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Helmut K. Anheier, Stefan Toepler, Regina List (Eds).

International Encyclopedia of Civil Society

Volume 1 A-C

With 40 Figures and 44 Tables

Springer

HELMUT K. ANHEIER Unwersity of Heidelberg Heidelberg Germany Hertie School of Governance Berlin Germany

STEFAN TOEPLER George Mason University Arlington, VA USA

Library of Congress Control Nurnber: 2009937022

ISBN: 978-0-387-93994-0

This publication is available also as:

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Marlies Glasius University of Amsterdam Amsterdam The Netherlands

Xavier Greife

Francis Nyamnjoh Council for the Development of Social Research in Africa (CODESRIA) Dakar Senegal

University of Paris

Tae-Kyu Park

Paris

Yonsei University

France

Seoul

South Korea

Steven Heydemann United States Institute of Peace Washington, DC USA

Víctor Pérez-Díaz Analistas Socio-Politicos (ASP) Madrid Spain

Mary Kaidor London School of Economics and Political Science

Susan Pharr

London

Harvard University

UK

Cambridge, MA

USA

Haga¡ Katz Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Be'er Sheva Israel

Jan Aart Scholte University of Warwick

Jürgen Kocka Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin Berlin Gerrnany

Coventry UK London School of Economics London UK

Eva Kuti Budapest College of Management

Hakan Seckinelgin London School of Economics and Political Science

Budapest

London

l-lungary

UK

Myles McGregor-Lowndes

Steven Rathgeb Smith

Queensland University of Technology Brisbane, QLD Australia

University of Washington Seattle, WA USA

Henrietta Moore London School of Economics and Political Science London UK

Volker Then University of Heidelberg Heidelberg Germany

Alejandro Natal El Colegio Mexiquense Toluca Mexico

Michel Wieviorka [cole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales Paris France

Filip

Stock¡

Stock¡

Swed

Naotc

Osaka

Osaka

Japan

262

Civil Sodety and Soda¡ Capital in Mexico and Central America

culture & recreation, civic & advocacy, religion, profes. sional organization, have more than 16 million member- ships in total. The participation rate in voluntary service is 14.6% and more than 63% of Korean people participate in charitable giving.

Concluding Assessment

Since the end of the Japanese colonial period, nonprofit organizations have played an important role in Korean society. Nonprofit organizations have been acting as major providers in education, social welfare, and medical services as well as important employers in those arcas. Advocacy nonprofit organizations also have contributed to political democratization and to building a new gov- ernance model of Korean society. Especially, in Korea, advocacy-oriented nonproflt organizations that have blossomed beginning in the late 1980s' have changed the characteristics and role of Korean civil society profoundly. Those organizations have begun to participate actively in public discussions on many important social issues and sometimes offered policy alternatives to the government. They have been remarkably successful in broadening pub- lic agenda in politics and the media, and they have been pivotal in reforming the national governance structure in Korea. Civil society has had a signiflcant impact on socie- tal development and change in Korea. 1-lowever, the activ- ities of NPOs in Korea are constrained by insuflicient personnel and financia] resources. And they are some- times blamed for opaqueness in its operation for the inadequate accountability and less transparency. Nevertheless, the capacity and opportunity of institu- tion building of the nonproflt sector will he more concrete in Korea. It is expected that the governments in Korea will institutionalize the impact of civil society and build a good relationship between government and civil society.

Cross-References

• Advocacy • Clubs and Clans • Labor Movements/Labor Unions • Nongovernmental Organizations, Definition and History • Social Movements • Social Trust • QUANGOs

References/Further Readings

Cilizens' News Paper. (2(06). Korea rionprolit organizalion )carbook.

Citizens' News I'aper.

(2006).

Korea nonprofit orgunization yearbook

2006, (:iti.ciss' Ncws Paper, Seoul, Korea. (in Korean).

Hwang, C. -S., & Kim, 1. (1999). Tht' history of nonprofit organizations

jo Korea. Seot,l, Korea: Institute of Last & Wcst Studies, Yonsci Univcrsity.

Jung, K. S. (1991 )

...

..he

historical rcview privaie nonprofit activitica in

Korea," Social Science Review, Institue Social Scienec Rcseareh,

Vol. 2,

pp. 279-311.

Kangnung National t.Jniversity, Kangnung

Kangwon-do. Korea. (in Korcan). Jung, K. -5. (1991). 'Ihe historical review privatc nonproht activities in

Korea. Social Scjenct' ¡4evicw of Kangnung University, 2.

Kim. 1

..

& Hwang, C. -S (1999). i)eJining ¡he nonproJii sector. Seou(, Kores:

Insthute East & Weat Siudies, Yonsei University. ¡Corea Nationa Statistics Office. (2006). 2005 Social indicators it, Kores, Korca National Statistics Office, Scoul, Korea. (in Korean) National Statistics Office of Korea. (2006). Social indicators ni ¡<ore,•. Park, T. K. (20(16). A siudy on estirnation nonprof'it organizations sod jis econornie meaning. Quarterly Bulleti,i, Bank Korca. l'ark. T. K. (2006). "A study on eslimation oí nonproflt organieations

and ita cconomic meaning," Quarterly National Accounts,

44-77,

Bank of Korca, Seoul. Korea. (in Korean).

Vol. 4,

Park, l -K., lee, H. —k., Hwang, C. —S., & Kim, 1. (2005).

1 he inipatI of

¡he nonproJis sector in Asia,, industrial countries. Seoul, Korca: Insti

tute oí East & West Studies, Vonsci University. YOU, M M. (1998). ihc history and social íunctions non-governmcntal social moverncnt organizalions in receni Korea. Vonyseo Yongu, ID.

77-12(1.

Civil Socíety and Social Capital in Mexico and Central America

Al.EJANt)Ro NAlAl.', JoK;l CADENA-ROA 2 SAKA Goklx)N RAppopowl 2 'El Colegio Mexiquense, Toluca, Mexico 'Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Mexico City, Mexico

Introduction

After independence, the countries of the region inherited a number of associations organized around the Cathohc Church, who was the main provider for social needs. l'herefore, Catholic values permeated social action: social care was understood as a moral duty, and philanthropy and volunteering as Christian charity. Nonetheless, the nine- tcenth century witnessed a number of associative forms - ndependent from the state and the Church in financing and decision making. 'l'hese were mainly scientific, artistic, and cultural associations that emerged in most cities and even in some towns of the region. Similarly, mainly in Mexico, severa¡ associations started to promote political culture and build up public opinion. This was the case o) the Patriotic Juntas dedicated to promote republican

ons

Isci

Civil Society and Social Capital ¡o Mexico and Central America

263

deals by organizing civic festivities and honoring national heroes, therefore playing an important role in civic values socialization and the creation of national identity. In the nineteenth century, independent media became also an important channel for developing public opinion. l'here were intense debates on federalism and on citizenship rights, among others. In parallel, the growth of higher education institutions contributed to spreading liberal ideas. The National University and the Institutos Literarios (Centers for Higher Education) in Mexico, the University of San Carlos in Guatemala, and the University of Leon in Nicaragua became spaces where liberal ideas were shared and openly discussed. These educative centers contributed lo the construction of independent states vis-a-vis factual powers, such as the military and the Catholic Church. They paved the way to liberal governments and fostered the enactrnent of laws airned at consolidating the new States. Liberals also brought a new understanding of social care, which turned private charity and moral commitment into a state duty, contri- huting lo further differentiate the associative sector. In Mexico, liberal laws and specialized ftind-raising agencies boosted social assistance and the emergence of civil society organizations (CSOs), such as second-tier grant makers, social and mutual organizations, as well as social assistance nonprofits (mainly hospitais and orphanages). Similar ten- dencies took place in Central America, where Liberal Reforms - undertook roughly from 1870 until the 1930s - fostered the creation of severa¡ rnutuality associations. However, liberal ideas and reforms were inhibited by lack of administrative experience, political instability, and bankruped govcrnments. AU this cornpounded with en- d,rnj, ?roblcrns, such as, a restraizied acceas to education, widcsprcad povcrty and systcmi inctjuati(y. Rcforms also clashed with a culture of intolerance, privilege, hierarchi- cal, and exclusionary values, as well as by an understand- ing of citizenship that marginalized the majority of the population: a culture in which elites rarely had social initiatives apart from the Catholic Church and that, thus, maintained Catholic values al the center of philan- thropy. Under this state of affairs, the Church, therefore, not only kept its place as the main social care provider throughout the nineteenth century but became the core of sector, increasing her power. A dominant Church in the social arena was only one of the aspects of this strong ¡actual power, whose values and resources were brought lo the large and harsh struggle for political supremacy it had with the States of the region in the nineteenth century (particularly Mexico). A strugglc that in sorne cases, has continued ever since in the form of distrust, competition, .¡¡Id even open conflict.

In this manner Mexico and Central America entered the twentieth century. For the case of Mexico, after the Mexican Revolution of 1910, the State managed to be- come thc main actor in political affairs and economic planning. The State controlled also public action and validated the spaces and arenas for public involvement. Furthermore, the State legitimized social organization through state-sanctioned corporate organizations. Atten- tion to social needs was subordinated to the political agenda and to groups' loyalty to the official party; in consequence, the understanding of citizenship carne lo be equal lo partisan membership and the exercise of voice and citizen participation in public affairs were oRen not tolerated. Social entrepreneurs were coopted, bribed, or even persecuted and/or imprisoned. Challeng- ing this state of affairs and aiming at opening up partid- pation spaces, a number of social movernents (SM) appeared through the early to middle twentieth century, whose impetus brought up in the late 1960s a contra- cultural movement leaded by the students of the National University (UNAM). Though this movement was vicious- ly repressed, it gaye risc to a number of other different social actors, such as independent unions, feminists, en- vironmental, and human rights movements, among others. In parallel by late 1960s Paulo Freire's methodol- ogies for education, the Theology of Liberation and the adoption of alternative and self-help development ideas, spread widely and informed NGOs' work. Afl these factors contributed to the emergence of highly politicized orga- nizations and forms of civic action, from urban SM to independent peasant networks, as wehl as a growing num- ber of NGOs. Mcanwhile, the Catholk Church continued p1ayin8 a key sponsorship role to welfare associations and NGOs initiatives and kept cayturing most private dona- tions, mainly because private funding of social affairs was seen with suspicion by the state. During the last quarter of the twentieth century recur- rent economic crises limited the Mexican government capacity to pay loyalty and attend client groups, dimin- ishing its legitimacy. For CSOs, these economic crisis compounded by a rigid fiscal framework and lack of philanthropic culture, were major limitations to their growth and action. Nonetheless, the 1985s earthquakes in Mexico sprung up an unprecedented and widespread social participation and meant a turning-point for a num- ber of social actors that realized their own collective potential and weaved new links in the social fabric. From then on, organized collective action started to have unprecedented achievements by lobbying and insti- tutional building. Key examples of the Mexican society capacity to pressure for, proposing and even building

Civil Society and Social Capital in Mex co and Central America

institutions are the National Commission for Human Rights, the NAFTA "parallel agreements" on labor and environment (resulting from joint Iobbying of Mexican, Canadian, and American CSOs). Most noteworthy, CS forced the government to step out from the IFE, the national agency charged of organizing aud overseeing elections. These societal achievements paved the way to the arrival of the first democratically elected Mayor of Mexico City and a plural Congress in 1997 (when the official party lost the majority of seats), and finally a peaceful alternation in the Executive branch in 2000. The new administration, as expected, widened participa- tory mechanisms at different leveis and spheres so CSOs could express their views on public policy implementa- tion, thus opening unprecedented participation in the design, planning, and scrutiny of policies and programs. More public funding for CSOs and larger government- CSOs collaboration followed, as did the Law for the Right to Information and a Law aimed at Fostering CSOs Activ- ities. Private resources to finance social action also grew and contributed to create a better climate for the develop- ment of CSOs, though did not match the needs of a resource-hungry and speedily developing sector. By 2006, a major social coalition proposed an agenda for the in-coming government - the Acuerdos of Chapultepec - signed by alt presidential candidates. Nevertheless, the incoming government not only neglected them but also dismantied the agency dedicated lo fostering CS-state relations and radically reduced CSO funding and participation spaces. In Central America, with the exception of Costa Rica and to a certain degree of Honduras, Theology of Libera- tion as well as various Marxist ideas influenced SM, labor, middle class and popular organizations against the brutal military dictatorships that governed the region (Paige, 1997). In Guatemala, the guerrilla warfare (mid-1950s), and radicalization of Maya indigenous leadership linked to Marxist guerrilla (1970s) faced brutal military repres- sion but finally attained the change of the political regime. In El Salvador, SM started as early as 1925 posing social demands to the authoritarian government. The failure of democratization efforts of the opposition coalition in the 1972 presidential election resulted in the emergence of guerrilla organizations linked to SMs who fought for labor rights and democratiiation. Political polarization led to civil war which lasted until the early 1990s when a Peace Treaty was signed. In Nicaragua, the student movement turned in a guerilla (late 1960s) that ended with the Somoza dictatorship. The Sandinista govern- ment, which took over, gaye way to political change and democratization.

l'his, decades-long struggle against dictatorships and systematic violations of human rights by vested interests shaped Central America's CS organizations and SMs. Thus, the construction of democracy became one of ihe main objectives of a number of organizations which have played a major role in the democratization of the region (Thomas & Armony, 2000). In Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador, for instance, several organizations have nel- worked aiming at increasing authorities' accountability, monitoring electoral campaigns, as well as promoting participation and citizenship construction. On this une,

it is remarkable the Asociación Latinoamericana de Orga-

nizaciones de Promoción, an example of how regional net- works can successfully flght powerfull vested interests. The arrival of democratic governments, the opening of participation in public affairs, and the support of international flnancing, have contributed to an increasing differentiation of civil society in CA. Nonetheless, a large dependence on foreign donors has signiflcantly shaped the agenda of organizations in the region, though sorne local agendas have somehow emerged. In Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras, and El Salvador, for instance, (he local private sector has started to sponsor social and political local projects on issues like environment, vio- lence, development, women empowerment, and disaster relief. More recently, trade issues have also raised spedal attention. NGOs and grassroots organizations in Central America have proposed ideological and market alter. natives lo neoliberalism (Hale, 1994). Likewise, several NGO have participated in Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) negotiations, stimulated by interna- tional organizations such as International Developmcnt Bank (11313). This has contributed to foster colleclive action diversiflcation and to attenuate social polarixat ion, slowly conflguring new organizational paths. One mIer esting outcome of this process is the number of local organizations dedicated lo attend gender issues, Iikc

¡:ondo Centroamericano de Mujeres and Pro-Mujer, whkh

deal mainly with women involvement in community de- velopment, violence, and women empowerment. The en- , vironment has also become an issue of attention anda ¡ number of conservation and lobbying organizations have been formed, like the Fundación Defensores de la Naturaleza in Guatemala. This evolution of the associative sector has been ano- lyzed in the region around three main different conccpt:

Civil Society (CS), Social Movements (SMs) (which luí reasons of space we will discuss in the same section) and Social Capital (SC). Though these approaches are no¡ incompatible, each considers different elements as central for the sector and therefore focuses on distinct types oí

1

Civil Society and Social Capital in Mexico and Central America

265

ictors and organizational forms. These approaches rarely debate among themselves.

vil Society ¡vil Society in the region is generally understood in rdation to political society and citizens-rulers relations vilhin a theory of democracy, and therefore, debates have [icen dominated by political scientists. The main issues discussed are: the study of the relations between CS md the state (Olvera Rivera, 2003); CS contribution to Mexico's democratization (Cadena-Roa, 2003); the crea- non of institutions and SMs reactions to public policies. In Mexico, research on CS has been organized around wo main traditions. One marshaled by Manuel Canto, which develops issues like participation, civic organiza- mons and its relationships to public policy (Canto Chac, 998). A second one is leaded by Alberto Olvera, who, huilding on Habermas and Cohen and Arato, sees CS as a clf-limited sphere, differentiated of the market and the 'tate, seeking to influence the public sphere by bringing mp alternative solutions to problems derived from power ud the need of adding plurality to society. l3esides these wo unes of thought, in Mexico, there have been also iudies on the number of CSOs (Verdw'.co lgartúa, 003) and their legal framework, the networks they have uilt, their relations with political parties, their use of rechnology, their experiences at the local level, and their international links (see Cadena-Roa, 2004). In Central America, the fight against dictatorship and/ mr civil war has produced research concerned with: how ocietal actors build relations with the state, as well as with he military and paramilitary forces. Thus, convcntional wisdorn in CA understands the concept of CS in Gramsci's erms; and though rnost authors acknowledge that there is a distinction between CS and political society, they are concerned with how to build up CS hegemonic project in a context of social movernent organizations' fragmenta- tion. This is specially the case for Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala. Authors are also interested with the hm- ited influence sorne organizations and SMs exert in public policies and elections monitoring, mainly in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Honduras. Others are interested with the growth, diversity, and fragmentation of organizations in lhe region (Monge Granados, 1999). Social Movements are ¡ti the region a significant part of CS, and even as a prornoter of the rights that allow its dcvelopment and strengthening. The difference is that SMs use noninstitutional channels to raise their demands, while the rest of CSOs use more oRen institutional or noncon- tentious means. Iherefore, SM concept is concerned with noninstitutional forms of political participation used by

powerless and poor people groups when the institutional political participation forms (such as parties, elections, and bodies of pohitical representation) are closed to their demands. In Mexico, the study of SMs became a booming industry. It encompasses a large body of literature focusing on particular cases, secking lo describe relations, processes, and outcomes, such as labor movement history and studies of severa¡ fields of collective action on the assumption that they were expressions of CS. The study of urban move- ments became particularly salient because they were multi- class - labor and recently migrated peasants - and had a significant political potential; they were also seen as the modern expression of traditional movements controUed by the State. In Mexico, SMs research has put special attention on domestic agents' role on social change in relation with state institutions, and explored the relations among struc- tures, social actors and the perspectives of democracy building (González Casanova 1979 (19651). Research en- compasses pre-1968 movements, as well as the 1968 movement itself; its impact on the country's polity, its consequences on the democratization process and on transition to democracy (Cadena-Roa, 2003). In Central Arnerica years of political struggle and polarization has also produced studies on SMs that have been linked to actors in confhict, either from the left or right. Departing from the concept of CS, other research trend analyzes NGO and SMs' ideological orientations. There are also a number of scholars interested in the role of CSOs of Central America peace processes, poverty reduction and political consensus building, mainly in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and El Salvador (Castellanos Ponciano, 1996). More recently, there have also been studies analyzing the relations among Central American CSOs and international agencies and the impact of foreign aid organizations (Ortega Carpio & Luz, 1994). More recently, research on SM in the region is guided by specific questions seeking to test ami devetop theory, such as: the relationship between movements and rights; the influence of political opportunities in grassroots electoral participation, or the impact of SMs on public services planning. Contemporarily, four main (orces im- pinge on the rise of SMs in Mexico and Central Arnerica and its study: struggles for recognition; anti neoliberal movements; seizing opportunities opened by democrati- zation; international networks of advocacy and support. Many SMs seek recognition based on specific identities such as indigenous peoples, women, and indigenous women. The Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, Mexico, created a whole body of literature (Ruiz & Lorena, 2005). Research on anti neoliberal movements analyzes

266

Civil Society and Social Capital in Mexico

and Central Amenca

how econornic global pressures impacting poor population livelihood translate into protests, as well as resistance against neoliberal policies constraining access lo social rights, from which international agencies and local govern- ments are the parts lo blame. SMs role on promoting transition to dernocracy in Central America, has also been studied. Recent approaches point research questions on SMs collective action in the frame of a more open polity that protects civil and political rights, independent political parties, competitive elections and the opening of new chan- nels between institutional and noninstitutional politics. Finaily, SM studies in Mexico and Central America analyze the impact on local collective action of internation- al nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) and advocacy networks, as well as the spreading of global communi- cations in a context of international treaties protecting rights and pulting under scrutiny local authorities. Those studies recognize new and signifkant players al global leve¡ on topics such as labor, farmers, and farm workers, trade advocacy, imrnigrants, human rights, and environmental protection.

Social Capital

SC in the region is understood as sum o' relations among people that facilitate coordination, resource mobilization, and economic development. It ernphasizes civic virtues and values such as trust, reciprocity, and comrnitment. In the region there were severa¡ works on the matter since the late 1980s (Durston, 2000), but it was the publication of Putnams' Making Democracy Work which became most influential (Gordon, 2006; Millán & Gordon, 2004). Sorne authors acknowledge the Third Sector as a concept thaI identifies a number of actors that the orthodox under- standing of CS does not apprehend. Other authors study CSO involvernent in development, recognizing that it is an economic, social, and political process, and that asso- ciative experiences can produce alternative solutions lo those proposed by the State and the Market. Within this understanding authors analyze community actors and their networks; institutional arrangements as reciprocity and norms; and cooperative processes. 'lhey understand that associative forrns act against State failures and power abuse, and that civic action helps solving complex problems such as poverty. This perspective has brought up lo light several organizations previously neglected by researchers and policy planners in Mexico, like rural comrnunity based organizations, comrnunity foundations (Natal, 2007), rnicrocredit (Conde, 2000) and assistance organi- zations (Guadarrama Sánchez, 2008), among others. The SC perspective does not carry a specific political program, but expects an incremental civil influence of societal

actors on Market and State affairs. Other group of new studies include topics like social organizations NGOs

(Méndez,

1998);

organizations participation in global

affairs such as international trade (Natal & González, 2002). Likewise, sorne scholars have increasingly acknowl- edged the complexity of associational forms in different arcas olí social life and have developcd research on associ-

ational performance (Espinosa & Christina, 2008). Though SC studies in Central America are beginning lo develop, at least three mainstreams of analysis can be

identified: one influenced by Coleman (Cruz,

2001);

another related lo Putnam's civic engagement view; and a third informed by Durston's understanding of community cooperation (Durston, 2000). Often, SC is conceived as the quantity and quality of grassroots organizations and researchers also inquire about NGO's positive or negative impact on SC (Miranda Abaunza, 2003). Other explored topics are, SG relation to violence in urban poor settings and to democracy building in an environment of repression; impact of agriculture programs in Nicaragua and Costa Rica on SC; poverty and violence in Guatemala; and citizen participation and electoral processcs in Honduras. In parallel lo academic work, there is a large grey literature produced by a number of NGOs as in-house research. The Mexican Centre of Philanthropy (CEMEFI), using a definition of Third Sector that makes little differ- entiation between societal actors and their processes with- in democracy or development theory, has published research on volunteering, philanthropy, and corporale social responsibility. Similarly, in Guatemala, Nicaragua. and El Salvador, organizations have produced inleresting research closely relaed lo donors' interests. Main topics discussed are: local democracy, environment, violence, development, women ernpowerment and disaster aid.

Empirical Data

For the case of Mexico, Calvillo and Favela (Calvillo & Favela, 2004) identified 8,618 CSOs in 1998 and 10,805 in 2000, a 25.4% increase in the period. Of them, 1.7% were created before 1940, while 25.5% were created in thc 1980s and 52.3% in the 1990s. Thcse figures indicate that every year new CSOs are formed and that sorne of them are dissolved or enter into latency, while a reduced number endure through long periods. A 36% of these CSOs lacked any legal registration and 53% legally registered as asocia- ciones civiles. Most Mexican CSOs (73%) promote welfare and development. There are other data basis with similar numbers, like CEMEFI with 10,485 OSCs registered (http://cemefi.org/directorio/buscasl.php taccess: 121 FEB/091 and the National Registrer of CSOs with 8,785

Civil Society and Social Capital in Mexico and Central America

267

201.155.34.1 77/buscadoK)SC 1 /index.aspx E access:

/091).

Mexico there is also the very controversia] study by n and associates' (Salamon et al., 1999), which most cted finding is that the Mexican Nonproñt sector represents the smallest one in Latin America, smal- 1 (han Haiti's. For these authors, the Mexican NPS hare of total paid employrnent in 1995 of 0.4%, the 22 country average was 4.8% and the Latin an of 2.2%); volunteer time 0.7% (Latin American of 3.0%). They report the strong Catholic Church ce through charitable service entilies (hospitais and ). They also stress that, relative lo funding, Mexico's a fee-dominant country (85% of the NI'S revenue). r, this study underestimates the size and impor- fthe Mexican NPS, and of its volunteering, since a of activities developed in the social economy were :ounted for and a large number of organizations t acknowledged because they could not be captured ;tudy's conceptual framework. the studies on Mexican CSOs, have in common ey fail to capture those small, informal, and re- constrained organizations that do fol need/want legal registration but still develop activities in of third parties. 2006 LAPOP survey includes an indicator of mier- 1 trust for several Latin American countries. 'I'he reports that in Mexico a fifth of the population es that people within their community are very rthy, while almost 50% think they are relatively rthy; one quarter thinks they are little and 10% people aren't trustworthy. In comparison with

American countries, Mexico

has larger levels of

an Panama, but similar lo those of Nicaragua and ala; and less than El Salvador, Honduras, and Costa e Ricardo el al., 2007). The LAPOP 2006 reports -case in the participation in religious organiza- id a decrease in the participation in Unions

(-0.097), but positively to interpersonal trust (0.059). The authors also found that the power of civil society activism for political information levels is very strong (R2 of 0.25), while it accounts very little for interpersonal trust (less than 1%). They report that political repression, destroys both, social capital (information and trust) and political capital (democratic norms, voting, contacting, and campaigning), what may indicate that political con- texi is determinant in the shaping of civil society and in the formation of social and political capital. Most notably, authors also report that GDP per capita does fol correlate positively with social and political capital. In terms of trust, the LAPOP for El Salvador shows that 35.1%, have much trust in their community, the 28.3% relative, 25.8% sorne and the 10.8% none. El Salvador has more than the average of the region, and LAPOP states that it is among the countries with larger trust.

Concluding Assessment

i'he hallmark of Mexican CS during the twentieth century was its quest for democracy and its long struggle against corporatism, cooptation, patronage, corruption and au- thoritarianisrn. Now-a-days the sector is growing, strength- ening, and diversifying itself. However, there are still many challenges, chiefly, the creation of trust as a main compo- nent of social capital, the increase in citizens' participation, the overcoming of an elite culture of Catholic philanthropy and popular expectations that the State could and should solve al¡ kinds of problems with no need of nongovern- mental public action. Sirnilarly, Central American CS has systematically faced violence and human rights abuses but still contrib- uted signiflcantly to Ihe transition to democracy in the region. Sorne of the challenges to be faced in the region are mainly, an increase in citizens' participation, more CSOs diversification, a larger interaction with citizens, the construction of local agendas, and the reduction of social and ideological polarization.

L~ - --~ 1

P, 2006). Central Arnerica, Booth and Bayer (1998), analyzed

Cross-References

opinion surveys conducted in the early 1990s lo the links between Ihe formation of political and apital and levels ofdemocracy existing in the region. ing multiple regression techniques they studied ike political participation, political attitudes, values,

Civil Society and Democracy Civil Society Theory: Cohen and AtaLo Civil Society Theory: Habermas Civil Society Theory: Gramsci Civil Society in Post-Conflict Scenarios

rnocratic values, they found that CS activism raise ients' levels of social and political capital. This study thaI formal group activism contribules significantly sitively Lo political information (beta=0.253) and

Centro Mexicano para la Filantropia, AC (CEMEFI) Freire, Paulo Mutual Organizations/Mutual Societies Peasant and Farmers' Organizations

rsonal trust (beta=0.054); while communal leve¡

Social

Economy

n contributes negatively to political information

Social Movernents

268

- - Civil Society and Social Capital in North Africa

References/Further Readirgs

llooth, J., & ltayer, 1' (1998, August). Civil society, political capital, and

democratization in Central America.

780-800.

lite Journal of I'olitics, (3),

Cadena-Roa, J. (2003). State pacts, cutes, and social movenscnts in Mexico's transition to democracy. In 1. A. Goldstone (14.), SIales.

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Civil Society and Social Capital in North Africa

ANDREA LIVERANI

London School of Economics, London, UK

Introduction

Forms of civic and community organization have existed

in North Africa for centuries, especially around ideas mutual self help (Touiza), charitable giving and commu- nity organization such as corporations, religious broth-

erhoods

(turuq);

religious

Iodges

zawáyá

and village

assemblies (jamdát). Contemporary forms of associa tionalism developed within the contours of modcrn state forms, especially during the colonial period. In Egypt, rnodern charity associations and mutual aid socie- ties started appearing in tite middle of the nineteenth century (La'i'owsky, 1997). Sirnilarly, colonial Algeria was characterized by a large associative sector spurred by the enactrnent of the 1901 law on freedom of association

(Cartier, 1995: 43-65). 'l'his entry explores sorne

of the main features

North African civil society. The investigation of the con cept of social capital is only touched upon here becauseof the scant research to draw upon. Although the experience of each country is different, the entry focuses on similar trends and features, giving particular emphasis on the key issues. (a) Without attempting to be exhaustive, it delves into sorne of the distinguishing features but also on (he uncertain character of civil society and social capital in North Africa and atternpts to define the quantitative extent of these concepts in practice; (b) sums up the literature exploring its import for social and political dynarnics in the region; (c) explores key issues and ave- nues for future research.

Civil Society and Social Capital

The connotation of Social Capital and Civil Society vares across and within North Afnican countries. The colonial legacy is an irnportant driver of such differentiation, as