social level (of interaction and knowing each other).
When the Malay Peninsular gained independence in 1957, the foreign
labourers were given a choice of leaving the country or staying on. Many chose to
remain and were granted citizenship. As a return, the Chinese and Indians have to
acknowledge the ‘social contract’ that stipulated the special privileges of the
Malays as the Bumiputera, the Malay language as the national language and Islam
as the national religion. These special privileges are stated in the Federal
Constitution. The granted citizenship and the ‘social contract’ thus made up the
basis of governance for the newly independent multicultural Malay Peninsular and
has remained so for the past 50 years. The government policies during the post-
colonial period take into account this multiethnic composition of the society with
the aim to provide equal opportunities for all.
Another big influence in shaping the Malaysian multicultural process in the
twenty-first century is globalisation. Globalisation could be defined as ‘the
intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a
way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and
vice versa’ (Giddens 1990, 64). In the case of Malaysia, Wong (2004, 3) pointed out
that globalisation is multidimensional and not a uniform concept. He noted that
‘for some, globalisation is the presence of foreign multinationals, brands and
lifestyles; for others it is the Internet, Astro (satellite television), the ties of the
Malays and its greater Islamic ummāh, the rising significance of international non-
governmental organisations and Malaysia’s vulnerability to global flows and
vectors of capital and labour, amongst other possible developments’. To be sure,
globalisation has far-reaching effects and is embedded in the daily lives of
multicultural Malaysians. As such, Malaysia, particularly under the administration
of the previous Prime Minister, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, took a selective and
cautious approach in dealing with globalisation. Mahathir ‘redefined’ the meaning
of globalisation and chose the positive aspects of it to develop Malaysia in its own
mould, i.e. by maintaining the authority of Malaysia as a sovereign nation-state
that comprises rich and diverse Asian values.
In what follows, I shall illustrate the effects of post-colonialism and
globalisation in shaping Malaysia’s multicultural discourse with reference
 160 ROZITA IBRAHIM

to education related issues. The education system is considered as one of the most
important tools in managing and shaping the Malaysian multicultural society.
The social and political challenges posed by this multicultural education system
will be my focus of discussion.
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Education for Multicultural Malaysia

What is the meaning of ‘multicultural education’? Fullinwider (1996, 3)
defines multicultural education as ‘what good schools do in the face of extensive
cultural differences among the students and teachers. Multicultural education is
what good schools do to assure that cultural factors do not get in the way of equal
educational opportunity and high student achievement’. He also argues that the
controversy here is how the implementers and policy makers define ‘culture’.
‘Culture’ could include many aspects including gender, class, ethnicity, race,
religion, disability, sexual preference and age.
In the case of Malaysia, as has been mentioned earlier, culture is normally
defined according to ethnic and religious affiliation. Thus the major challenge for
multicultural education is to provide equal opportunities for the various ethnic
and religious groups while at the same time building a united Malaysian nation.
This balancing act to foster unity among the various cultures while keeping their
unique characteristics is indeed very demanding. Another important challenge is
to cope with the fast developing field of science and technology (S&T) and also the
field of information and communication technology (ICT). This is crucial in order to
prepare Malaysians as competent global citizens of the twenty-first century. The
vision of building a strong Malaysian nation that is responsive to the challenges of
the twenty-first century and at the same time holds strongly to religious and
ethnic values had been the aspiration that was stressed time and again by Tun Dr
Mahathir Mohamad. This manifests clearly the meaning of being ‘selective’ in
responding to globalisation.
The formal education in Malaysia starts at the age of 7 –12 for the primary
education and 13 –19 for the secondary education. There are various systems of
education available, with the national school (Sekolah Kebangsaan) being the
major system, using the Malay language as the language of instruction. Apart from
that, there are also vernacular school systems, also known as the national-type
school (Sekolah Jenis Kebangsaan). Vernacular schools use the mother tongue as
the language of instruction—Mandarin in Chinese schools and Tamil in Indian
schools. The national schools are fully funded by the government while vernacular
schools are partially funded or fully sponsored by private organisations. Most of
the independent private schools are Chinese schools. These schools run their own
administrative system and educational curricula, but are accountable to the
Ministry of Education. Besides that there are also state funded Islamic religious
schools or Sekolah Agama Rakyat (SAR) and Islamic religious national schools or
Sekolah Menengah Agama (SMA) (Hashim 2006). SMA follows the national school
system with extra emphasis on Islamic education and Arabic language. SAR on the
 MULTICULTURALISM AND EDUCATION IN MALAYSIA 161

other hand runs their own school curricula and gets a limited budget from the
government.
This policy of having many different types of schools in Malaysia could be
understood from the long history of the Malaysian education system since the
colonial period. The British established different types of schools for the Malays,
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Chinese and Indians in accordance with the needs of colonial administration—

‘education for the Malays and Indians was primarily to attain literacy, for the
Chinese to maintain ties to China, and for those studying in English to pass the
Cambridge Overseas Certificate examinations’ (Von Der Mehden 1987, 190). After
gaining independence in 1957, the Malaysian government sought to nationalise
the educational system. However, the various types of schools are still maintained
as answering to the needs of different ethnic groups and preferences of the
people (for example, some Malays would prefer to go to English schools in order
to be ‘better educated’ while others refrained from English schools to ‘avoid being
Christianised’). The nationalising of the education system was done by regulating
the curricula and teacher training, fostering the Malay language as the national
language and ‘indigenizing the colonial knowledge’. One interesting case could
be found in research by Naoki (2002, 28) regarding the indigenising of colonial
knowledge and identity formation. He concluded that while the British brought in
new forms of knowledge to the Malay Peninsular, there was room for
interpretation, transformation and appropriation of this new knowledge to suit
the needs of the local or indigenous people. One example given is regarding the
classification of the period in Malay History—i.e. four stages of ‘primitive’, ‘Hindu–
Buddhist’, ‘Islamic’ and ‘colonial’. The ‘indigenised knowledge’ would regard the
pre-colonial period as the ‘golden age’ and the colonial period as the age of
decline while anticipating a better future after independence. This way of looking
to the ‘golden age’ era is different from the writings of the English authors or local
English-educated authors.
One of the most important documents in nationalising the education
system is the National Education Policy that came up from the Razak Report (1956)
and Education Ordinance (1957). The National Education Policy’s main aims are to
build a national identity and promote integration among the Malaysian society.
Also the education system should be able to respond to the needs for the
country’s development. As such, various implementation strategies were
proposed. Among others were the suggestions of using the Malay language as
the major language of instruction in schools, making English and Malay languages
compulsory subjects, implementation of the same curriculum for every school
type, and to step up moral and religious education (http://www.pmo.gov.my).
An important turning point in the implementation of the National Education
Policy was in 1970 when the government called for total usage of the Malay
language in all national schools teaching and learning. This call was due to the
wave of nationalism and Islamic resurgence in the country and throughout the
Muslim world. Thus the government had to respond to the pressing demand from
the Malay nationalists to uphold the Malay language as the national language and
 162 ROZITA IBRAHIM

this had to be reflected in the education system. This shift was not fully accepted
by the Chinese and Indians. This rejection is more widespread among the Chinese.
The main worry is that they might lose touch with their mother tongue and thus
cultural characteristics. Thus a lot of Chinese then opted for the Chinese national-
type or independent private schools. Between 1995 and 2000, the enrolment in
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the semi-funded Chinese primary school was 21 per cent while the national
primary school enrolment was 75 per cent. Despite the need to foster national
integration through education, the government had to oblige the demand from
the Chinese, since they make up a large percentage of the total population and
also have a powerful influence on the country’s economy.
Realising the disparity in the many different types of school, the
establishment of the Vision School (Sekolah Wawasan) (Kementerian Pendidikan
Malaysia 2006) was suggested by Tun Dr Mahathir. The Vision School complex will
be housing various national schools and national-type schools under one roof and
sharing the same facilities. This is hoped to enhance interaction between students
of various ethnic groups. This idea of Vision School gained mixed responses from
Malaysians. Again, several Chinese groups resisted this idea worrying that it will
wither their language and cultural identity. Despite the resistance, the concept of
Vision School was implemented in Subang Jaya, Selangor in June 2001 and it has
so far proven successful. At present, there are five Vision Schools operating in four
states: two in Perak, one each in Kedah, Penang and Selangor. I am of the opinion
that the concept of Vision School should be promoted in order to provide an
arena for the different ethnic groups to meet and know each other. This arena
should be regarded as an opportunity to foster inter-ethnic understanding among
the younger generations of Malaysians.
Another important suggestion by Mahathir that made a change in the
national education system is the teaching of science and mathematics in English
rather than the Malay language. Mahathir came up with the suggestion because
he was concerned that Malaysians would lose their competitive advantage in the
globalisation era if the English language is not to be mastered. His suggestion
again received mixed responses—those who are for the suggestion agree to the
need of mastering English since it is the language of S&T and ICT; those who are
opposed to it are worried about the sudden change and also believe that the best
way to master science and mathematics is through learning in the native tongue.
I personally share the opposing opinion without undermining the importance of
English. English is crucial and should be improved through the teaching of the
subject itself and not by imposing it on other subjects.
The above discussion illustrates the deliberate actions taken by the
Malaysian Government in managing different cultural groups through the
education system. These deliberate actions are never without contestation, as
mentioned in the above section. In the following section, I will highlight some of
the educational issues that had been politicised by the governing party and also
the opposition parties.
 MULTICULTURALISM AND EDUCATION IN MALAYSIA 163

Politics and Education Issues

In this section, I choose two particular contemporary issues to explore.
The first one is the issue of SAR, the state religious school. The issue came into
debate due to the government’s decision to stop per capita contribution to all
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state religious schools beginning in October 2002. The rationale behind this is low
achievement among the students, poor teaching facilities and also the misuse of
the schools to disseminate anti-government agenda. As an alternative, the
students and teachers were given the option of being absorbed in the national
schools systems (http://www.bpms.kempen.gov.my). This decision was greatly
rejected by the Parti Islam se-Malaysia or Pan-Islamic Malaysia Party (PAS).
The issue was highlighted as the government’s response to impede the people’s
support for PAS and also to show the discontent of the government towards the
rise of Islam in the society (Din 2006; Rawa 2005). PAS is the main Islamic religious
opposition party that governs one out of 13 states in Malaysia, i.e. Kelantan.
Besides governing in Kelantan, PAS is gaining support from the Malays from other
states especially Terengganu and Kedah (Gomez 2004, 7 –14). The tension
between PAS and the governing party the United Malay National Organisation
(UMNO) has been persistent ever since independence. The major disagreement is
regarding PAS’s aim to establish an Islamic state, a policy which is strongly
opposed by UMNO, who have another way of looking at Malaysia as a Muslim
country through the concept of Islam Hadhari. UMNO is the major party in the
ruling Barisan Nasional or the National Front that is a coalition of various ethnic
group parties, particularly the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) and the
Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC).
The second education issue that is still in heated debate is the teaching of
mathematics and science in the English language starting from 2003. I mentioned
the issue briefly in the earlier discussion. What I am interested in now is the
argument forwarded by the political parties that are voicing their views. Initially
the idea was prompted by Dr Mahathir to switch the whole education system to
English as a way to answer to the call of globalisation. His idea was rejected by
UMNO and instead they proposed the teaching of mathematics and science in
English. The proposal was taken up and implemented by the government. PAS
clearly voiced disagreement, with attention given to the worries that the Malays
might be losing out, especially those living in rural areas and with limited access to
English teaching and learning facilities. The MCA and Gerakan, the two largest
Chinese based parties in the Barisan Nasional, also rejected the idea. The same
goes for another Chinese based opposition party, i.e. the Democratic Action Party
(DAP). The Chinese argued that the best way to master mathematics and science is
through the mother tongue. Another concern was that the policy would dilute the
role of Chinese-medium schools as the protectors of the Chinese language and
heritage (Netto 2002). There are also claims that the government is demanding
the change in language to ‘sabotage’ the Chinese schools because they are
performing very well.
 164 ROZITA IBRAHIM

These debates regarding the politicisation of education issues demonstrate

the reciprocal role of the government and the governed in shaping multicultural
society in Malaysia. It is certainly not a one-way process; rather it shows an active
interaction of give and take between the parties involved. In my view, there is a
certain degree of ‘domination’ on the government’s part but there has always
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been room for negotiation. Probably what is happening in the education system
could also fit as an example of what Case (2004, 29 –30) describes as ‘pseudo-
democracy’ practised by the Malaysian government which varies between a ‘fuller
democracy’ to ‘harder authoritarianism’. In the case of SAR, we could see that the
government employed the ‘harder authoritarianism’ by going ahead with the
proposal of cutting the contribution to those schools. This in my opinion is due to
the fact that the government has strong evidence for their claims that the schools
did not perform well. Also the threat that PAS is using the religious schools to
spread hatred among the young towards the government is considered as crucial
by the ruling party. On top of that, the ruling party has not much to lose by
imposing ‘harder authoritarianism’ onto PAS and the wider Malay community.
On the contrary, the government seems to be more careful in dealing with issues
pertaining to the Chinese demands. I am of the opinion that this is so because of
the importance of the Chinese community in contributing to the country’s
economy. The government is more lenient in giving in to the demands of the
Chinese. For example, the Chinese schools keep on expanding even if there is
resistance and concern about the widening of ethnic polarisation resulting from
this situation. In this respect we could see the negotiation between the ‘economic
power’ of the Chinese and the ‘political power’ of the Malays.
In Malaysia, negotiation is always the key to solving disputes and
disagreements. The negotiations might be based on equal or unequal power
relations; but at least there is always room for everyone to voice their views. After
all, negotiation is the manner by which Malaysia gained independence from the
British colonials. On that note, we come to the conclusion of this paper.

Conclusion
Multiculturalism in Malaysia has gone a long way and I would agree that it is
also going in the right direction. However, it is difficult to claim that
multiculturalism in Malaysia has achieved the ‘ideal’ because the question of
being ‘ideal’ is a relative one. What may be considered as an ‘ideal’ for Malaysia
might not be shared by other multicultural countries in other parts of the world.
What matters most is that the agenda for multiculturalism in Malaysia should be
defined by Malaysians and for the best interests of all Malaysian citizens. All ethnic
groups should be able to prosper and live harmoniously alongside each other.
Though disputes and disagreements might occur sometimes, they should be
resolved through negotiation at the local level without interference from other
countries. In this respect I would argue that the Malaysian government is
successful. However, it is unwise to be complacent and not to look into the
 MULTICULTURALISM AND EDUCATION IN MALAYSIA 165

challenges and problems that come out every now and then in the reality of the
Malaysian society.
The ongoing efforts in maintaining harmony and balance among the major
ethnic groups of Malays, Chinese and Indians as well as other ethnic communities
should be maintained and given priority in the country’s agenda. This has always
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been the case ever since independence in 1957 and even more prevalent after the
incident of the ethnic riot on 13 May 1969. The event gave rise to the New
Economic Policy (NEP) whose aims were to eradicate poverty and restructure the
society. Though NEP is sometimes seen as pro-Malay, I am of the opinion that the
policy is fair in the sense that it provides the opportunity for the Malays to ‘catch
up’ economically with the Chinese. This ‘backwardness’ of the Malays was mainly
due to structural causes resulting from the segregation in the ‘divide and rule’
policy in the times of British colonisation. With regard to education, one of the
important outcomes of NEP was the special education programme called ‘express
lane’. This education programme was fully funded by the government and aims to
increase the number of qualified Malays particularly in the field of science and
technology. Within the period of 10 years (1976–1985), thousands of graduates
from local and overseas higher institutions flooded the job market (Shamsul 1999).
In this respect, education is seen as the best way to provide upward social mobility
for the Malays and thus gives them better economic standing, just like their
Chinese counterparts. On a more recent note, the agenda of promoting national
unity in multicultural Malaysia through education is being implemented through a
new compulsory subject for university students. This subject, i.e. Ethnic Relations,
is highly relevant because these graduates will soon be joining the society as
future leaders and intellectual human resources. The aim of this module is to help
improve multiracial interactions by encouraging critical thinking and discussions
(Jabatan Perpaduan Negara and Integrasi Nasional 2007).
The NEP, the introduction of Ethnic Relations courses as well as the
implementation of the Vision School concept, and teaching of Mathematics and
Science in the English language are some of the many efforts taken by the
Malaysian government that could have a direct and indirect impact on the
education of our multicultural society. These efforts demonstrate the deliberate
actions taken by the government in managing the different cultural communities
in this country, which makes up the definition of multiculturalism mentioned
earlier in this paper. All these ‘top down’ efforts are never without contestation;
but the way to resolve all these disagreements has always been negotiation;
which is the key for Malaysia in achieving the ‘ideal’ multicultural society, the
Malaysian way.

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Rozita Ibrahim (author to whom correspondence should be addressed), School

of Divinity, History and Philosophy, King’s College, University of Aberdeen,
Aberdeen, AB24 3UB, UK. E-mail: rozita.ibrahim@abdn.ac.uk