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B.Sc. in Counselling Psychology


(2011 Admission onwards)

Calicut University P.O. Malappuram, Kerala, India 673 635
School of Distance Education

Study Material
B.Sc. in Counselling Psychology

II Semester


Prepared &
Scrutinised by : Prof. (Dr.) C. Jayan
Department of Psychology
University of Calicut

Layout: Computer Section, SDE


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Module 1

Motivation is the activation or energization of goal-orientated behavior. Motivation is said
to be intrinsic or extrinsic. The term is generally used for humans but, theoretically, it can
also be used to describe the causes for animal behavior as well. This article refers to
human motivation. According to various theories, motivation may be rooted in the basic
need to minimize physical pain and maximize pleasure, or it may include specific needs
such as eating and resting, or a desired object, hobby, goal, state of being, ideal, or it may
be attributed to less-apparent reasons such as altruism, selfishness, morality, or avoiding
mortality. Conceptually, motivation should not be confused with either volition or
optimism. Motivation is related to, but distinct from, emotion.


Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivation

Intrinsic motivation has been studied by social and educational psychologists since the
early 1970s. Research has found that it is usually associated with high educational
achievement and enjoyment by students. Intrinsic motivation has been explained by Fritz
Heider's attribution theory, Bandura's work on self-efficacy, and Ryan and Deci's
cognitive evaluation theory. Students are likely to be intrinsically motivated if they:

attribute their educational results to internal factors that they can control (e.g. the amount
of effort they put in),

believe they can be effective agents in reaching desired goals (i.e. the results are not
determined by luck),

are interested in mastering a topic, rather than just rote-learning to achieve good grades.

Extrinsic motivation comes from outside of the performer. Money is the most obvious
example, but coercion and threat of punishment are also common extrinsic motivations.

While competing, the crowd may cheer on the performer, which may motivate him or her
to do well. Trophies are also extrinsic incentives. Competition is in general extrinsic
because it encourages the performer to win and beat others, not to enjoy the intrinsic
rewards of the activity.

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Social psychological research has indicated that extrinsic rewards can lead to
overjustification and a subsequent reduction in intrinsic motivation. In one study
demonstrating this effect, children who expected to be (and were) rewarded with a ribbon
and a gold star for drawing pictures spent less time playing with the drawing materials in
subsequent observations than children who were assigned to an unexpected reward
condition and to children who received no extrinsic reward.

Classification of Motives

According to Maslow, motives are of the following types:

1) Physiological
2) Security
3) Affiliation/ Belongingness
4) Esteem
5) Self- Actualisation

These motives are well explained in his Need Hierarchy Model

The need hierarchy model

An interpretation of Maslow's hierarchy of needs, represented as a pyramid with the more basic
needs at the bottom.

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Maslow's hierarchy of needs is a theory in psychology, proposed by Abraham Maslow in

his 1943 paper A Theory of Human Motivation. Maslow subsequently extended the idea
to include his observations of humans' innate curiosity. His theories parallel many other
theories of human developmental psychology, all of which focus on describing the stages
of growth in humans.

Maslow studied what he called exemplary people such as Albert Einstein, Jane Addams,
Eleanor Roosevelt, and Frederick Douglass rather than mentally ill or neurotic people,
writing that "the study of crippled, stunted, immature, and unhealthy specimens can yield
only a cripple psychology and a cripple philosophy." Maslow also studied the healthiest
1% of the college student population.Maslow's theory was fully expressed in his 1954
book Motivation and Personality.


Maslow's hierarchy of needs is often portrayed in the shape of a pyramid, with the largest
and lowest levels of needs at the bottom, and the need for self-actualization at the top, also
the needs for people.

Deficiency needs

The lower four layers of the pyramid contain what Maslow called "deficiency needs" or
"d-needs": physiological (including sexuality), security of position, friendship and love,
and esteem. With the exception of the lowest (physiological) needs, if these "deficiency
needs" are not met, the body gives no physical indication but the individual feels anxious
and tense.

Physiological needs

For the most part, physiological needs are obvious—they are the literal requirements for
human survival. If these requirements are not met (with the exception of clothing, shelter,
and sexual activity), the human body simply cannot continue to function.

Physiological needs include:




Air, water, and food are metabolic requirements for survival in all animals, including
humans. Clothing and shelter provide necessary protection from the elements. The
intensity of the human sexual instinct is shaped more by sexual competition than
maintaining a birth rate adequate to survival of the species.

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Safety needs

With their physical needs relatively satisfied, the individual's safety needs take
precedence and dominate behavior. These needs have to do with people's yearning for a
predictable orderly world in which perceived unfairness and inconsistency are under
control, the familiar frequent and the unfamiliar rare. In the world of work, these safety
needs manifest themselves in such things as a preference for job security, grievance
procedures for protecting the individual from unilateral authority, savings accounts,
insurance policies, reasonable disability accommodations, and the like.

Safety and Security needs include:

Personal security

Financial security

Health and well-being

Safety net against accidents/illness and their adverse impacts

Love and Belonging

After physiological and safety needs are fulfilled, the third layer of human needs are
social and involve feelings of belongingness. This aspect of Maslow's hierarchy involves
emotionally based relationships in general, such as:




Humans need to feel a sense of belonging and acceptance, whether it comes from a large
social group, such as clubs, office culture, religious groups, professional organizations,
sports teams, gangs, or small social connections (family members, intimate partners,
mentors, close colleagues, confidants). They need to love and be loved (sexually and non-
sexually) by others. In the absence of these elements, many people become susceptible to
loneliness, social anxiety, and clinical depression. This need for belonging can often
overcome the physiological and security needs, depending on the strength of the peer
pressure; an anorexic, for example, may ignore the need to eat and the security of health
for a feeling of control and belonging.

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All humans have a need to be respected and to have self-esteem and self-respect. Also
known as the belonging need, esteem presents the normal human desire to be accepted
and valued by others. People need to engage themselves to gain recognition and have an
activity or activities that give the person a sense of contribution, to feel accepted and self-
valued, be it in a profession or hobby. Imbalances at this level can result in low self-esteem
or an inferiority complex. People with low self-esteem need respect from others. They
may seek fame or glory, which again depends on others. Note, however, that many people
with low self-esteem will not be able to improve their view of themselves simply by
receiving fame, respect, and glory externally, but must first accept themselves internally.
Psychological imbalances such as depression can also prevent one from obtaining self-
esteem on both levels.

Most people have a need for a stable self-respect and self-esteem. Maslow noted two
versions of esteem needs, a lower one and a higher one. The lower one is the need for the
respect of others, the need for status, recognition, fame, prestige, and attention. The higher
one is the need for self-respect, the need for strength, competence, mastery, self-
confidence, independence and freedom. The latter one ranks higher because it rests more
on inner competence won through experience. Deprivation of these needs can lead to an
inferiority complex, weakness and helplessness.

Maslow stresses the dangers associated with self-esteem based on fame and outer
recognition instead of inner competence.


“What a man can be, he must be.” This forms the basis of the perceived need for self-
actualization. This level of need pertains to what a person's full potential is and realizing
that potential. Maslow describes this desire as the desire to become more and more what
one is, to become everything that one is capable of becoming. This is a broad definition of
the need for self-actualization, but when applied to individuals the need is specific. For
example one individual may have the strong desire to become an ideal parent, in another
it may be expressed athletically, and in another it may be expressed in painting, pictures,
or inventions. As mentioned before, in order to reach a clear understanding of this level of
need one must first not only achieve the previous needs, physiological, safety, love, and
esteem, but master these needs. Below are Maslow’s descriptions of a self-actualized
person’s different needs and personality traits.

Maslow also states that even though these are examples of how the quest for knowledge is
separate from basic needs he warns that these “two hierarchies are interrelated rather than
sharply separated” (Maslow 97). This means that this level of need as well as the next and
highest level are not strict, separate, levels but closely related to others and this is possibly
the reason that these two levels of need are left out of most textbooks.

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In their extensive review of research based on Maslow's theory, Wahba and Bridgewell
found little evidence for the ranking of needs Maslow described, or even for the existence
of a definite hierarchy at all. Chilean economist and philosopher Manfred Max-Neef has
also argued fundamental human needs are non-hierarchical, and are ontologically
universal and invariant in nature—part of the condition of being human; poverty, he
argues, may result from any one of these needs being frustrated, denied or unfulfilled.

The order in which the hierarchy is arranged (with self-actualisation as the highest order
need) has been criticised as being ethnocentric by Geert Hofstede.

He was also heavily criticized for his limited testing of only 100 students.


Courses in marketing teach Maslow's hierarchy as one of the first theories as a basis for
understanding consumers' motives for action. Marketers have historically looked towards
consumers' needs to define their actions in the market. If producers design products
meeting consumer needs, consumers will more often choose those products over those of
competitors. Whichever product better fills the void created by the need will be chosen
more frequently, thus increasing sales. This makes the model relevant to transpersonal
business studies.

Techniques for Assessment of Motivation

Where a resume can trace an individual's history, and a personality profile can categorize
a person by traits, only by understanding motivation can we clearly see where an
individual's talents, desires and potential lie. Personal motivations in categories like
temperament, aptitude and vocational interests can be identified and rated according to
their intensity. By charting these motivations, we can provide an understanding of the
intricacies that keep individuals happy, thriving and effective in their work.

There are many techniques available to assess motivation, some of them are ‘Motivation
Assessment Scale’ and ‘Assessment of Motivation and Potential For Personal and
Professional Development ’

Motivation Assessment Scale (MAS) as an additional way to find out why people’s
problem behaviors persist by assessing the influence of social attention, tangibles, escape,
and sensory consequences on problem behavior. The MAS is a sixteen item questionnaire
that assesses the functions or motivations of behavior problems. The sixteen items are
organized into four categories of reinforcement (attention, tangible, escape, and sensory)
described in the previous section. The MAS asks questions about the likelihood of a

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behavior problem occurring in a variety of situations (e.g., when presented with difficult

"In addition, using this scale does not involve making behavior problems worse, a feature
that has obvious advantages. It is hoped that through the use of the MAS, people with
severe behavior problems will have greater access to positive interventions."

MAPP (Motivational Appraisal of Personal Potential) is a tool used to create more productive
and efficient organizations. It is based on a comprehensive and integrated personal inventory
for understanding motivation and potential…it allows employers to make the most
successful employees benchmarks for others…it enables businesses to hire more thoughtfully
and accurately and to build healthier and more efficient teams…it facilitates wise promotion
decisions…it can target specific areas for training…it reduces turnover by accurately matching
individuals to their positions. And, in turn, it helps keep employees satisfied and

Motivational Appraisal of Personal Potential gives companies an unprecedented glimpse

into what makes individuals who they are and who they can be. Combine the MAPP™ of
many employees, and one has access to a digital talent pool that can help utilize people in
the best way possible, whether a business is growing and changing, merging,
reorganizing or downsizing. It provides powerful insight needed for building stronger

Motivation and Learning

The Behaviorist Model

In the 1960s and early 1970s, the behaviorist model had become the dominant model in
psychology (Greeno, Collins, and Resnick, 1996). According to that model, learning was
the development of associations between stimuli and responses or stimuli and other
stimuli through the act of pairing and the delivery of contingencies based on responses.
Behaviorism was a very important movement for psychology at the time, even though it
had rejected much of the work that had gone before it as unscientific. The reasoning was
that in order for psychology to be a science, it had to focus on repeatable, verifiable,
observable events that everyone could agree had taken place. There was no advantage to
resorting to no observable mediating events like thinking because environmental
consequences were capable of explaining even very complex chains of behavior (Skinner,

Though the model may seem a bit drastic in retrospect, it was an important step in
psychology’s attempt to be accepted as a science. Adopting the scientific criteria of
observation and replication meant that psychology was trying to move away from
speculative and mysterious causes of behavior into a more positivist approach that
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identified verifiable cause and-effect relationships. Instructional Implications. During its

tenure as the dominant theory, behaviorism provided a lot of good information and ideas
about the causes of learning. The purpose of instruction under behavioral models was to
increase the frequency of correct responses and minimize errors. Learners were fairly
passive participants in the whole process. They merely responded and experienced the
consequences of the response. Positive consequences increased the response’s probability;
negative consequences decreased it. The instructor organized the learning environment to
ensure that correct responses were likely to occur, and when they did, they were
rewarded. Incorrect responses were either punished or ignored and as a result lost

The Cognitive Model

In the 1970s and 1980s, the ideas of cognitive psychology began to resurface in the field.
The initial versions of cognitive theory were still fairly mechanistic and continued to
revolve around the concept of associations among stimuli, but now the focus was on
mental associations, which could only be inferred from external responses made by the
learner (Anderson, 1983). Learners were still somewhat at the mercy of environmental
input, but at this point, the influence of the learner began to be considered. This influence
was primarily a result of the effects of the learner’s prior knowledge and existing
schemata (concepts) on the storage and organization of
new information, so it was not as if the learner was actively directing his or her learning
yet. Storage of new information in memory could still theoretically occur without active
direction by the learner. In a fairly simplistic way, incoming information could bounce
around in the learner’s consciousness until it was matched with the same or a similar
pattern already stored in memory, at which point the memory pattern was either
strengthened or modified to accommodate the new information. These cognitive theories
focused on learning as a structuring and restructuring of memory. Information coming in
from the environment received the learner’s attention and as a result entered
consciousness (working memory), where it was held briefly until either processed into
long-term memory, discarded as unimportant, or displaced by incoming information.
These theories, called information processing theories, were most useful in advising
teachers how to design instruction that would benefit this form of learning; they were not
very useful in classroom or behavior management. Instructional Implications. The goal of
instruction under this paradigm is to organize the presentation of new information so that
it can be easily stored in memory.


Emotion is associated with mood, temperament, personality and disposition, and

motivation. The English word 'emotion' is derived from the French word émouvoir. This is
based on the Latin emovere, where e- (variant of ex-) means 'out' and movere means 'move'.
The related term "motivation" is also derived from movere.

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No definitive taxonomy of emotions exists, though numerous taxonomies have been

proposed. Some categorizations include:

 'Cognitive' versus 'non-cognitive' emotions

 Instinctual emotions (from the amygdala), versus cognitive emotions (from the prefrontal
 Categorization based on duration: Some emotions occur over a period of seconds (for
example, surprise), whereas others can last years (for example, love).

A related distinction is between the emotion and the results of the emotion, principally
behaviors and emotional expressions. People often behave in certain ways as a direct
result of their emotional state, such as crying, fighting or fleeing. If one can have the
emotion without the corresponding behavior, then we may consider the behavior not to
be essential to the emotion. Neuroscientific research suggests there is a "magic quarter
second" during which it's possible to catch a thought before it becomes an emotional
reaction. In that instant, one can catch a feeling before allowing it to take hold.

The James-Lange theory posits that emotional experience is largely due to the experience
of bodily changes. The functionalist approach to emotions (for example, Nico Frijda and
Freitas-Magalhaes) holds that emotions have evolved for a particular function, such as to
keep the subject safe.

Nature of Emotion

There are basic and complex categories, where some basic emotions can be modified in
some way to form complex emotions (for example, Paul Ekman). In one model, the
complex emotions could arise from cultural conditioning or association combined with
the basic emotions. Alternatively, analogous to the way primary colors combine, primary
emotions could blend to form the full spectrum of human emotional experience. For
example interpersonal anger and disgust could blend to form contempt. Robert Plutchik
proposed a three-dimensional "circumplex model" which describes the relations among
emotions. This model is similar to a color wheel. The vertical dimension represents
intensity, and the circle represents degrees of similarity among the emotions. He posited
eight primary emotion dimensions arranged as four pairs of opposites. Some have also
argued for the existence of meta-emotions which are emotions about emotions.

Another important means of distinguishing emotions concerns their occurrence in time.

Some emotions occur over a period of seconds (for example, surprise), whereas others can
last years (for example, love). The latter could be regarded as a long term tendency to
have an emotion regarding a certain object rather than an emotion proper (though this is
disputed). A distinction is then made between emotion episodes and emotional
dispositions. Dispositions are also comparable to character traits, where someone may be
said to be generally disposed to experience certain emotions, though about different
objects. For example an irritable person is generally disposed to feel irritation more easily
or quickly than others do. Finally, some theorists (for example, Klaus Scherer, 2005) place
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emotions within a more general category of 'affective states' where affective states can also
include emotion-related phenomena such as pleasure and pain, motivational states (for
example, hunger or curiosity), moods, dispositions and traits.

The neural correlates of hate have been investigated with an fMRI procedure. In this
experiment, people had their brains scanned while viewing pictures of people they hated.
The results showed increased activity in the medial frontal gyrus, right putamen,
bilaterally in the premotor cortex, in the frontal pole, and bilaterally in the medial insula
of the human brain. The researchers concluded that there is a distinct pattern of brain
activity that occurs when people are experiencing hatred.


Theories about emotions stretch back at least as far as the Ancient Greek Stoics, as well as
Plato and Aristotle. We also see sophisticated theories in the works of philosophers such
as René Descartes, Baruch Spinoza and David Hume. Later theories of emotions tend to be
informed by advances in empirical research. Often theories are not mutually exclusive
and many researchers incorporate multiple perspectives in their work.

Somatic theories

Somatic theories of emotion claim that bodily responses rather than judgements are
essential to emotions. The first modern version of such theories comes from William James
in the 1880s. The theory lost favour in the 20th century, but has regained popularity more
recently due largely to theorists such as John Cacioppo, António Damásio, Joseph E.
LeDoux and Robert Zajonc who are able to appeal to neurological evidence.

James-Lange theory

William James, in the article 'What is an Emotion?' (Mind, 9, 1884: 188-205), argued that
emotional experience is largely due to the experience of bodily changes. The Danish
psychologist Carl Lange also proposed a similar theory at around the same time, so this
position is known as the James-Lange theory. This theory and its derivatives state that a
changed situation leads to a changed bodily state. As James says "the perception of bodily
changes as they occur is the emotion." James further claims that "we feel sad because we
cry, angry because we strike, afraid because we tremble, and neither we cry, strike, nor
tremble because we are sorry, angry, or fearful, as the case may be."

This theory is supported by experiments in which by manipulating the bodily state, a

desired emotion is induced. Such experiments also have therapeutic implications (for
example, in laughter therapy, dance therapy). The James-Lange theory is often
misunderstood because it seems counter-intuitive. Most people believe that emotions give
rise to emotion-specific actions: i.e. "I'm crying because I'm sad", or "I ran away because I
was scared". The James-Lange theory, conversely, asserts that first we react to a situation
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(running away and crying happen before the emotion), and then we interpret our actions
into an emotional response. In this way, emotions serve to explain and organize our own
actions to us.

The James-Lange theory has now been all but abandoned by most scholars.

Tim Dalgleish (2004) states the following:

The James-Lange theory has remained influential. Its main contribution is the
emphasis it places on the embodiment of emotions, especially the argument
that changes in the bodily concomitants of emotions can alter their experienced
intensity. Most contemporary neuroscientists would endorse a modified James-
Lange view in which bodily feedback modulates the experience of emotion." ”
The issue with James-Lange theory is that of causation (bodily states causing emotions
and being a priori), not that of the bodily influences on emotional experience (which I
would argue is still quite prevalent today in biofeedback studies and embodiment theory).

Neurobiological theories

Based on discoveries made through neural mapping of the limbic system, the
neurobiological explanation of human emotion is that emotion is a pleasant or unpleasant
mental state organized in the limbic system of the mammalian brain. If distinguished from
reactive responses of reptiles, emotions would then be mammalian elaborations of general
vertebrate arousal patterns, in which neurochemicals (for example, dopamine,
noradrenaline, and serotonin) step-up or step-down the brain's activity level, as visible in
body movements, gestures, and postures.

For example, the emotion of love is proposed to be the expression of paleocircuits of the
mammalian brain (specifically, modules of the cingulate gyrus) which facilitate the care,
feeding, and grooming of offspring. Paleocircuits are neural platforms for bodily
expression configured millions of years before the advent of cortical circuits for speech.
They consist of pre-configured pathways or networks of nerve cells in the forebrain, brain
stem and spinal cord. They evolved prior to the earliest mammalian ancestors, as far back
as the jawless fish, to control motor function.

Presumably, before the mammalian brain, animal life was automatic, preconscious, and
predictable. The motor centers of reptiles react to sensory cues of vision, sound, touch,
chemical, gravity, and motion with pre-set body movements and programmed postures.
With the arrival of night-active mammals, circa 180 million years ago, smell replaced
vision as the dominant sense, and a different way of responding arose from the olfactory
sense, which is proposed to have developed into mammalian emotion and emotional

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memory. In the Jurassic Period, the mammalian brain invested heavily in olfaction to
succeed at night as reptiles slept—one explanation for why olfactory lobes in mammalian
brains are proportionally larger than in the reptiles. These odor pathways gradually
formed the neural blueprint for what was later to become our limbic brain.

Emotions are thought to be related to activity in brain areas that direct our attention,
motivate our behavior, and determine the significance of what is going on around us.
Pioneering work by Broca (1878), Papez (1937), and MacLean (1952) suggested that
emotion is related to a group of structures in the center of the brain called the limbic
system, which includes the hypothalamus, cingulate cortex, hippocampi, and other
structures. More recent research has shown that some of these limbic structures are not as
directly related to emotion as others are, while some non-limbic structures have been
found to be of greater emotional relevance.

Prefrontal Cortex

There is ample evidence that the left prefrontal cortex is activated by stimuli that cause
positive approach. If attractive stimuli can selectively activate a region of the brain, then
logically the converse should hold, that selective activation of that region of the brain
should cause a stimulus to be judged more positively. This was demonstrated for
moderately attractive visual stimuli and replicated and extended to include negative

Two neurobiological models of emotion in the prefrontal cortex made opposing

predictions. The Valence Model predicted that anger, a negative emotion, would activate
the right prefrontal cortex. The Direction Model predicted that anger, an approach
emotion, would activate the left prefrontal cortex. The second model was supported.

This still left open the question of whether the opposite of approach in the prefrontal
cortex is better described as moving away (Direction Model), as unmoving but with
strength and resistance (Movement Model), or as unmoving with passive yielding (Action
Tendency Model). Support for the Action Tendency Model (passivity related to right
prefrontal activity) comes from research on shynes[ and research on behavioral inhibition.
Research that tested the competing hypotheses generated by all four models also
supported the Action Tendency Model.

Homeostatic Emotion

Another neurological approach, described by Bud Craig in 2003, distinguishes between

two classes of emotion. "Classical emotions" include lust, anger and fear, and they are
feelings evoked by environmental stimuli, which motivate us (in these examples,
respectively, to copulate/fight/flee). "Homeostatic emotions" are feelings evoked by
internal body states, which modulate our behavior. Thirst, hunger, feeling hot or cold
(core temperature), feeling sleep deprived, salt hunger and air hunger are all examples of
homeostatic emotion; each is a signal from a body system saying "Things aren't right
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down here. Drink/eat/move into the shade/put on something warm/sleep/lick salty

rocks/breathe." We begin to feel a homeostatic emotion when one of these systems drifts
out of balance, and the feeling prompts us to do what is necessary to restore that system to
balance. Pain is a homeostatic emotion telling us "Things aren't right here. Withdraw and

Cognitive theories

There are some theories arguing that cognitive activity—in the form of judgments,
evaluations, or thoughts—is necessary for an emotion to occur. This, argued by Richard
Lazarus, is necessary to capture the fact that emotions are about something or have
intentionality. Such cognitive activity may be conscious or unconscious and may or may
not take the form of conceptual processing.

An influential theory here is that of Lazarus: emotion is a disturbance that occurs in the
following order: 1.) Cognitive appraisal—The individual assess the event cognitively,
which cues the emotion. 2.) Physiological changes—The cognitive reaction starts
biological changes such as increased heart rate or pituitary adrenal response. 3.) Action—
The individual feels the emotion and chooses how to react. For example: Jenny sees a
snake. 1.) Jenny cognitively assesses the snake in her presence, which triggers fear. 2.) Her
heart begins to race faster. Adrenaline pumps through her blood stream. 3.) Jenny screams
and runs away. Lazarus stressed that the quality and intensity of emotions are controlled
through cognitive processes. These processes underlie coping strategies that form the
emotional reaction by altering the relationship between the person and the environment.

There are some theories on emotions arguing that cognitive activity in the form of
judgements, evaluations, or thoughts is necessary in order for an emotion to occur. A
prominent philosophical exponent is Robert C. Solomon (for example, The Passions,
Emotions and the Meaning of Life, 1993). The theory proposed by Nico Frijda where
appraisal leads to action tendencies is another example. It has also been suggested that
emotions (affect heuristics, feelings and gut-feeling reactions) are often used as shortcuts
to process information and influence behaviour.

Perceptual theory

A recent hybrid of the somatic and cognitive theories of emotion is the perceptual theory.
This theory is neo-Jamesian in arguing that bodily responses are central to emotions, yet it
emphasises the meaningfulness of emotions or the idea that emotions are about
something, as is recognised by cognitive theories. The novel claim of this theory is that
conceptually based cognition is unnecessary for such meaning. Rather the bodily changes
themselves perceive the meaningful content of the emotion because of being causally
triggered by certain situations. In this respect, emotions are held to be analogous to
faculties such as vision or touch, which provide information about the relation between
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the subject and the world in various ways. A sophisticated defense of this view is found in
philosopher Jesse Prinz's book Gut Reactions and psychologist James Laird's book

Affective Events Theory

This a communication-based theory developed by Howard M. Weiss and Russell

Cropanzano (1996), that looks at the causes, structures, and consequences of emotional
experience (especially in work contexts). This theory suggests that emotions are
influenced and caused by events which in turn influence attitudes and behaviors. This
theoretical frame also emphasizes time in that human beings experience what they call
emotion episodes—a "series of emotional states extended over time and organized around
an underlying theme". This theory has been utilized by numerous researchers to better
understand emotion from a communicative lens, and was reviewed further by Howard M.
Weiss and Daniel J. Beal in their article, Reflections on Affective Events Theory published in
Research on Emotion in Organizations in 2005.

Cannon-Bard theory

In the Cannon-Bard theory, Walter Bradford Cannon argued against the dominance of the
James-Lange theory regarding the physiological aspects of emotions in the second edition
of Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear and Rage. Where James argued that emotional
behaviour often precedes or defines the emotion, Cannon and Bard argued that the
emotion arises first and then stimulates typical behaviour.

Two-factor theory

Another cognitive theory is the Singer-Schachter theory. This is based on experiments

purportedly showing that subjects can have different emotional reactions despite being
placed into the same physiological state with an injection of adrenaline. Subjects were
observed to express either anger or amusement depending on whether another person in
the situation displayed that emotion. Hence, the combination of the appraisal of the
situation (cognitive) and the participants' reception of adrenaline or a placebo together
determined the response. This experiment has been criticized in Jesse Prinz's (2004) Gut

Component process model

A recent version of the cognitive theory regards emotions more broadly as the
synchronization of many different bodily and cognitive components. Emotions are
identified with the overall process whereby low-level cognitive appraisals, in particular
the processing of relevance, trigger bodily reactions, behaviors, feelings, and actions.

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Physiological Correlates of Emotions

Recent sensor development enables wireless capture of context information, i.e., body and
environmental data, in an unobtrusive way. Collected data is provided to mobile systems,
which in turn respond intelligently, providing meaningful services to the user. Within the
European project e-SENSE, the affective state of the users is one component of context
capture. To develop algorithms for emotion inference, an experiment was conducted in
which five different emotional states were induced. Heart rate, electrodermal activity,
breathing rate, and skin temperature were utilized to measure the respective emotional
states. Self-assessment ratings were applied for manipulation check and comparison with
the collected physiological data. Results show that at least three of the four measures seem
promising for detecting differences in affective states and support a dimensional model of

Among the theories for categorizing or structuring emotions, two approaches have been
widely accepted. The discrete or categorical approach claims the existence of a set of
universal, ‘basic emotions’ that can be distinguished clearly from one another and form
the basis for all other emotions we might experience. Studies performed in search of
physiological patterns specific to basic emotions concentrated mainly on activities of the
autonomous nervous system (ANS) and characteristic speech signal changes. ANS-related
studies and many others) showed very interesting results each on its own, but until now
no distinct fixed patterns for the proposed six basic emotions could be found. The results
of the studies are controversial and the variables measured do not seem to allow a clear
distinction between different emotions.

The other approach proposes two or more major dimensions, which enable the
description of different emotions and the distinction between them . According to the
dimensional view, emotions are mainly characterized by their valence and arousal.
whereas the arousal dimension spans between the two poles sleepy/calm for very low
arousal and aroused/excited for very high arousal. Valence and arousal have proven to be
the two main dimensions, accounting for most of the variance observed. Cowie et al.
proposed the application of additional dimensions for emotions that share the same
degrees of arousal and valence, but are perfectly distinguishable in everyday life. For fear
and anger a dominance or control dimension would support the distinction between the
two emotions. For psycho-physiological studies the dimensional model has a high face
validity, since physiological data is continuous and should correspond well to the
dimensions proposed. The most commonly used physiological parameters applied in
studies based on the dimensional model are skin conductance level (SCL), facial
electromyogram (EMG) and heart rate (HR), but speech parameters have also been
examined. Lang found linear increases of Galvanic skin response as an indicator of SCL
with the level of overall arousal. Burch und Greiner predict the same for electrodermal

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Module 2


Definition of Intelligence

"An intelligence is the ability to solve problems, or to create products, that are valued
within one or more cultural settings ( Gardner, 1983/2003, )"

Intelligence derives from the Latin verb intellegere; per that rationale, “understanding”
(intelligence) is different from being “smart” (capable of adapting to the environment).
Scientists have proposed two major “consensus” definitions of intelligence:

Intelligence A very general mental capability that, among other things, involves the
ability to reason, plan, solve problems, think abstractly, comprehend complex ideas, learn
quickly and learn from experience. It is not merely book learning, a narrow academic skill,
or test-taking smarts. Rather, it reflects a broader and deeper capability for
comprehending our surroundings “catching on”, “making sense” of things, or “figuring
out” what to do.

Nature versus nurture

"Nature versus nurture" is a term coined by the English Victorian polymath Francis
Galton regarding the influence of heredity and environment on social careers. Galton was
influencedby the book The Origin of the Species written by his cousin, Charles Darwin.
The concept embodied in the phrase has been criticizedfor its binary simplification of two
tightly interwoven parameters, as for example an environment of wealth, education and
social privilege are often historically passed to genetic offspring.

The nature versus nurture debates concern the relative importance of an individual's
innate qualities ("nature", i.e. nativism, or innatism) versus personal experiences
("nurture", i.e. empiricism or behaviorism) in determining or causing individual
differences in physical and behavioral traits.

The view that humans acquire all or almost all their behavioral traits from "nurture" is
known as tabula rasa ("blank slate"). This question was once considered to be an
appropriate division of developmental influences, but since both types of factors are
known to play such interacting roles in development, many modern psychologists
consider the question naive - representing an outdated state of knowledge. Psychologist
Donald Hebb is said to have once answered a journalist's question of "which, nature or
nurture, contributes more to personality?" by asking in response, "Which contributes more
to the area of a rectangle, its length or its width?"

For a discussion of nature versus nurture in language and other human universals, see
also psychological nativism.

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Scientific approach

To disentangle the effects of genes and environment, behavioral geneticists perform

adoption and twin studies. Behavioral geneticists do not generally use the term "nurture"
to explain that portion of the variance for a given trait (such as IQ or the Big Five
personality traits) that can be attributed to environmental effects. Instead, two different
types of environmental effects are distinguished: shared family factors (i.e., those shared
by siblings, making them more similar) and nonshared factors (i.e., those that uniquely
affect individuals, making siblings different). To express the portion of the variance due to
the "nature" component, behavioral geneticists generally refer to the heritability of a trait.

With regard to the Big Five personality traits as well as adult IQ in the general U.S.
population, the portion of the overall variance that can be attributed to shared family
effects is often negligible. On the other hand, most traits are thought to be at least partially
heritable. In this context, the "nature" component of the variance is generally thought to be
more important than that ascribed to the influence of family upbringing.

In her Pulitzer Prize-nominated book The Nurture Assumption, author Judith Harris argues
that "nurture," as traditionally defined in terms of family upbringing does not effectively
explain the variance for most traits (such as adult IQ and the Big Five personality traits) in
the general population of the United States. On the contrary, Harris suggests that either
peer groups or random environmental factors (i.e., those that are independent of family
upbringing) are more important than family environmental effects.

Although "nurture" has historically been referred to as the care given to children by the
parents, with the mother playing a role of particular importance, this term is now
regarded by some as any environmental (not genetic) factor in the contemporary nature
versus nurture debate. Thus the definition of "nurture" has expanded to include influences
on development arising from prenatal, parental, extended family, and peer experiences,
and extending to influences such as media, marketing, and socio-economic status. Indeed,
a substantial source of environmental input to human nature may arise from stochastic
variations in prenatal development.

Heritability estimates

While there are many examples of single-gene-locus traits, current thinking in biology
discredits the notion that genes alone can determine most complex traits. At the molecular
level, DNA interacts with signals from other genes and from the environment. At the level
of individuals, particular genes influence the development of a trait in the context of a
particular environment. Thus, measurements of the degree to which a trait is influenced
by genes versus environment will depend on the particular environment and genes
examined. In many cases, it has been found that genes may have a substantial
contribution, including psychological traits such as intelligence and personality. Yet these

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traits may be largely influenced by environment in other circumstances, such as

environmental deprivation.

This chart illustrates three patterns one might see when studying the influence of genes and
environment on traits in individuals. Trait A shows a high sibling correlation, but little heritability
(i.e. high shared environmental variance c2; low heritability h2). Trait B shows a high heritability
since correlation of trait rises sharply with degree of genetic similarity. Trait C shows low
heritability, but also low correlations generally; this means Trait C has a high nonshared
environmental variance e2. In other words, the degree to which individuals display Trait C has
little to do with either genes or broadly predictable environmental factors—roughly, the outcome
approaches random for an individual. Notice also that even identical twins raised in a common
family rarely show 100% trait correlation.

A researcher seeking to quantify the influence of genes or environment on a trait needs to

be able to separate the effects of one factor away from that of another. This kind of
research often begins with attempts to calculate the heritability of a trait. Heritability
quantifies the extent to which variation among individuals in a trait is due to variation in
the genes those individuals carry. In animals where breeding and environments can be
controlled experimentally, heritability can be determined relatively easily. Such
experiments would be unethical for human research. This problem can be overcome by
finding existing populations of humans that reflect the experimental setting the researcher
wishes to create.

One way to determine the contribution of genes and environment to a trait is to study
twins. In one kind of study, identical twins reared apart are compared to randomly
selected pairs of people. The twins share identical genes, but different family
environments. In another kind of twin study, identical twins reared together (who share
family environment and genes) are compared to fraternal twins reared together (who also
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share family environment but only share half their genes). Another condition that permits
the disassociation of genes and environment is adoption. In one kind of adoption study,
biological siblings reared together (who share the same family environment and half their
genes) are compared to adoptive siblings (who share their family environment but none of
their genes).

Some have rightly pointed out that environmental inputs affect the expression of genes
(see the article on epigenetics). This is one explanation of how environment can influence
the extent to which a genetic disposition will actually manifest. The interactions of genes
with environment, called gene-environment interaction, are another component of the
nature-nurture debate. A classic example of gene-environment interaction is the ability of
a diet low in the amino acid phenylalanine to partially suppress the genetic disease
phenylketonuria. Yet another complication to the nature-nurture debate is the existence of
gene-environment correlations. These correlations indicate that individuals with certain
genotypes are more likely to find themselves in certain environments. Thus, it appears
that genes can shape (the selection or creation of) environments. Even using experiments
like those described above, it can be very difficult to determine convincingly the relative
contribution of genes and environment.

Interaction of genes and environment

In only a very few cases is it fair to say that a trait is due almost entirely to nature, or
almost entirely to nurture. In the case of most diseases now strictly identified as genetic,
such as Huntington's disease, there is a better than 99.9% correlation between having the
identified gene and the disease and a similar correlation for not having either. On the
other hand, Huntington's animal models live much longer or shorter lives depending on
how they are cared for (animal husbandry). At the other extreme, traits such as native
language are environmentally determined: linguists have found that any child (if capable
of learning a language at all) can learn any human language with equal facility.

When traits are determined by a complex interaction of genotype and environment it is

possible to measure the heritability of a trait within a population. However, many non-
scientists who encounter a report of a trait having a certain percentage heritability imagine
non-interactional, additive contributions of genes and environment to the trait. As an
analogy, some laypeople may think of the degree of a trait being made up of two
"buckets", genes and environment, each able to hold a certain capacity of the trait. But
even for intermediate heritabilities, a trait is always shaped by both genetic dispositions
and the environments in which people develop, merely with greater and lesser plasticities
associated with these heritability measures.

Heritability measures always refer to the degree of variation between individuals in a

population. These statistics cannot be applied at the level of the individual. It is incorrect
to say that since the heritability index of personality is about .6, you got 60% of your
personality from your parents and 40% from the environment. To help to understand this,
imagine that all humans were genetic clones. The heritability index for all traits would be
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zero (all variability between clonal individuals must be due to environmental factors).
And, contrary to erroneous interpretations of the heritibility index, as societies become
more egalitarian (everyone has more similar experiences) the heritability index goes up
(as environments become more similar, variability between individuals is due more to
genetic factors).

A highly genetically loaded trait (such as eye color) still assumes environmental input
within normal limits (a certain range of temperature, oxygen in the atmosphere, etc.). A
more useful distinction than "nature vs. nurture" is "obligate vs. facultative" —under
typical environmental ranges, what traits are more "obligate" (e.g., the nose —everyone
has a nose) or more "facultative" (sensitive to environmental variations, such as specific
language learned during infancy). Another useful distinction is between traits that are
likely to be adaptations (such as the nose) and those that are byproducts of adaptations
(such the white color of bones), or are due to random variation (non-adaptive variation in,
say, nose shape or size).

IQ debate

Evidence suggests that family environmental factors may have an effect upon childhood
IQ, accounting for up to a quarter of the variance. On the other hand, by late adolescence
this correlation disappears, such that adoptive siblings are no more similar in IQ than

Moreover, adoption studies indicate that, by adulthood, adoptive siblings are no more
similar in IQ than strangers (IQ correlation near zero), while full siblings show an IQ
correlation of 0.6. Twin studies reinforce this pattern: monozygotic (identical) twins raised
separately are highly similar in IQ (0.74), more so than dizygotic (fraternal) twins raised
together (0.6) and much more than adoptive siblings (~0.0).

Personality traits

Personality is a frequently cited example of a heritable trait that has been studied in twins
and adoptions. Identical twins reared apart are far more similar in personality than
randomly selected pairs of people. Likewise, identical twins are more similar than
fraternal twins. Also, biological siblings are more similar in personality than adoptive
siblings. Each observation suggests that personality is heritable to a certain extent.
However, these same study designs allow for the examination of environment as well as
genes. Adoption studies also directly measure the strength of shared family effects.
Adopted siblings share only family environment. Unexpectedly, some adoption studies
indicate that by adulthood the personalities of adopted siblings are no more similar than
random pairs of strangers. This would mean that shared family effects on personality are
zero by adulthood. As is the case with personality, non-shared environmental effects are
often found to out-weigh shared environmental effects. That is, environmental effects that
are typically thought to be life-shaping (such as family life) may have less of an impact
than non-shared effects, which are harder to identify. One possible source of non-shared

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effects is the environment of pre-natal development. Random variations in the genetic

program of development may be a substantial source of non-shared environment. These
results suggest that "nurture" may not be the predominant factor in "environment"

Advanced techniques

The power of quantitative studies of heritable traits has been expanded by the
development of new techniques. Developmental genetic analysis examines the effects of
genes over the course of a human lifespan. For example, early studies of intelligence,
which mostly examined young children, found heritability measures of 40 to 50 percent.
Subsequent developmental genetic analyses have found that genetic contribution to
intelligence increases over a lifespan, reaching a heritability of 80 percent in adulthood.

Another advanced technique, multivariate genetic analysis, examines the genetic

contribution to several traits that vary together. For example, multivariate genetic analysis
has demonstrated that the genetic determinants of all specific cognitive abilities (e.g.,
memory, spatial reasoning, processing speed) overlap greatly, such that the genes
associated with any specific cognitive ability will affect all others. Similarly, multivariate
genetic analysis has found that genes that affect scholastic achievement completely
overlap with the genes that affect cognitive ability.

Extremes analysis, examines the link between normal and pathological traits. For example,
it is hypothesized that a given behavioral disorder may represent an extreme of a
continuous distribution of a normal behavior and hence an extreme of a continuous
distribution of genetic and environmental variation. Depression, phobias, and reading
disabilities have been examined in this context.

For highly heritable traits, it is now possible to search for individual genes that contribute
to variation in that trait. For example, several research groups have identified genetic loci
that contribute to schizophrenia (Harrison and Owen, 2003).

Moral difficulties

Some observers believe that modern science tends to give too much weight to the nature
side of the argument, in part because of social consciousness. Historically, much of this
debate has had undertones of racist and eugenicist policies — the notion of race as a
scientific truth has often been assumed as a prerequisite in various incarnations of the
nature versus nurture debate. In the past, heredity was often used as "scientific"
justification for various forms of discrimination and oppression along racial and class
lines. Works published in the United States since the 1960s that argue for the primacy of
"nature" over "nurture" in determining certain characteristics, such as The Bell Curve,
have been greeted with considerable controversy and scorn.

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Philosophical difficulties

Are the traits real?

It is sometimes a question whether the "trait" being measured is even a real thing. Much
energy has been devoted to calculating the heritability of intelligence (usually the I.Q., or
intelligence quotient), but there is still some disagreement as to what exactly "intelligence"

Biological determinism

If genes do contribute substantially to the development of personal characteristics such as

intelligence and personality, then many wonder if this implies that genes determine who
we are. See Genetic determinism and Biological determinism.

Myths about identity

Within the debates surrounding cloning, for example, is the far-fetched contention that a
Jesus or a Hitler could be "re-created" through genetic cloning. Current thinking finds this
largely inaccurate, and discounts the possibility that the clone of anyone would grow up
to be the same individual due to environmental variation. For example, like clones,
identical twins are genetically identical, and unlike the hypothetical clones share the same
family environment, yet they are not identical in personality and other traits.

History of the nature versus nurture debate

Traditionally, human nature has been thought of as not only inherited but divinely
ordained. Whole ethnic groups were considered to be, by nature, superior or inferior.
Since the late Middle Ages, intellectuals increasingly attributed differences among races,
classes and genders to socialization (nurture), rather than to innate qualities (nature). In
the 20th century, the Nazis pursued an agenda based on the concept of human nature as
defined by one's race. The Communists, on the other hand, largely followed Marx's lead in
defining the human identity as subject to social structures, not nature. In scientific circles,
this conflict led to ongoing controversy of sociobiology and evolutionary psychology.

The emergence of Emotional Intelligence (EI) as a key factor in corporate recruitment has
led psychologists, researchers and educationalists to reevaluate their traditional views of
intelligence and to explore ways of testing and measuring EI dimensions. The American
psychologist Daniel Goleman has been an influential figure in bringing EI to the attention
of researchers and alerting employers and others to the importance of this fundamental
area of enquiry. To date there have been a number of serious attempts to test and measure
EI, notably the 'Geneva Appraisal Questionnaire' (2002), which was produced by the
Geneva Emotion Research Group, and the earlier 'BarOn Emotional Quotient Inventory'
(1997), which is marketed by Multihealth Systems (MHS) in Canada. In addition to these
models there are many less well known instruments available on-line, many of which
claim to produce an Emotion Quotient (EQ) for individuals engaging with the tests,
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though very few of the instruments include a visible scoring system or the type of
information that is required to validate or give credibility to the assessment.

This article aims to consider the areas and dimensions that comprise the EI concept and
presents a new model, the Emotional Intelligence Questionnaire (EIQu), which places
individuals into one of twelve sectors on a polar graph and identifies their strengths and
weaknesses on a range of EI factors. It is envisaged that the EIQu will become a significant
means of measuring EI for the purposes of psychometric testing, recruitment and
educational psychology.

Theories of Intelligence
While intelligence is one of the most talked about subjects within psychology, there is no
standard definition of what exactly constitutes 'intelligence.' Some researchers have
suggested that intelligence is a single, general ability, while other believe that intelligence
encompasses a range of aptitudes, skills and talents.

The following are some of the major theories of intelligence that have emerged during the
last 100 years.

Louis L. Thurstone - Primary Mental Abilities:

Psychologist Louis L. Thurstone (1887-1955) offered a differing theory of intelligence.

Instead of viewing intelligence as a single, general ability, Thurstone's theory focused on
seven different "primary mental abilities" (Thurstone, 1938). The abilities that he described

 Verbal comprehension
 Reasoning
 Perceptual speed
 Numerical ability
 Word fluency
 Associative memory
 Spatial visualization

Charles Spearman - General Intelligence:

British psychologist Charles Spearman (1863-1945) described a concept he referred to as

general intelligence, or the g factor. After using a technique known as factor analysis to to
examine a number of mental aptitude tests, Spearman concluded that scores on these tests
were remarkably similar. People who performed well on one cognitive test tended to

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perform well on other tests, while those who scored badly on one test tended to score
badly on other. He concluded that intelligence is general cognitive ability that could be
measured and numerically expressed (Spearman, 1904).

Howard Gardner - Multiple Intelligences:

One of the more recent ideas to emerge is Howard Gardner's theory of multiple
intelligences. Instead of focusing on the analysis of test scores, Gardner proposed that
numerical expressions of human intelligence are not a full and accurate depiction of
people's abilities. His theory describes eight distinct intelligences that are based on skills
and abilities that are valued within different cultures.
The eight intelligences Gardner described are:

 Visual-spatial Intelligence
 Verbal-linguistic Intelligence
 Bodily-kinesthetic Intelligence
 Logical-mathematical Intelligence

 Interpersonal Intelligence
 Musical Intelligence
 Intra personal Intelligence
 Naturalistic Intelligence

J.P. Guilford - Structure of Intellect

Structure of Intellect is a general theory of human intelligence.

This is a three-dimensional model in which Guilford identified three fundamental

components of intelligence. These were

1. Operations (five kinds)

2. Contents (five kinds)

3. Products (six kinds)

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Guilford's Model of the Structure of Intellect

According to Guilford's Structure of Intellect (SI) theory, an individual's performance on

intelligence tests can be traced back to the underlying mental abilities or factors of
intelligence. SI theory comprises up to 150 different intellectual abilities organized along
three dimensions—Operations, Content, and Products.

Operations dimension

SI includes six operations or general intellectual processes:

Cognition—The ability to understand, comprehend, discover, and become aware of


Memory recording—The ability to encode information.

Memory retention—The ability to recall information.

Divergent production—The ability to generate multiple solutions to a problem; creativity.

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Convergent production—The ability to deduce a single solution to a problem; rule-

following or problem-solving.

Evaluation—The ability to judge whether or not information is accurate, consistent, or


Content dimension

SI includes three broad areas of information to which the human intellect applies the six

Figural - Concrete, real world information, tangible objects -- things in the environment. It
includes visual—Information perceived through seeing, auditory—Information perceived
through hearing and kinesthetic—Information perceived through one's own physical

Symbolic—Information perceived as symbols or signs that stand for something else; e.g.,
Arabic numerals or the letters of an alphabet, musical and scientific notations..

Semantic-Which is concerned with verbal meaning and ideas. Generally considered to

abstract in nature.

Behavioral—Information perceived as acts of people. (This dimension was not fully

researched in Guilfords project and remain theoretical and is generally not included in the
final model that he proposed for describing human intelligence.)

Product dimension

As the name suggests, this dimension contains results of applying particular operations to
specific contents. The SI model includes six products, in increasing complexity:

Units—Single items of knowledge.

Classes—Sets of units sharing common attributes.

Relations—Units linked as opposites or in associations, sequences, or analogies.

Systems—Multiple relations interrelated to comprise structures or networks.

Transformations—Changes, perspectives, conversions, or mutations to knowledge.

Implications—Predictions, inferences, consequences, or anticipations of knowledge.

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Evolution of Intelligence Tests

Interest in intelligence dates back thousands of years, but it wasn't until psychologist
Alfred Binet was commissioned to identify students who needed educational assistance
that the first IQ test was born.

Alfred Binet and the First IQ Test

During the early 1900s, the French government asked psychologist Alfred Binet to help
decide which students were mostly likely to experience difficulty in schools. The
government had passed laws requiring that all French children attend school, so it was
important to find a way to identify children who would need specialized assistance.
Faced with this task, Binet and his colleague Theodore Simon began developing a
number of questions that focused on things that had not been taught in school such as
attention, memory and problem-solving skills. Using these questions, Binet determined
which ones served as the best predictors of school success. He quickly realized that
some children were able to answer questions that were more advanced than older
children were generally able to answer, while other children of the same age were only
able to answer questions that younger children could typically answer. Based on this
observation, Binet suggested the concept of a mental age, or a measure of intelligence
based on the average abilities of children of a certain age group.
This first intelligence test, referred to today as the Binet-Simon Scale, became the basis
for the intelligence tests still in use today. However, Binet himself did not believe that
his psychometric instruments could be used to measure a single, permanent and inborn
level of intelligence (Kamin, 1995). Binet stressed the limitations of the test, suggesting
that intelligence is far too broad a concept to quantify with a single number. Instead, he
insisted that intelligence is influenced by a number of factors, changes over time and
can only be compared among children with similar backgrounds (Siegler, 1992).

The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test

After the development of the Binet-Simon Scale, the test was soon brought to the
United States where it generated considerable interest. Stanford University
psychologist Lewis Terman took Binet's original test and standardized it using a
sample of American participants. This adapted test, first published in 1916, was called
the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale and soon became the standard intelligence test
used in the U.S.

The Stanford-Binet intelligence test used a single number, known as the intelligence
quotient (or IQ), to represent an individual's score on the test. This score was calculated
by dividing the test taker's mental age by their chronological age, and then multiplying

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this number by 100. For example, a child with a mental age of 12 and a chronological
age of 10 would have an IQ of 120 (12 /10 x 100).

The Stanford-Binet remains a popular assessment tool today, despite going through a
number of revisions over the years since its inception.

Intelligence Testing During World War I

At the outset of World War I, U.S. Army officials were faced with the monumental task
of screening an enormous number of army recruits. In 1917, as president of the APA
and chair of the Committee on the Psychological Examination of Recruits, psychologist
Robert Yerkes developed two tests known as the Army Alpha and Beta tests. The Army
Alpha was designed as a written test, while the Army Beta was administered orally in
cases where recruits were unable to read. The tests were administered to over two
million soldiers in an effort to help the army determine which men were well suited to
specific positions and leadership roles (McGuire, 1994).

At the end of WWI, the tests remained in use in a wide variety of situations outside of
the military with individuals of all ages, backgrounds and nationalities. For example, IQ
tests were used to screen new immigrants as they entered the United States at Ellis
Island. The results of these mental tests were inappropriately used to make sweeping
and inaccurate generalizations about entire populations, which led some intelligence
"experts" to exhort Congress to enact immigration restrictions (Kamin, 1995).

The Wechsler Intelligence Scales

The next development in the history of intelligence testing was the creation of a new
measurement instrument by American psychologist David Wechsler. Much like Binet,
Wechsler believed that intelligence involved a number of different mental abilities,
describing intelligence as, "the global capacity of a person to act purposefully, to think
rationally, and to deal effectively with his environment" (1939). Dissatisfied with the
limitations of the Stanford-Binet, he published his new intelligence test known as the
Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS) in 1955.
Wechsler also developed two different tests specifically for use with children: the
Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC) and the Wechsler Preschool and
Primary Scale of Intelligence (WPPSI). The adult version of the test has been revised
since its original publication and is now known as the WAIS-III.
The WAIS-III contains 14 subtests on two scales and provides three scores: a composite
IQ score, a verbal IQ score and a performance IQ score. Subtest scores on the WAIS-III
can be useful in identifying learning disabilities, such as cases where a low score on
some areas combined with a high score in other areas may indicate that the individual
has a specific learning difficulty (Kaufman, 1990).
Rather than score the test based on chronological age and mental age, as was the case
with the original Stanford-Binet, the WAIS is scored by comparing the test taker's score
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to the scores of others in the same age group. The average score is fixed at 100, with
two-thirds of scores lying in the normal range between 85 and 115. This scoring
method has become the standard technique in intelligence testing and is also used in
the modern revision of the Stanford-Binet test.

Verbal Intelligence Tests

Verbal intelligence is the ability to analyze information and solve problems using
language-based reasoning. Verbal intelligence test measures the verbal intelligence of the

Verbal tasks may involve concepts such as:

 Concrete or abstract ideas; or

 Internalized language-based reasoning.

Verbal tasks involve skills such as:

 The ability to listen to and recall spoken information;

 Understanding the meaning of written or spoken information;
 Solving language based problems of a literary, logical, or social type;
 Understanding the relationships between language concepts and performing
language analogies or comparisons; and
 The ability to perform complex language-based analysis.

Verbal reasoning is important in most aspects of school work. Reading and language arts
tasks required verbal reasoning skills. Even the more abstract courses such as math and
physics require verbal reasoning skills, as most concepts are either introduced orally by
the teacher or introduced in written form in a textbook.

Verbal reasoning is typically assessed in a full intellectual assessment of IQ. Basic verbal
reasoning may also be evaluated through brief intelligence tests and language assessment.

Nonverbal Intelligence Tests

Nonverbal Intelligence is an intelligence test that measures nonverbal abilities. The

CTONI's tasks are designed to remove verbal intelligence from the assessment of a child's
reasoning abilities.Nonverbal Intelligence Tests - In general, nonverbal assessments
attempt to remove language barriers in the estimation of a student's intellectual aptitude.
This is especially helpful in assessing students without speech or who have limited
language ability, those with deafness or who are hard of hearing, and those with English
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language limitations. To accommodate students with speech or language limitations, the

student can be administered either orally or by using pantomime.

Individual and Group IQ Tests

Individual intelligence tests

There are two major types of intelligence test, those administered to individuals and thsoe
administered to groups.

The two main individual intelligence tests are the:

 Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test

 Wechsler tests, i.e. WISC for children and WAIS for adults These are individual
intelligence tests which require one-on-one consultation with the child. The tests
involve various verbal and non-verbal subtests which can be combined to give an
overall IQ, but which also provide valuable separate subtest scores and measures
based on the behavioural responses of the child to the test items.

Some of the content of these tests is clearly culture-loaded, hence there is the:

 Kaufman Assessment Battery for Children - a more recent test which

attempts to minimize cultural bias. The test also attempts to separate crystallised
and fluid intelligence.

Group intelligence tests

Group-administered intelligence tests involve a series of different problems and are

generally used in mass testing situations such as the military and schools. Examples of
group tests are:

 Multidimensional Aptitude Battery

 The Cognitive Abilities test
 Scholastic Assessment Tests

There has been a trend towards the use of multiple choice items. Many of theses tests have
separately timed sub-tests. A major distinction made between types of items is verbal and
non-verbal. In recent years there has been a trend away from verbal and mathematical
items towards non-verbal represented problems in pictures.

Part of the reason for shifting away from verbal-based tests, in particular, is the issue of

Advantages of group tests:

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 can be administered to very large numbers simultaneously

 simplified examiner role
 scoring typically more objective
 large, representative samples often used leading to better established norms

Disadvantages of group tests:

 examiner has less opportunity to establish rapport, obtain cooperation, and

maintain interest
 not readily detected if examinee tired, anxious, unwell
 evidence that emotionally disturbed children do better on individual than
group tests
 examinee’s responses more restricted
 normally an individual is tested on all items in a group test and may become
boredom over easy items and frustrated or anxious over difficult items
 individual tests typically provide for the examiner to choose items based on
the test takers prior responses - moving onto quite difficult items or back to
easier items. So individual tests offer more flexibility.

In performance tests, the subject actually executes some motor activity; for example, he
assembles mechanical objects. Either the quality of performance as it takes place or its
results may be rated.

Emotional intelligence
 Emotional intelligence (EI) describes the ability, capacity, skill or, in the case of the
trait EI model, a self-perceived grand ability to identify, assess, manage and control
the emotions of one's self, of others, and of groups. Different models have been
proposed for the definition of EI and disagreement exists as to how the term should
be used. Despite these disagreements, which are often highly technical, the ability
EI and trait EI models (but not the mixed models) enjoy support in the literature
and have successful applications in different domains.
 The earliest roots of emotional intelligence can be traced to Darwin's work on the
importance of emotional expression for survival and second adaptation. In the
1900s, even though traditional definitions of intelligence emphasized cognitive
aspects such as memory and problem-solving, several influential researchers in the
intelligence field of study had begun to recognize the importance of the non-
cognitive aspects. For instance, as early as 1920, E.L. Thorndike used the term social
intelligence to describe the skill of understanding and managing other people.
 Similarly, in 1940 David Wechsler described the influence of non-intellective factors
on intelligent behavior, and further argued that our models of intelligence would
not be complete until we can adequately describe these factors. In 1983, Howard
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Gardner's Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences introduced the

idea of multiple intelligences which included both Interpersonal intelligence (the
capacity to understand the intentions, motivations and desires of other people) and
Intrapersonal intelligence (the capacity to understand oneself, to appreciate one's
feelings, fears and motivations). In Gardner's view, traditional types of intelligence,
such as IQ, fail to fully explain cognitive ability. Thus, even though the names
given to the concept varied, there was a common belief that traditional definitions
of intelligence are lacking in ability to fully explain performance outcomes.
 The first use of the term "emotional intelligence" is usually attributed to Wayne
Payne's doctoral thesis, A Study of Emotion: Developing Emotional Intelligence
from 1985. However, prior to this, the term "emotional intelligence" had appeared
in Leuner (1966). Greenspan (1989) also put forward an EI model, followed by
Salovey and Mayer (1990), and Goleman (1995). The distinction between trait
emotional intelligence and ability emotional intelligence was introduced in 2000.
 As a result of the growing acknowledgement by professionals of the importance
and relevance of emotions to work outcomes, the research on the topic continued to
gain momentum, but it wasn't until the publication of Daniel Goleman's best seller
Emotional Intelligence: Why It Can Matter More Than IQ that the term became
widely popularized. Nancy Gibbs' 1995 Time magazine article highlighted
Goleman's book and was the first in a string of mainstream media interest in EI.

Defining emotional intelligence

 Substantial disagreement exists regarding the definition of EI, with respect to both
terminology and operationalizations. There has been much confusion regarding the
exact meaning of this construct. The definitions are so varied, and the field is
growing so rapidly, that researchers are constantly amending even their own
definitions of the construct. At the present time, there are three main models of EI:
 Ability EI models
 Mixed models of EI
 Trait EI model

Measurement of Emotional Intelligence

The ability-based model

Salovey and Mayer's conception of EI strives to define EI within the confines of the
standard criteria for a new intelligence. Following their continuing research, their initial
definition of EI was revised to "The ability to perceive emotion, integrate emotion to
facilitate thought, understand emotions and to regulate emotions to promote personal

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The ability based model views emotions as useful sources of information that help one to
make sense of and navigate the social environment. The model proposes that individuals
vary in their ability to process information of an emotional nature and in their ability to
relate emotional processing to a wider cognition. This ability is seen to manifest itself in
certain adaptive behaviors. The model claims that EI includes four types of abilities:

1. Perceiving emotions – the ability to detect and decipher emotions in faces, pictures,
voices, and cultural artifacts—including the ability to identify one's own emotions.
Perceiving emotions represents a basic aspect of emotional intelligence, as it makes
all other processing of emotional information possible.

2. Using emotions – the ability to harness emotions to facilitate various cognitive

activities, such as thinking and problem solving. The emotionally intelligent person
can capitalize fully upon his or her changing moods in order to best fit the task at

3. Understanding emotions – the ability to comprehend emotion language and to

appreciate complicated relationships among emotions. For example, understanding
emotions encompasses the ability to be sensitive to slight variations between
emotions, and the ability to recognize and describe how emotions evolve over time.

4. Managing emotions – the ability to regulate emotions in both ourselves and in

others. Therefore, the emotionally intelligent person can harness emotions, even
negative ones, and manage them to achieve intended goals.

The ability-based model has been criticized in the research for lacking face and predictive
validity in the workplace.

Measurement of the ability-based model

Different models of EI have led to the development of various instruments for the
assessment of the construct. While some of these measures may overlap, most researchers
agree that they tap slightly different constructs. The current measure of Mayer and
Salovey's model of EI, the Mayer-Salovey-Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test (MSCEIT) is
based on a series of emotion-based problem-solving items. Consistent with the model's
claim of EI as a type of intelligence, the test is modeled on ability-based IQ tests. By testing
a person's abilities on each of the four branches of emotional intelligence, it generates
scores for each of the branches as well as a total score.

Central to the four-branch model is the idea that EI requires attunement to social norms.
Therefore, the MSCEIT is scored in a consensus fashion, with higher scores indicating
higher overlap between an individual's answers and those provided by a worldwide
sample of respondents. The MSCEIT can also be expert-scored, so that the amount of

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overlap is calculated between an individual's answers and those provided by a group of

21 emotion researchers.

Although promoted as an ability test, the MSCEIT is most unlike standard IQ tests in that
its items do not have objectively correct responses. Among other problems, the consensus
scoring criterion means that it is impossible to create items (questions) that only a
minority of respondents can solve, because, by definition, responses are deemed
emotionally "intelligent" only if the majority of the sample has endorsed them. This and
other similar problems have led cognitive ability experts to question the definition of EI as
a genuine intelligence.

In a study by Føllesdal, the MSCEIT test results of 111 business leaders were compared
with how their employees described their leader. It was found that there were no
correlations between a leader's test results and how he or she was rated by the employees,
with regard to empathy, ability to motivate, and leader effectiveness. Føllesdal also
criticized the Canadian company Multi-Health Systems, which administers the MSCEIT
test. The test contains 141 questions but it was found after publishing the test that 19 of
these did not give the expected answers. This has led Multi-Health Systems to remove
answers to these 19 questions before scoring, but without stating this officially.

Mixed models of EI

The model introduced by Daniel Goleman focuses on EI as a wide array of competencies

and skills that drive leadership performance. Goleman's model outlines four main EI

Self-awareness – the ability to read one's emotions and recognize their impact while using
gut feelings to guide decisions.

Self-management – involves controlling one's emotions and impulses and adapting to

changing circumstances.

Social awareness – the ability to sense, understand, and react to others' emotions while
comprehending social networks.

Relationship management – the ability to inspire, influence, and develop others while
managing conflict.

Goleman includes a set of emotional competencies within each construct of EI. Emotional
competencies are not innate talents, but rather learned capabilities that must be worked
on and can be developed to achieve outstanding performance. Goleman posits that
individuals are born with a general emotional intelligence that determines their potential
for learning emotional competencies. Goleman's model of EI has been criticized in the
research literature as mere "pop psychology" (Mayer, Roberts, & Barsade, 2008).

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Measurement of the Emotional Competencies (Goleman) model

Two measurement tools are based on the Goleman model:

The Emotional Competency Inventory (ECI), which was created in 1999, and the
Emotional and Social Competency Inventory (ESCI), which was created in 2007.

The Emotional Intelligence Appraisal, which was created in 2001 and which can be taken
as a self-report or 360-degree assessment.

The Bar-On model of Emotional-Social Intelligence (ESI)

Bar-On defines emotional intelligence as being concerned with effectively understanding

oneself and others, relating well to people, and adapting to and coping with the
immediate surroundings to be more successful in dealing with environmental demands.
Bar-On posits that EI develops over time and that it can be improved through training,
programming, and therapy. Bar-On hypothesizes that those individuals with higher than
average EQs are in general more successful in meeting environmental demands and
pressures. He also notes that a deficiency in EI can mean a lack of success and the
existence of emotional problems. Problems in coping with one's environment are thought,
by Bar-On, to be especially common among those individuals lacking in the subscales of
reality testing, problem solving, stress tolerance, and impulse control. In general, Bar-On
considers emotional intelligence and cognitive intelligence to contribute equally to a
person's general intelligence, which then offers an indication of one's potential to succeed
in life. However, doubts have been expressed about this model in the research literature
(in particular about the validity of self-report as an index of emotional intelligence).

Measurement of the ESI Model

The Bar-On Emotion Quotient Inventory (EQ-i), is a self-report measure of EI developed

as a measure of emotionally and socially competent behavior that provides an estimate of
one's emotional and social intelligence. The EQ-i is not meant to measure personality traits
or cognitive capacity, but rather the mental ability to be successful in dealing with
environmental demands and pressures. One hundred and thirty three items (questions or
factors) are used to obtain a Total EQ (Total Emotional Quotient) and to produce five
composite scale scores, corresponding to the five main components of the Bar-On model.
A limitation of this model is that it claims to measure some kind of ability through self-
report items (for a discussion, see Matthews, Zeidner, & Roberts, 2001). The EQ-i has been
found to be highly susceptible to faking (Day & Carroll, 2008; Grubb & McDaniel, 2007).

The trait EI model

Petrides and colleagues (see also Petrides, 2009) proposed a conceptual distinction
between the ability based model and a trait based model of EI. Trait EI is "a constellation
of emotional self-perceptions located at the lower levels of personality". In lay terms, trait
EI refers to an individual's self-perceptions of their emotional abilities. This definition of
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EI encompasses behavioral dispositions and self perceived abilities and is measured by

self report, as opposed to the ability based model which refers to actual abilities, which
have proven highly resistant to scientific measurement. Trait EI should be investigated
within a personality framework. An alternative label for the same construct is trait
emotional self-efficacy.

The trait EI model is general and subsumes the Goleman and Bar-On models discussed
above. The conceptualization of EI as a personality trait leads to a construct that lies
outside the taxonomy of human cognitive ability. This is an important distinction in as
much as it bears directly on the operationalization of the construct and the theories and
hypotheses that are formulated about it.

Measurement of the trait EI model

There are many self-report measures of EI, including the EQ-i, the Swinburne University
Emotional Intelligence Test (SUEIT),the Schu EI model, none of these assess intelligence,
abilities, or skills (as their authors often claim), but rather, they are limited measures of
trait emotional intelligence (Petrides, Furnham, & Mavroveli, 2007). One of the more
comprehensive and widely researched measures of this construct is the Trait Emotional
Intelligence Questionnaire (TEIQue), which is an open-access measure that was
specifically designed to measure the construct comprehensively and is currently available
in many languages.

The TEIQue provides an operationalization for Petrides and colleagues' model that
conceptualizes EI in terms of personality. The test encompasses 15 subscales organized
under four factors: Well-Being, Self-Control, Emotionality, and Sociability. The
psychometric properties of the TEIQue were investigated in a study on a French-speaking
population, where it was reported that TEIQue scores were globally normally distributed
and reliable.

The researchers also found TEIQue scores were unrelated to nonverbal reasoning (Raven's
matrices), which they interpreted as support for the personality trait view of EI (as
opposed to a form of intelligence). As expected, TEIQue scores were positively related to
some of the Big Five personality traits (extraversion, agreeableness, openness,
conscientiousness) as well as inversely related to others (alexithymia, neuroticism). A
number of quantitative genetic studies have been carried out within the trait EI model,
which have revealed significant genetic effects and heritabilities for all trait EI scores.

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Module 3



Almost everyday we describe and assess the personalities of the people around us.
Whether we realize it or not, these daily musings on how and why people behave as they
do are similar to what personality psychologists do.

While our informal assessments of personality tend to focus more on individuals,

personality psychologists instead use conceptions of personality that can apply to
everyone. Personality research has led to the development of a number of theories that
help explain how and why certain personality traits develop.

Components of Personality

While there are many different theories of personality, the first step is to understand
exactly what is meant by the term personality. A brief definition would be that personality
is made up of the characteristic patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that make a
person unique. In addition to this, personality arises from within the individual and
remains fairly consistent throughout life.

Some of the fundamental characteristics of personality include:

 Consistency - There is generally a recognizable order and regularity to behaviors.

Essentially, people act in the same ways or similar ways in a variety of situations.

 Psychological and physiological - Personality is a psychological construct, but

research suggests that it is also influenced by biological processes and needs.

 Impact behaviors and actions - Personality does not just influence how we move
and respond in our environment; it also causes us to act in certain ways.

 Multiple expressions - Personality is displayed in more than just behavior. It can

also be seen in out thoughts, feelings, close relationships, and other social

Psychoanalytic Approach

Much of what causes our personality takes place in our Unconscious: thoughts, feelings,
wishes, and drives that operate below our level of conscious awareness. We don't
consciously know they exist.
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What’s in the unconscious mind can be revealed in several ways:

o Dreams

o Slips of the tongue

At birth, our personality consists of the Id.

Id: the completely unconscious part of the mind, without morals or logic, driven by two

 Eros, the life instinct: the instinct to gratify biological urges including food thirst,
physical comfort, and sexual pleasure.
 Libido: sexual motivation, part of Eros
 Thanatos, the death instinct: the instinct to destroy others and oneself

The id is made of the battling forces of Eros and Thanatos.

The id is ruled by the Pleasure Principle: the drive to immediately increase pleasure,
reduce tension, and avoid pain.

The id tries to satisfy its needs through:

Primary process thinking: forming a mental image of the object the id desires and
satisfying the desire through the mental image.

o Want food: imagine a cake.

o Want drink: imagine a soda.
o Want a certain person: imagine them, or have a dream about them.

Ego: the partly conscious part of the mind that organizes behavior, is logical, and makes
plans to satisfy the Id in safe, realistic ways. The ego develops in the first few years of

Reality Principle: the attempt by the ego to find safe, realistic ways of meeting the needs
of the id.

The ego is that part of the personality that adapts the person to the real world:

o It makes plans to take care of the Id’s needs.

o Modifies the Id’s needs to make them possible to satisfy
o Represses or hides the Id’s needs if they are impossible to satisfy

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Over time, society’s demands become accepted as an “internal voice” in the child. This
is the superego.

Superego: the moralistic component of personality, that judges one’s actions, thoughts,
and feelings according to society’s rules and attempts to reach perfection.
True punishment comes from the superego:

o Guilt
o Anxiety
o Shame
o Inferiority

The superego also provides rewards for attempting to be perfect:

o Pride

By adolescence everyone has a personality structure consisting of:

 An Id, with instinctive drives for sex and destruction

 A Superego, which is very judgmental and makes us feel guilty because of our
secret desires
 An Ego, which tries to be practical and satisfy the needs of the Id without causing
guilt or shame or anxiety from the Superego.

The Ego tries to take care of the Id's needs without causing guilt from the Superego.
Sometimes this is possible. Sometimes it's impossible.

Humanistic Approach

Humanism: An Introduction

Humanism is a philosophical movement that emphasises the personal worth of the

individual and the centrality of human values. The Humanistic approach rests on the
complex philosophical foundations of existentialism, and emphasizes the creative,
spontaneous and active nature of human beings. This approach is very optimistic and
focusses on noble human capacity to overcome hardship and despair.

Carl Rogers (1902-1987)

The idea that we are responsible for our own lives, embodied in existentialism, is
exemplified in the work of Carl Rogers. However Rogers approach was extremely
OPTIMISTIC. Rogers believed that “The organism has one basic tendency and striving-

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to actualize, maintain, and enhance the experiencing organism” (1951, p. 487).

Rogers believed that all people have a tendency toward growth = ‘Actualization’. The
need to maintain and enhance life. The goal of existence is to satisfy this need. This
desire to preserve and enhance oneself is on one level:

Physical = staying alive by eating, keeping warm, avoiding physical danger etc. On a
higher level:

Psychological = self-actualization is about testing and fulfilling our capabilities: seek out
new experiences, master new skills, quit boring jobs and find more exciting ones etc.

In the course of pursuing self-actualization, people engage in what Rogers called the
organismic valuing process. Experiences that are perceived as enhancing to oneself are
valued as good and are therefore sought after. Experiences perceived as not enhancing
are valued as bad and are avoided. In other words, we know what’s good for us!

Rogers used the term Fully Functioning Person for someone who is self-actualizing.
These people are OPEN TO EXPERIENCING THEIR FEELINGS, don’t feel threatened
by those feelings no matter what they are. They trust their own feelings. They are open
to the experiences of the world. They live lives full of meaning, challenge and

According to Rogers, the main determinant of whether we will become self-actualized is

childhood experience. Rogers believed that it is crucial for children to receive positive
regard, that is affection and approval from the important people in their lives,
particularly their parents. Rogers believed it is important for us to receive unconditional
positive regard, that is affection and acceptance with no strings attached. Often however,
according to Rogers this regard is conditional, it comes with strings attached. To be
loved and approved the child must be well-mannered, quiet, assertive, boyish, girlish,
whatever. These things are incorporated as conditions of worth. If the conditions are few
and reasonable then the child will be fine but if the conditions of worth are severely
limiting then self-actualization will be severely impeded. According to Rogers, external
conditions of worth come to control more and more of a person's behaviour. We even
start to apply these conditions to ourselves. This pattern of self-acceptance and self-
rejection is called conditional self-regard. Eventually, a gap opens between a person’s
actions and his or her true self. The person automatically covers over the split with
perceptual distortions, denying the conflict between self and reality. Rogers felt that
theses distortions can become so severe that they may lead to personality breakdown.

Rogers: Self congruence

Rogers is sometimes called a self-theorist. He assumed that the self doesn't exist at birth
but that infants gradually differentiate self from non-self. The self is constantly

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One way of looking at the self is to look at the ideal self and the actual self:

The ideal self is the person you’d like to be

The actual self is what you are now or even what you THINK you are because remember
from this perspective it’s all about subjective perceptions.

When you are self-actualized then there is congruence (i.e. harmony or agreement)
between the real and the actual selves. That is you become more like the self you want to

There’s a second kind of congruence and that is between the actual self and experience.
That is the experiences in life should fit with the type of person you think you are. So
there will be incongruity if you think you’re generous but find yourself being mean to
someone or if you think your ruthless and you find yourself being soft and mushy. If
you think you’re clever and do badly in a test there will be incongruence.

Incongruence is bad and means there is a breakdown in your unitary sense of self.
Incongruence leads to anxiety, whether the incongruence is between actual & real self or
between actual self and experience. Rogers believed we defend ourselves against
incongruence or even the perceptions of incongruence.

Rogers: Incongruence and Defenses

This concept of defenses is very similar to the psychodynamic concept. Rogers assumes
2 main categories of defenses:

1. DISTORTION OF EXPERIENCE: An example is rationalization: creating a plausible

but untrue reason for why something is the way it is. OR another distortion of
experience is when you try to change you perception of an event from what you really
know it to be: you go out with someone other than your partner but tell yourself that it
doesn’t matter because your partner won’t mind.


AT ALL: Denial serves this function.

Ultimately, defenses are there to maintain the congruity or integrity of self. Defenses
protect and enhance our self-esteem.

Ed Deci (1975) - Self-Determination (Autonomy)

Rogers’ ideas are echoed in a more recent theory of self-determination proposed by Ed

Deci (1975) and expanded upon by Deci and Richard Ryan (1980, 1985, 1987, 1991, 1995).

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Some actions we perform are done to gain payment or to satisfy someone else (their
pressures or demands on us). These are known as CONTROLLED actions (or introjected
regulation). These are “should”, “ought”: behaviour done to avoid guilt or anxiety, gain
self-approval, etc.

Some actions we perform are done so because they have intrinsic value to the person,
These are known as SELF-DETERMINED actions (identified regulation). This is
behaviour which is accepted as personally meaningful and valuable We stay interested
in performing a behaviour if it’s self-determined. e.g. you’re more likely to stick with
this course and study hard if you are doing it because it has intrinsic value for you,
rather if it’s what your parents want you to do or even if it’s because you think it will
result in a good job and therefore you pressure yourself.

There’s a wealth of evidence that shows that promising someone rewards for working
on an activity can undermine people’s interest in them (intrinsic vs extrinsic
motivation). However, sometimes the presence of reward can increase motivation. Deci
argues that this is because reward has 2 aspects: a controlling (non self-determined)
aspect and an informational aspect. The informational aspect tells you something about
your skills. If the reward is telling you you’re competent then it increases your
motivation but if the reward implies conditions of worth then the controlling aspect is
more salient and motivation decreases.

In other words, people are motivated by self-determination and autonomy. WHY a

person has various motivations to do things, rather than what the aspirations are, is the
key to self-actualization.

Maslow (1970, 1987) - Hierarchy of Needs

Abraham Maslow began his psychological research studying basic motivations of

animals, but then shifted his focus to the higher motivations of human beings. Abraham
Maslow, like Rogers, focussed on the positive. He was interested in the qualities of
people who get the most out of life. He was interested in what motivates them (but his
view of motivation was very different from what we looked at in the dispositional

Hierarchy of Needs

He viewed human needs or motives as forming a hierarchy.

1. PHYSIOLOGICAL NEEDS: At the bottom are the basic, primitive needs for air, food,
water - those things we HAVE to have to survive

2. SAFETY AND PHYSICAL SECURITY NEEDS: shelter from weather, protection

against tigers etc. Very important but not QUITE as important as the physiological

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3. LOVE AND BELONGINGNESS NEEDS: Companionship, acceptance from others

(like Rogers’ positive regard), affection.

4. ESTEEM NEEDS: needs for a sense of mastery and power. Need for appreciation
from others.

5. SELF ACTUALIZATION: similar use of the term to the way Rogers used it. “The
tendency to become whatever you’re capable of becoming”: The highest of human
motives. In trying to describe the process of self-actualization, Maslow focused on
moments when self actualization was clearly occurring. Maslow used the term “peak
experiences” to refer to moments of intense self-actualization. At these moments people
feel connected to their surroundings and aware of all the sounds and colours around
them. There’s a loss of a sense of time as the experience flows around you. You may feel
awe, wonder or even ecstasy. This is similar to what Csikszentmihalyi (chick-sent-me-
high) calls “flow” but he sees it not so much as joy or ecstasy but rather as a period of
intense concentration, with a slightly elevated mood when time flows by very quickly.

Motives WEAKEN as go from the more primitive to the higher needs (up the
pyramid). In general you need to deal with lower level needs before you can move onto
other needs.

Maslow: Self-Actualizing People

 Characteristics of self-actualized people according to Maslow (1968):

 efficient and accurate in perceiving reality
 are accepting of themselves, of other people and of nature
 are spontaneous in thought and emotion, rather than artificial
 are problem-centred - are concerned with the eternal philosophical questions of
 are independent and autonomous
 have a continued “freshness of appreciation” of ordinary events
 often experience “oceanic feelings” that is a sense of oneness with nature
 identify with all of humanity and are democratic and respectful of others
 form very deep ties but only with a few people
 appreciate for its own sake the process of doing things
 have a philosophical, thoughtful, non-hostile sense of humour
 have a childlike and fresh creativity and inventiveness
 maintain an inner detachment from the culture in which they live
 may appear temperamental or ruthless as they are strong and independent people
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guided by their own inner visions

 Maslow suggested that from his observations “probable” self-actualizers included:
 Albert Einstein, Eleanor Roosevelt, William James, Albert Schweitzer, Aldous
Huxley, Baruch Spinoza, Abe Lincoln
 Studies have shown that only approximately 1% of people self-actualize. Most others
live between ‘love and belongingness’ needs and ‘self-esteem’ needs. Self-
actualization is of course the weakest of needs, and is easily impeded. Some people
have a fear of self-knowledge & entering into state of uncertainty. Sometimes cultural
norms stifle us e.g. ‘manly’. Many people feel the need for a balance between safety
and freedom.
Maslow: Transpersonal Psychology (1971)

Maslow proposed a ‘higher psychology’ which he called Transpersonal psychology =

beyond human. Toward the end of his life, Maslow made a distinction between two
different kinds of self-actualizers. The type I’ve just described and others he called
“transcendent self-actualizers”. These people focus on mystical, ecstatic, spiritual states,
cosmic awareness, unitive consciousness, etc. Self-actualization becomes the most
important aspect of their lives. They are motivated by beauty, truth, unity, religiosity.
All experience is sacred to them.

Maslow: Problems of measuring self-actualisation

Maslow used interviews, observations, biographical studies, self-report questionnaires

and projective tests to “measure” self-actualization. It was and is a very loose approach
to measurement. It’s hard for theorists to agree precisely WHAT self-actualization is and
HOW to measure it. In other words it’s not been tightly defined and operationalised.
The concept of self actualization provides some very interesting insights but it is hard to
actually verify self-actualization scientifically. One scale, the Personal Orientation
Inventory (POI) by Shostrom (1974), is a self-report measure of self-actualization .
research using this measure finds the scale has various validity and reliability
weaknesses but does at least capture some aspects of a “healthy” personality (e.g.
Burwick & Knapp, 1991).

Therapeutic Approach

While humanistic and existential psychology both stress freedom, they understand it
slightly differently. For humanists, freedom is liberation from limiting conditions of
worth: once achieved that will lead to self-actualization

Rogers ‘Client-centred Therapy’ (1951)

The best known and probably the most popular humanistic therapy is Rogers “client-
centred therapy”. Remember that Rogers believed that human beings are intrinsically
good and are motivated to self-actualize. Self-actualization may be impeded by
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conditions of worth so they need to be removed. REMOVING these conditions of worth

is the way to solve people’s problems. Client centred therapy is the means to that end.
Treatment is focussed on the INDIVIDUAL. The therapist tries to see the world through
the client’s eyes so that the client will come to see his or her view of reality as having
value. The therapist empathizes with the client and offers unconditional positive regard
i.e. UNLIMITED ACCEPTANCE. By doing this, the therapist hopes to induce the client
to accept the totality of his or her experience and thus facilitate unconditional positive

The therapist “hears” the client by mirroring back the message they are getting from the
client. They restate the content and state the feelings they are picking up from the client.
This process helps the client clarify their feelings and not to feel threatened when doing
so. The touchstones of this approach are EMPATHY, INTUITION, and
UNCONDITIONAL POSITIVE REGARD. Ultimately the client is responsible for his or
her own growth - the therapist just helps to facilitate this process. .

Therapeutic Approach: ‘Group-based Growth and Therapy’

Other types of “therapy” based on the phenomenological approach to personality

(whether existential or humanistic) are group-based therapies. These growth groups
offered something lacking in everyday life at work, school, church, and within the
community. Some examples of various groups based on this tradition are:

 Encounter Groups
 Gestalt Groups
 Sensitivity Training Groups
 Marathon Groups
 Sensory Awareness Groups, Body Awareness Groups, Body Movement Groups
 Creativity Workshops
 Team Building Groups
 Experiential Education (e.g. Adventure programs)

Many of these groups are not really therapy as such but are just meant to be beneficial to
all. Encounter groups, which were very popular in the 60s are given this name because
the group helps people encounter the reality of their own experiences more directly.

Although each type of group is different there are some important similar features:

 Encouraging people to get in touch with their feelings

 Encouraging people to get in touch with their sensory experiences
 Encouraging people to act out fantasies, impulses and feelings within the group
atmosphere of mutual trust (safe place for change and growth) and unconditional
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positive regard
 They offer social support, empathy, encouragement, feedback
 Exploration of possible new ways of being socially, psychologically, and
physically. The idea being to transfer this growth to the rest of life.
 Generally, this type of therapy is more likely to be beneficial than not but not as
good as individual therapy. Better if the leaders use caring rather than
confrontation. Group leaders need to be properly trained or there can be negative
effects. Not marvellous for people experiencing SEVERE psychological distress.
 The dark side to this process is deindividuation - absorption in the group and a
lessened sense of individuality. This is the possible outcome of some of these
groups. Deindiviuation has a number of negative consequences such as
aggressive and antisocial behaviour

Trait and Type Approach

Trait Approach

A major weakness of Sheldon's morphological classification system and other type

theories in general is the element of oversimplification inherent in placing individuals into
a single category, which ignores the fact that every personality represents a unique
combination of qualities. Systems that address personality as a combination of qualities or
dimensions are called trait theories. Well-known trait theorist Gordon Allport (1897-1967)
extensively investigated the ways in which traits combine to form normal personalities,
cataloguing over 18,000 separate traits over a period of 30 years. He proposed that each
person has about seven central traits that dominate his or her behavior. Allport's attempt
to make trait analysis more manageable and useful by simplifying it was expanded by
subsequent researchers, who found ways to group traits into clusters through a process
known as factor analysis. Raymond B. Cattell reduced Allport's extensive list to 16
fundamental groups of inter-related characteristics, and Hans Eysenck claimed that
personality could be described based on three fundamental factors: psychoticism (such
antisocial traits as cruelty and rejection of social customs), introversion-extroversion, and
emotionality-stability (also called neuroticism). Eysenck also formulated a quadrant based
on intersecting emotional-stable and introverted-extroverted axes.

Type Approach

Perhaps the earliest known theory of personality is that of the Greek physician
Hippocrates (c. 400 B.C.), who characterized human behavior in terms of four
temperaments, each associated with a different bodily fluid, or "humor." The sanguine, or
optimistic, type was associated with blood; the phlegmatic type (slow and lethargic) with
phlegm; the melancholic type (sad, depressed) with black bile; and the choleric (angry)
type with yellow bile. Individual personality was determined by the amount of each of the
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four humors. Hippocrates' system remained influential in Western Europe throughout the
medieval and Renaissance periods. Abundant references to the four humors can be found
in the plays of Shakespeare, and the terms with which Hippocrates labeled the four
personality types are still in common use today. The theory of temperaments is among a
variety of systems that deal with human personality by dividing it into types. A widely
popularized (but scientifically dubious) modern typology of personality was developed in
the 1940s by William Sheldon, an American psychologist. Sheldon classified personality
into three categories based on body types: the endomorph (heavy and easy-going),
mesomorph (muscular and aggressive), and ectomorph (thin and intellectual or artistic).

Biocultural and Sociocultural Determinants

Personality is the outcome of a continuous personal quality development process. The role
of personality becomes clear in a particular situation. Personality is recognised in a
situation. It is the result of personal quality interaction in a particular condition. The major
determinants of personality of an individual are given below:

Heredity refers to those factors that were determined at conception. Physical stature, facial
attractiveness, sex, temperament, muscle composition and reflexes, energy level, and
biological rhythms are characteristics that are generally considered to be either completely
or substantially influenced by who your parents were; that is, by their biological,
physiological, and inherent psychological makeup. The contribution of heredity to
personality development is vividly clear for developing external appearance, behaviour,
social stimuli, self inner awareness, organising traits, etc.

Brain has a great impact on personality. The psychologists are unable to prove empirically
the contribution of human brain in influencing personality. Father and children generally
adopt the same type of brain stimulation. The differences are caused by environment.
Electrical stimulation of brain (ESB) and split brain psychology (SBP)are the outcome of
genetic transmision. The are helpful in moulding employee's behaviour. ESB is used for
motivating employees towards better performances. Managers are trained to use SBP for
mobilising employees for proper behaviour.

Perhaps the most outstanding factor that contributes to personality is the physical stature
of an individual. An individual's external appearance is proved to be having a
tremendous effect on personality. For example, the fact that a person is short or tall, fat or
thin, handsome or ugly, black or whitish will undoubtedly influence the person's effect on
others and in turn will affect the self-concept. A person's physical characteristics may be
related to his approach to the social environment, to the expectancies of others, and to
their reactions, to him. These in turn may have impact on personality development.

Personality is a result of the combination of four factors- physical environment, heredity,

culture and particular experiences. Geographical environment sometimes determines
cultural variability. Man comes to form ideas and attitudes according to the physical
environment he lives in. To the extent that the environment determines cultural
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development and to the extent that culture in turn determines personality a relationship
between personality and environment becomes clear.Montesque in 18th century claimed
that the bravery of those blessed by a cold climate enables them to maintain their liberties.
Great heat enervates courage while cold causes certain vigor of body and mind. The
people of mountain as well as deserts are usually bold, hard and powerful. However
physical conditions are more permissive and limiting factors than causative factors. They
set the limits within which personality can develop. Hereditary is another factor
determining human personality.

Some of the similarities in man’s personality are said to be due to his common heredity.
Every human group inherits the same general set of biological needs and capacities. These
common needs and capacities explain some of our similarities in personality. Man tends
to resemble his parents in physical appearance and intelligence. However heredity does
not mould human personality alone and unaided. We can assume that there are genes for
normal personality traits just as there are genes for other aspects of human life and
functioning. Heredity only furnishes the materials out of which experience will mould the
personality. Experience determines the way these materials will be used. An individual
may be energetic because of his heredity but whether he is active on his own belief or on
behalf of others is a matter of his training.

There can be little doubt that culture largely determines the types of personality that will
predominate in the particular group. According to some sociologists personality is the
subjective aspect of culture. They regard personality and culture as two sides of same
coin. Spiro had observed the development of personality and the acquisition of culture are
not different processes but one and the same learning process. Personality is an individual
aspect of culture while culture is a collective aspect of personality. Each culture produces
its special type or types of personality. A given cultural environment sets its participant
members off from other human beings operating under different cultural environments.
According to Frank culture is a coercive influence dominating the individual and molding
his personality by virtue of the ideas, conceptions and beliefs which had brought to bear
on him through communal life. The culture provides the raw material of which the
individual makes his life. The traditions, customs, mores, religion, institutions, moral and
social standards of a group affect the personality of the group members. From the moment
of birth the child is treated in ways which shape his personality. Every culture exerts a
series of general influences upon the individuals who grow up under it. It can be summed
up that culture greatly moulds personality. The individual ideas and behavior are largely
the results of cultural conditioning. However it should not be concluded that culture is a
massive die that shapes all that come under it with an identical pattern. All the people of a
given culture are not of same cast. Personality traits differ within any culture. Personality
is not totally determined by culture even though no personality escapes its influence. It is
only one determinant among others.

Personality is also determined by another factor the particular and unique experiences.
There are two types of experiences one those that stem from continuous association with
one’s group, second those that arise suddenly and are not likely to recur. The type of
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people who meet the child daily has a major influence on his personality. The personality
of parents does more to affect a child’s personality. The social rituals ranging from table
manners to getting along with others are consciously inculcated in the child by his
parents. The child picks up the language of his parents. Group influences are relatively
greater in early childhood. This is the period when the relationships of the child with the
mother, father and siblings affect profoundly the organization of his drives and emotions,
the deeper and subconscious aspects of his personality. Group interaction moulds the
child’s personality. It may also be inferred that personality is a matter of social situations.
It has been shown by social researchers that a person may show honesty in one situation
and not in another. The same is true for other personality traits also. Personality traits
tend to be specific responses to particular situations rather than general behavior patterns.
It is a dynamic unity with a creative potential.

Heredity, physical environment, culture and particular experiences are thus the four
factors that explain personality –its formation, development and maintenance. Beyond the
joint influence of these factors however the relative contribution of each factor to
personality varies with the characteristic or personality process involved and perhaps
with the individual concerned.

Techniques of assessment

The major Assessment methods areThe interviewRating scales ,Self-report

tests,Personality inventories, Projective techniques, Behavioral assessment, Cognitive
assessment, Bodily assessment, Personal factsReliability and validity of assessment
methods & Clinical Evaluation.

Self-report Tests

A self-report inventory is a type of psychological test in which a person fills out a survey
or questionnaire with or without the help of an investigator. Self-report inventories often
ask direct questions about symptoms, behaviors, and personality traits associated with
one or many mental disorders or personality types in order to easily gain insight into a
patient's personality or illness. Most self-report inventories can be taken or administered
within five to 15 minutes, although some, like the MMPI, can take up to three hours to
fully complete.

Problems with Self-report Tests

The biggest problem with self-report inventories is that patients may exaggerate
symptoms in order to make their situation seem worse, or they may under-report the
severity or frequency of symptoms in order to minimize their problems. For this reason,
self-report inventories should be used only for measuring for symptom change and
severity and should never be solely used to diagnose a mental disorder. Clinical discretion
is advised for all self-report inventories.

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Many personality tests, such as the MMPI or the MBTI are designed to make it very
difficult for a person to exaggerate traits and symptoms. However, these tests suffer from
the inherent problems associated with personality theory and testing, in that personality is
a fluid concept that can be difficult to define. Most personality inventories are based on a
particular personality theory.

Popular Self-Report Tests

 16 PF
 Beck Anxiety Inventory
 Beck Depression Inventory
 Beck Hopelessness Scale
 California Psychological Inventory
 Geriatric Depression Scale
 Hirschfeld Mood Disorder Questionnaire
 Kuder Occupational Interest Survey
 Major Depression Inventory
 Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory
 Myers-Briggs Type Indicator

Projective test

An inkblot from the Rorschach inkblot test, the most well-known and widely used of the
projective tests

In psychology, a projective test is a personality test designed to let a person respond to

ambiguous stimuli, presumably revealing hidden emotions and internal conflicts. This
is different from an "objective test" in which responses are analyzed according to a
universal standard (for example, a multiple choice exam). The responses to projective
tests are content analyzed for meaning rather than being based on presuppositions
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about meaning, as is the case with objective tests. Some criticisms of projective tests
include that they rely heavily on clinical judgement, lack reliability and validity and
many have no standardized criteria to which results may be compared, however this is
not always the case. These tests are used frequently, though the scientific evidence is
sometimes debated. There have been many empirical studies based on projective tests
(including the use of standardized norms and samples), particularly more established
tests. The criticism of lack of scientific evidence to support them and their continued
popularity has been referred to as the "projective paradox".Projective tests have their
origins in psychoanalytic psychology, which argues that humans have conscious and
unconscious attitudes and motivations that are beyond or hidden from conscious

The terms "objective test" and "projective test" have recently come under criticism in the
Journal of Personality Assessment. The more descriptive "rating scale or self-report
measures" and "free response measures" are suggested, rather than the terms "objective
tests" and "projective tests," respectively.


The general theoretical position behind projective tests is that whenever a specific
question is asked, the response will be consciously-formulated and socially determined.
These responses do not reflect the respondent's unconscious or implicit attitudes or
motivations. The respondent's deep-seated motivations may not be consciously
recognized by the respondent or the respondent may not be able to verbally express them
in the form demanded by the questioner. Advocates of projective tests stress that the
ambiguity of the stimuli presented within the tests allow subjects to express thoughts that
originate on a deeper level than tapped by explicit questions. Projective tests lost some of
their popularity during the 1980s and 1990s in part because of the overall loss of
popularity of the psychoanalytic method and theories. Despite this, they are still used
quite frequently.

Common variants

.The best known and most frequently used projective test is the Rorschach inkblot test, in
which a subject is shown a series of ten irregular but symmetrical inkblots, and asked to
explain what they see. The subject's responses are then analyzed in various ways, noting
not only what was said, but the time taken to respond, which aspect of the drawing was
focused on, and how single responses compared to other responses for the same drawing.
For example, if someone consistently sees the images as threatening and frightening, the
tester might infer that the subject may suffer from paranoia.
Thematic apperception test

Another popular projective test is the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) in which an
individual views ambiguous scenes of people, and is asked to describe various aspects of
the scene; for example, the subject may be asked to describe what led up to this scene, the
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emotions of the characters, and what might happen afterwards. The examiner then
evaluates these descriptions, attempting to discover the conflicts, motivations and
attitudes of the respondent. In the answers, the respondent "projects" their unconscious
attitudes and motivations into the picture, which is why these are referred to as
"projective tests."

Draw-A-Person test
The Draw-A-Person test requires the subject to draw a person. The results are based on a
psychodynamic interpretation of the details of the drawing, such as the size, shape and
complexity of the facial features, clothing and background of the figure. As with other
projective tests, the approach has very little demonstrated validity and there is evidence
that therapists may attribute pathology to individuals who are merely poor artists. A
similar class of techniques is kinetic family drawing.
Sentence completion test
Sentence completion tests require the subject complete sentence "stems" with their own
words. The subject's response is considered to be a projection of their conscious and/or
unconscious attitudes,personality characteristics, motivations, and beliefs.

Other Measures

Behavioural observation & interview

Behavioural observation is the act of noting and recording something, such as a

phenomenon, with instruments and reaching at an inference or a judgment that is
acquired from or based on observing.

In an interview the individual under assessment must be given considerable latitude in

“telling his story.” Interviews have both verbal and nonverbal (e.g., gestural) components.
The aim of the interview is to gather information, and the adequacy of the data gathered
depends in large part on the questions asked by the interviewer. In an employment
interview the focus of the interviewer is generally on the job candidate’s work
experiences, general and specific attitudes, and occupational goals. In a diagnostic medical
or psychiatric interview considerable attention would be paid to the patient’s physical
health and to any symptoms

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Module 4



Consciousness is variously defined as subjective experience, or awareness, or wakefulness, or

the executive control system of the mind. It is an umbrella term that may refer to a variety of
mental phenomena. Although humans realize what everyday experiences are,
consciousness refuses to be defined, philosophers note (e.g. John Searle in The Oxford
Companion to Philosophy):

"Anything that we are aware of at a given moment forms part of our consciousness,
making conscious experience at once the most familiar and most mysterious aspect of our
lives."—Schneider and Velmans, 2007

Consciousness in medicine (e.g., anesthesiology) is assessed by observing a patient's

alertness and responsiveness, and can be seen as a continuum of states ranging from alert,
oriented to time and place, and communicative, through disorientation, then delirium,
then loss of any meaningful communication, and ending with loss of movement in
response to painful stimulation.

Consciousness in psychology and philosophy has four characteristics: subjectivity,

change, continuity and selectivity. Philosopher Franz Brentano has suggested
intentionality or aboutness (that consciousness is about something). However, within the
philosophy of mind there is no consensus on whether intentionality is a requirement for

Consciousness is the subject of much research in philosophy of mind, psychology,

neuroscience, cognitive science, cognitive neuroscience and artificial intelligence. Issues of
practical concern include how the presence of consciousness can be assessed in severely ill
or comatose people; whether non-human consciousness exists and if so how it can be
measured; at what point in fetal development consciousness begins; and whether
computers can achieve a conscious state.


A daydream is a visionary fantasy experienced while awake, especially one of happy,

pleasant thoughts, hopes or ambitions. There are so many different types of daydreams
that there is still no consensus definition amongst psychologists. While daydreams may
include fantasies about future scenarios or plans, reminiscences about past experiences, or
vivid dream-like images, they are often connected with some type of emotion.

While daydreaming has long been derided as a lazy, non-productive pastime,

daydreaming can be constructive in some contexts. There are numerous examples of
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people in creative or artistic careers, such as composers, novelists and filmmakers,

developing new ideas through daydreaming. Similarly, research scientists,
mathematicians and physicists have developed new ideas by daydreaming about their
subject areas.


Daydreaming was long held in disrepute in society and was associated with laziness. In
the late 1800s, Toni Nelson argued that some daydreams with grandiose fantasies are self-
gratifying attempts at "wish fulfillment". In the 1950s, some educational psychologists
warned parents not to let their children daydream, for fear that the children may be
sucked into "neurosis and even psychosis".

In the late 1960s, psychologist Jerome L. Singer of Yale University and psychologist John
S. Antrobus of the City College of New York created a daydream questionnaire. The
questionnaire, called the Imaginal Processes Inventory (IPI), has been used to investigate
daydreams. Psychologists Leonard Giambra and George Huba used the IPI and found
that daydreamers' imaginary images vary in three ways: how vivid or enjoyable the
daydreams are, how many guilt- or fear-filled daydreams they have, and how "deeply"
into the daydream people go.

Recent research

Eric Klinger's research in the 1980s showed that most daydreams are about ordinary,
everyday events and help to remind us of mundane tasks. Klinger's research also showed
that over 75% of workers in "boring jobs", such as lifeguards and truck drivers, use vivid
daydreams to "ease the boredom" of their routine tasks. Klinger found that less than 5% of
the workers' daydreams involved explicitly sexual thoughts and that violent daydreams
were also uncommon.

Israeli high school students who scored high on the Daydreaming Scale of the IPI had
more empathy than students who scored low. Some psychologists, such as Los Angeles'
Joseph E. Shorr, use the mental imagery created during their clients' daydreaming to help
gain insight into their mental state and make diagnoses.

Other recent research has also shown that daydreaming, much like nighttime dreaming, is
a time when the brain consolidates learning. Daydreaming may also help people to sort
through problems and achieve success. Research with fMRI shows that brain areas
associated with complex problem-solving become activated during daydreaming

Therapist Dan Jones looked at patterns in how people achieved success from
entrepreneurs like Richard Branson and Peter Jones to geniuses like Albert Einstein and
Leonardo da Vinci. Jones also looked at the thinking styles of successful creative people

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like Beethoven and Walt Disney. What he found was that they all had one thing in
common. They all spent time daydreaming about their area of success.

Sports psychologists have used this knowledge for years without making the connection
to daydreaming. They would have sports people visualise success. Studies have shown
that those that use visualisation outperform those that use practice alone.

Nowadays it is understood that visualisation or guided imagery is the same state of mind
as daydreaming.

States of Consciousness & Extended States of Consciousness

Man lives in 3 relative states of Consciousnes- waking, dreaming & dreamless sleep
known in Sanskrit as Jagrata, Swapna & Sushupti. Now there is a Transcendental state of
Consciousness known as the Fourth (Tureeya) & there are still higher states of

Seven States of Consciousness

1. Waking
2. Dreaming (REM sleep)
3. Dreamless Sleep (non- REM)
4. Transcendental Consciousness (TC)
5. Cosmic Consciousness (CC)
6. Glorified State of Cosmic Consciousness (GC)
7. Unified State of Cosmic Consciousness

Cognitive Phenomena can be classified as "complex" phenomena because they typically

involve the spontaneous emergence of "concepts" or "ideas" which are formulated out of
"thoughts" or "feelings" that are holistic in nature. Unlike colorful distortions of raw
perception from our sensory cortices or the emergence of primal impulses from our
emotional brain, Cognitive Phenomena are typically defined in terms of "expanded states"
of consciousness, the production of "novel memes," and the shifting or shattering of the
"paradigms" through which we view reality. Cognitive Phenomena are tied closely to both
concepts of self as well as the basic logic and language functions of the brain (which
would be located in the prefrontal cortex), but they also rely on areas of our brain
responsible for more intuitive, loosely-associative interpretations of data. Because of this,
Cognitive Phenomena may seem cryptic, paradoxical, and grand in scope; the states are
often described in spiritual terms of mystical awareness and metaphysical awakening; and
reports from users all over the world often use the same language metaphors to describe
various states of "expanded consciousness." And since Cognitive Phenomena emerge into
both the "mind" and into the culture arena as fully-formed as experiential "concepts" or

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"ideas," they are arguably the most powerful, transformative, and easy-to-translate
artifacts of the psychedelic experience.


Hypnosis is a mental state (state theory) or imaginative role-enactment (non-state theory)

usually induced by a procedure known as a hypnotic induction, which is commonly
composed of a long series of preliminary instructions and suggestions. Hypnotic
suggestions may be delivered by a hypnotist in the presence of the subject, or may be self-
administered ("self-suggestion" or "autosuggestion"). The use of hypnotism for
therapeutic purposes is referred to as "hypnotherapy."

The words 'hypnosis' and 'hypnotism' both derive from the term "neuro-hypnotism"
(nervous sleep) coined by the Scottish surgeon James Braid around 1841. Braid based his
practice on that developed by Franz Mesmer and his followers ("Mesmerism" or "animal
magnetism"), but differed in his theory as to how the procedure worked.

Contrary to a popular misconception - that hypnosis is a form of unconsciousness

resembling sleep - contemporary research suggests that it is actually a wakeful state of
focused attentionand heightened suggestibility, with diminished peripheral awareness. In
the first book on the subject, Neurypnology (1843), Braid described "hypnotism" as a state
of physical relaxation accompanied and induced by mental concentration ("abstraction").


Skeptics point out the difficulty distinguishing between hypnosis and the placebo effect,
proposing that hypnosis is so heavily reliant upon the effects of suggestion and belief that
it would be hard to imagine how a credible placebo control could ever be devised for a
hypnotism study..

It could be said that hypnotic suggestion is explicitly intended to make use of the placebo
effect. For example, in 1994, Irving Kirsch proposed a definition of hypnosis as a
"nondeceptive mega-placebo," i. e., a method which openly makes use of suggestion and
employs methods to amplify its effects..


The earliest definition of hypnosis was given by Braid, who coined the term "hypnotism"
as an abbreviation for "neuro-hypnotism", or nervous sleep, which he opposed to normal
sleep, and defined as:

A peculiar condition of the nervous system, induced by a fixed and abstracted attention of
the mental and visual eye, on one object, not of an exciting nature.

Braid elaborated upon this brief definition in a later work:

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…the real origin and essence of the hypnotic condition, is the induction of a habit of
abstraction or mental concentration, in which, as in reverie or spontaneous abstraction, the
powers of the mind are so much engrossed with a single idea or train of thought, as, for
the nonce, to render the individual unconscious of, or indifferently conscious to, all other
ideas, impressions, or trains of thought. The hypnotic sleep, therefore, is the very antithesis
or opposite mental and physical condition to that which precedes and accompanies
common sleep …

Braid therefore defined hypnotism as a state of mental concentration which often led to a
form of progressive relaxation termed "nervous sleep". Later, in his The Physiology of
Fascination (1855), Braid conceded that his original terminology was misleading, and
argued that the term "hypnotism" or "nervous sleep" should be reserved for the minority
(10%) of subjects who exhibited amnesia, substituting the term "monoideism", meaning
concentration upon a single idea, as a description for the more alert state experienced by
the others.

Since it can not (or has not) been defined in scientific terms. It can not be subjected to the
scientific method for confirming its existence as more than a theory.

Meditation is a holistic discipline by which the practitioner attempts to get beyond the
reflexive, "thinking" mind into a deeper state of relaxation or awareness. The term can
refer to the process of reaching this state, as well as to the state itself. Meditation is a
component of many religions, and has been practiced since antiquity. It is also practiced
outside religious traditions. Different meditative disciplines encompass a wide range of
spiritual and non-spiritual goals including achieving a higher state of consciousness or
enlightenment, increasing one's compassion and lovingkindness, receiving spiritual
inspiration or guidance from God, achieving greater focus, creativity or self-awareness,
and simply cultivating a more relaxed and peaceful frame of mind.

Eastern meditation techniques have been adapted and increasingly practiced in Western
culture resulting in some opposition from organizations such as the Catholic Church.

In spirituality and religion

There are literally hundreds of types of meditation styles.

Meditation has been defined as: "self regulation of attention, in the service of self-inquiry,
in the here and now."

Meditation can be practiced while walking or doing simple repetitive tasks. Walking
meditation helps break down habitual automatic mental categories, "thus regaining the
primary nature of perceptions and events, focusing attention on the process while
disregarding its purpose or final outcome." In a form of meditation using visualization,
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such as Chinese Qi Gong, the practitioner concentrates on flows of energy (Qi) in the
body, starting in the abdomen and then circulating through the body, until dispersed.
Some meditative traditions, such as yoga or tantra, are common to several religions.


Buddhist meditation is fundamentally concerned with two themes: transforming the mind
and using it to explore itself and other phenomena.[47] The historical Buddha himself,
Siddhartha Gautama, was said to have achieved enlightenment while meditating under a
Bodhi tree. In Buddhist mythology, there have been twenty eight Buddhas and all of them
practiced meditation to make spiritual progress.

All Buddhist traditions recognize that the path to Enlightenment entails three types of
training: virtue (sīla); concentration (dhyāna); and, wisdom (paññā). Thus, meditative
process alone is but one aspect of the path to Enlightenment.

A traditional Buddhist explanandum distinguishes two classes of meditation practices,

samatha and vipassana, which together will lead one all the way to enlightenment. The
former consists of practices aimed at developing the ability to focus the attention single-
pointedly; the latter includes practices aimed at developing insight and wisdom through
seeing the true nature of reality. The differentiation between the two types of meditation
practices is not always clear cut, which is made obvious when studying practices such as
anapanasati which could be said to start off as a shamatha practice, but goes through a
number of stages, and ends up as a vipassana practice.

Theravada Buddhism emphasizes the meditative development of mindfulness (sati, see

for example the Satipatthana Sutta) and concentration (samadhi, see kammatthana), as part of
the Noble Eightfold Path, in the pursuit of Nibbana (Nirvana). Theravada buddhism was
the original practice, and uses a style of individuality by which each person is seen as
different; therefore each person's path to Nirvana may also differ. Traditional popular
meditation subjects include the breath (anapana) and loving-kindness (mettā).

One particularly influential school of Buddhist meditation in the 20th century was the
Thai Forest Tradition which included such notable practitioners of meditation as Ajahn
Thate, Ajahn Maha Bua and the Ajahn Chah.

Anapanasati, or watching the breath, has been practiced since the time of The Buddha. In
this type of meditation one simply turns the attention to each breath. Sometimes the
breaths are counted on the inhalation (or sometimes the exhalation is chosen as well), "1...
2... 3... 4...," up to ten and then the practitioner begins from 1 again. Sometimes the breaths
are simply watched without counting. When the attention goes to something else it is
gently brought back to the breath; If the count is lost then the practitioner simply starts
from 1 again. This type of meditation has been shown to improve the ability to sustain
one's attention to any stimuli as well as improving executive functioning and slow the
natural aging process of the brain.

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Sometimes, in a certain style of calm abiding, a practitioner will concentrate on an object

such as a candle flame or the statue of The Buddha. Meditation on a concept, such as the
temporary nature of reality, is also sometimes practiced.

Meditation in Tibetan Buddhism grew up as an integral part of religious life, alongside

other practices like mantra recitation, study of sacred literature, hand mudras,
prostrations, and so forth. All Tibetan schools share the preliminary practice of Ngondro.
From there one begins either with Dzogchen in the Nyingma path or with Mahamudra in
the Kagyu lineage. There is a fairly wide consensus among lamas of both the Nyingma
and Sarma schools that the end state of dzogchen and mahamudra are the same. The
result of these practices is to awaken to the sky-like nature of mind, the primordial, pure,
nondual state, the unchanging awareness which underlies the whole of life and death, and
then to abide in this state until complete and precious Enlightenment is attained.

Also in Tibetan Buddhism there are other forms of meditation including mettā, or
compassion meditation, where one generates a state of boundless compassion (recognized
in science as self-induced high-amplitude gamma synchrony) and simultaneously
increases the compassion one has for others, or, in other words, trains, "the mental
expertise to cultivate positive emotion alters the activation of circuitries previously linked
to empathy and theory of mind in response to emotional stimuli." There is also the
practice of Tonglen where one takes on the suffering and stress of others while radiating
happiness and success to others, and the practice of Tummo wherein monks learn to
generate enough body heat so that others have seen these practitioners, fully submerged
beneath icy lakes, cause steam to rise from the surface of the water. Tibetan Buddhism is
considered part of the Vajrayana and Mahayana traditions.

In Japanese Mahayana schools, Tendai (Tien-tai), concentration is cultivated through

highly structured ritual. Especially in the Chinese Chán Buddhism school (which
branched out into the Japanese Zen, and Korean Seon schools), ts'o ch'an meditation and
koan meditation practices allow a practitioner to directly experience the true nature of
reality (each of the names of these schools derives from the Sanskrit dhyana, and
translates into "meditation" in their respective languages). The esoteric Shingon sect
shares many features with Tibetan Buddhism. The Japanese haiku poet Basho saw poetry
as a process of meditation concerned with the art of describing the brief appearances of
the everlasting self, of eternity, in the circumstances of the world. We get a sense of this
ethical purpose in his writing at the commencement of his classic work Narrow Roads to
the Deep North. In a more lonely and perhaps more profound pilgrimage than Chaucer
depicted in the Canterbury Tales, Basho reflects on mortality in intermingled poetry and
prose as he journeys north from shrine to shrine.

It has been argued that meditative traditions of Buddhism (which predated the recorded
birth of Jesus by 500 years and were present in Asia Minor and Alexandria during Jesus'
life), influenced the development of some aspects of Christian contemplative faith
(Buddhism and Christianity).

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Meditation has been one of the core spiritual practices undertaken by the Jains since the
era of first Tirthankar Lord Rishabha. All the twenty four Tirthankars have practiced deep
meditation before attaining enlightenment. They are all shown in meditative postures in
the images or idols. Lord Mahaveer practiced deep meditation for twelve years and
attained enlightenment.

The Oldest Jain Canon (4th Century BCE) describes meditation of Mahavira before
attaining kevala Jnana:

Giving up the company of all householders whomsoever, he meditated. Asked, he gave

no answer; he went, and did not transgress the right path.(AS 312) In these places was the
wise Sramana for thirteen long years; he meditated day and night, exerting himself,
undisturbed, strenuously. (AS 333) And Mahavira meditated (persevering) in some
posture, without the smallest motion; he meditated in mental concentration on (the
things) above, below, beside, free from desires. He meditated free from sin and desire, not
attached to sounds or colours; though still an erring mortal (khadmastha), he wandered
about, and never acted carelessly.(AS 374-375)

After more than twelve years of austerities and meditation, Mahavira entered the state of
Kevala Jnana while doing shukla dhayana, the highest form of meditation:

The Venerable Ascetic Mahavira passed twelve years in this way of life; during the
thirteenth year in the second month of summer, in the fourth fortnight, the light
(fortnight) of Vaisakha, on its tenth day called Suvrata, in the Muhurta called Vigaya,
while the moon was in conjunction with the asterism Uttaraphalguni, when the shadow
had turned towards the east, and the first wake was over, outside of the town
Grimbhikagrama, on the northern bank of the river Rigupalika, in the field of the
householder Samaga, in a north-eastern direction from an old temple, not far from a Sal
tree, in a squatting position with joined heels exposing himself to the heat of the sun, with
the knees high and the head low, in deep meditation, in the midst of abstract
meditation,he reached Nirvana, the complete and full, the unobstructed, unimpeded,
infinite and supreme best knowledge and intuition, called Kevala.

The Jains use the word Samayika, a word in the Prakrit language derived from the word
samay (time), to denote the practice of meditation. The aim of Samayika is to transcend
the daily experiences of being a "constantly changing" human being, Jiva, and allow for
the identification with the "changeless" reality in the practitioner, the Atma. If the present
moment of time is taken to be a point between the past and the future, Samayika means
being fully aware, alert and conscious in that very moment, experiencing one's true
nature, Atma, which is considered common to all living beings. To live in samayik is
called living in the present. The Samayika takes on special significance during
Paryushana, a special eight- or ten-day period (depending on the sect) practiced by the
Jains. One of the main goal of Samayika is to inculcate the quality of equanimity. It

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encourages to be consistently spiritually vigilant. Samayaika is practiced in all the Jain

sects and communities.

Acharya Mahaprajna, the 10th Head of Jain Swetamber Terapanth sect , formulated a well
organized meditation system known as preksha meditation in the 1970s. With this, he
rediscovered the Jain Meditation techniques available in ancient Jain scriptures. The
system consists of the perception of the breath, body, the psychic centres, psychic colors,
thought and of contemplation processes which can initiate the process of personal
transformation. A few important contemplation themes are - Impermanence, Solitariness,
Vulnerability. It aims at reaching and purifying the deeper levels of existence. Regular
practice is believed to strengthen the immune system and build up stamina to resist
against ageing, pollution, viruses, diseases. Meditation practice is an important part of the
daily lives of the religion's monks.

The kayotsarg method is found to be very useful by many Jains. It is the process of
complete relaxation with high degree of self awareness.

Contemplation is a very old and important meditation technique. The practitioner

meditates deeply on subtle facts. In agnya vichāya, one contemplates on seven facts - life
and non-life, the inflow, bondage, stoppage and removal of karmas, and the final
accomplishment of liberation. In apaya vichāya, one contemplates on the incorrect insights
one indulges into and that eventually develops right insight. In vipaka vichāya, one reflects
on the eight causes or basic types of karma. In sansathan vichāya, when one thinks about the
vastness of the universe and the loneliness of the soul.

There exists a number of meditation techniques such as pindāstha-dhyāna, padāstha-dhyāna,

rūpāstha-dhyāna, rūpātita-dhyāna, savīrya-dhyāna, etc. In padāstha dhyāna one focuses on
Mantras. A Mantra could be either a combinations of core letters or words on deity or
themes. There is a rich tradition of Mantra in Jainism. All Jain followers irrespective of
their sect, whether Digambara or Svetambara practice Mantra. Mantra chanting is an
important part of daily lives of Jain monks and followers. Mantra chanting can be done
either loudly or silently in mind.


There is evidence that Judaism has had meditative practices that go back thousands of
years. For instance, in the Torah, the patriarch Isaac is described as going (lasuach) in the
field a term understood by all commentators as some type of meditative practice (Genesis
24:63), probably prayer.

Similarly, there are indications throughout the Tanach (the Hebrew Bible) that meditation
was central to the prophets. In the Old Testament, there are two Hebrew words for
meditation: hāgâ (Hebrew), which means to sigh or murmur, but also to meditate, and sîḥâ
(Hebrew), which means to muse, or rehearse in one's mind.

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The Jewish mystical tradition, Kabbalah, is inherently a meditative field of study. The
Talmud refers to the advantage of the scholar over the prophet, as his understanding
takes on intellectual, conceptual form, that deepens mental grasp, and can be
communicated to others. The advantage of the prophet over the scholar is in the
transcendence of their intuitive vision. The ideal illumination is achieved when the
insights of mystical revelation are brought into conceptual structures. For example, Isaac
Luria revealed new doctrines of Kabbalah in the 16th Century, that revolutionised and
reordered its teachings into a new system. However, he did not write down his teachings,
which were recounted and interpreted instead by his close circle of disciples. After a
mystical encounter, called in Kabbalistic tradition an "elevation of the soul" into the
spiritual realms, Isaac Luria said that it would take 70 years to explain all that he had
experienced. As Kabbalah evolved its teachings took on successively greater conceptual
form and philosophical system. Nonetheless, as is implied by the name of Kabbalah,
which means "to receive", its exponents see that for the student to understand its teachings
requires a spiritual intuitive reception that illuminates and personalises the intellectual

Corresponding to the learning of Kabbalah are its traditional meditative practices, as for
the Kabbalist, the ultimate purpose of its study is to understand and cleave to the Divine.
Classic methods include the mental visualisation of the supernal realms the soul navigates
through to achieve certain ends. One of the most well known types of meditation in early
Jewish mysticism was the work of the Merkabah, from the root /R-K-B/ meaning
"chariot" (of God).

In modern Jewish practice one of the best known meditative practices is called
"hitbodedut" (alternatively transliterated as "hisbodedus"), and is explained in Kabbalistic,
Hasidic, and Mussar writings, especially the Hasidic method of Rabbi Nachman of
Breslav. The word derives from the Hebrew word "boded" meaning the state of being
alone. Another Hasidic system is the Habad method of "hisbonenus", related to the
Sephirah of "Binah", Hebrew for understanding. This practice is the analytical reflective
process of making oneself understand a mystical concept well, that follows and
internalises its study in Hasidic writings.

New Age

New Age meditations are often influenced by Eastern philosophy, mysticism, Yoga,
Hinduism and Buddhism, yet may contain some degree of Western influence. In the West,
meditation found its mainstream roots through the social revolution of the 1960s and
1970s, when many of the youth of the day rebelled against traditional belief systems as a
reaction against what some perceived as the failure of Christianity to provide spiritual
and ethical guidance. New Age meditation as practiced by the early hippies is regarded
for its techniques of blanking out the mind and releasing oneself from conscious thinking.
This is often aided by repetitive chanting of a mantra, or focusing on an object. Many New
Age groups combine yoga with meditation where the control of mind and breathing is
said to be the highest yoga.
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In Zen Yoga Aaron Hoopes talks of meditation as being an avenue to touching the
spiritual nature that exists within each of us.

At its core, meditation is about touching the spiritual essence that exists within us all.
Experiencing the joy of this essence has been called enlightenment, nirvana, or even
rebirth, and reflects a deep understanding within us. The spiritual essence is not
something that we create through meditation. It is already there, deep within, behind all
the barriers, patiently waiting for us to recognize it. One does not have to be religious or
even interested in religion to find value in it. Becoming more aware of your self and
realizing your spiritual nature is something that transcends religion. Anyone who has
explored meditation knows that it is simply a path that leads to a new, more expansive
way of seeing the world around us.

Among the meditation techniques identified as "New Age" are Sahaja Yoga,
Transcendental Meditation, Natural Stress Relief, 5Rhythms, Transmission Meditation,
and Theta Healing.[97]


In Sikhism, the practices of simran and Nām Japō encourage quiet meditation. This is
focusing one's attention on the attributes of God. Sikhs believe that there are 10 'gates' to
the body; 'gates' is another word for 'chakras' or energy centres. The top most energy level
is called the tenth gate or dasam dwar. When one reaches this stage through continuous
practice meditation becomes a habit that continues whilst walking, talking, eating, awake
and even sleeping. There is a distinct taste or flavour when a meditator reaches this lofty
stage of meditation, as one experiences absolute peace and tranquility inside and outside
the body.

Followers of the Sikh religion also believe that love comes through meditation on the
lord's name since meditation only conjures up positive emotions in oneself which are
portrayed through our actions. The first Guru of the Sikhs, Guru Nanak Dev Ji preached
the equality of all humankind and stressed the importance of living a householder's life
instead of wandering around jungles meditating, the latter of which being a popular
practice at the time. The Guru preached that we can obtain liberation from life and death
by living a totally normal family life and by spreading love amongst every human being
regardless of religion.

In the Sikh religion, kirtan, otherwise known as singing the hymns of God is seen as one
of the most beneficial ways of aiding meditation, and it too in some ways is believed to be
a meditation of one kind.


Taoism includes a number of meditative and contemplative traditions, said to have their
principles described in the I Ching, Tao Te Ching, Chuang Tzu and Tao Tsang among other

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texts. The multitude of schools relating to Qigong, Neigong, Internal alchemy, Daoyin and
Zhan zhuang is a large, diverse array of breath-training practices in aid of meditation with
much influence on later Chinese Buddhism and with much influence on traditional
Chinese medicine and the Chinese as well as some Japanese martial arts. The Chinese
martial art T'ai Chi Ch'uan is named after the well-known focus for Taoist and Neo-
Confucian meditation, the T'ai Chi T'u, and is often referred to as “meditation in motion”.

"The Guanzi essay 'Neiye' (Inward training) is the oldest received writing on the subject of
the cultivation of vapor and meditation techniques. The essay was probably composed at
the Jixia Academy in Qi in the late fourth century B.C."

Often Taoist Internal martial arts, especially Tai Chi Chuan are thought of as moving
meditation. A common phrase being, "movement in stillness" referring to energetic
movement in passive Qigong and seated Taoist meditation; with the converse being
"stillness in movement", a state of mental calm and meditation in the tai chi form.

In a Western context

"Meditation" in its modern sense refers to Yogic meditation that originated in India. In the
late nineteenth century, Theosophists adopted the word "meditation" to refer to various
spiritual practices drawn from Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism and other Indian religions.
Thus the English word "meditation" does not exclusively translate to any single term or
concept, and can be used to translate words such as the Sanskrit dhāraṇā, dhyana, samadhi
and bhavana.

Meditation may be for a religious purpose, but even before being brought to the West it
was used in secular contexts, such as the martial arts. Beginning with the Theosophists,
though, meditation has been employed in the West by a number of religious and spiritual
movements, such as Yoga, New Age and the New Thought movement, as well as limited
use in Christianity.

Meditation techniques have also been used by Western theories of counseling and
psychotherapy. Relaxation training works toward achieving mental and muscle relaxation
to reduce daily stresses. Jacobson is credited with developing the initial progressive
relaxation procedure. These techniques are used in conjunction with other behavioral
techniques. Originally used with systematic desensitization, relaxation techniques are
now used with other clinical problems. Meditation, hypnosis and biofeedback-induced
relaxation are a few of the techniques used with relaxation training. One of the eight
essential phases of EMDR (developed by Shapiro), bringing adequate closure to the end of
each session, also entails the use of relaxation techniques, including meditation.
Multimodal therapy, a technically eclectic approach to behavioral therapy, also employs
the use of meditation as a technique used in individual therapy.

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From the point of view of psychology and physiology, meditation can induce an altered
state of consciousness, and its goals in that context have been stated to achieving spiritual
enlightenment, to the transformation of attitudes, and to better cardiovascular health.

Altered state of consciousness

An altered state of consciousness, (ASC) also named altered state of mind, is any
condition which is significantly different from a normal waking beta wave state. The
expression was used as early as 1969 by Charles Tartand describes induced changes in
one's mental state, almost always temporary. A synonymous phrase is "altered states of

It can be associated with artistic creativity.



An altered state of consciousness can come about accidentally through, for example, fever,
infections such as meningitis,[5] sleep deprivation, fasting, oxygen deprivation, nitrogen
narcosis (deep diving), psychosis[6], temporal lobe epilepsy or a traumatic accident.


An ASC can sometimes be reached intentionally by the use of sensory deprivation, an

isolation tank, sleep deprivation, lucid dreaming, hypnosis, meditation, prayer, or
disciplines (e.g. Mantra Meditation, Yoga, Sufism, dream yoga, or Surat Shabda Yoga).

It can also be attained through the ingestion of psychoactive drugs such as alcohol and
opiates, but more commonly with traditional hallucinogens of indigenous cultures, plants
such as cannabis, psilocybin mushrooms, peyote, ayahuasca, or datura (though less
common and much more lethal). Other modern hallucinogens that some attempt to use
for a similar purpose are (D)-methorphan, Salvia divinorum, LSD-25, subsituted
phenethylamines, substituted tryptamines, and substituted amphetamines such as those
listed in the books PiHKAL and TiHKAL by Dr. Alexander Shlugin, a former forensic and
analytical organic chemist of the Drug Enforcement Administration. These drugs are often
noted as "designer drugs" by authorities and professionals or as "research chemicals" by
the hallucinogen-use and distribution underground, as an attempt to avoid prosecution
under the Federal Analogue Act.

Another effective way to induce an altered state of consciousness is using a variety of

Neurotechnology such as psychoacoustics, binaural beats, light and sound stimulation,
cranial electrotherapy stimulation, and such; these methods attempt to induce specific
brainwave patterns, and a particular altered state of consciousness.

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Module 5


Basic Thought Processes

Thoughts are forms created in the mind, rather than the forms perceived through the five
senses. Thought and thinking are the processes by which these imaginary sense
perceptions arise and are manipulated. Thinking allows beings to model the world and to
represent it according to their objectives, plans, ends and desires. Similar concepts and
processes include cognition, sentience, consciousness, ideas, and imagination.


Representative reactions towards stimuli from internal chemical reactions or external

environmental factors (this definition precludes the notion that anything inorganic could
ever be made to "think": An idea contested by such computer scientists as Alan Turing
(see Computing Machinery and Intelligence)). The word comes from Old English þoht,
geþoht, from stem of þencan "to conceive of in the mind, consider".

In common language, the word thinking covers numerous diverse psychological activities.
It is sometimes a synonym for "tending to believe," especially with less than full
confidence ("I think that it will rain, but I am not sure"). At other times it denotes the
degree of attentiveness ("I did it without thinking") or whatever is in consciousness,
especially if it refers to something outside the immediate environment ("It made me think
of my grandmother").


A neuron (also known as a neurone or nerve cell) is an excitable cell in the nervous system
that processes and transmits information by electrochemical signalling. Neurons are the
core components of the brain, the vertebrate spinal cord, the invertebrate ventral nerve
cord, and the peripheral nerves. A number of specialized types of neurons exist: sensory
neurons respond to touch, sound, light and numerous other stimuli affecting cells of the
sensory organs that then send signals to the spinal cord and brain. Motor neurons receive
signals from the brain and spinal cord and cause muscle contractions and affect glands.
Interneurons connect neurons to other neurons within the brain and spinal cord. Neurons
respond to stimuli, and communicate the presence of stimuli to the central nervous
system, which processes that information and sends responses to other parts of the body
for action. Neurons do not go through mitosis, and usually cannot be replaced after being
destroyed, although astrocytes have been observed to turn into neurons as they are
sometimes pluripotent.

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Psychologists have concentrated on thinking as an intellectual exertion aimed at finding

an answer to a question or the solution of a practical problem. Cognitive psychology is a
branch of psychology that investigates internal mental processes such as problem solving,
memory, and language. The school of thought arising from this approach is known as
cognitivism which is interested in how people mentally represent information processing.
It had its foundations in the Gestalt psychology of Max Wertheimer, Wolfgang Köhler,
and Kurt Koffka, and in the work of Jean Piaget, who provided a theory of stages/phases
that describe children's cognitive development.

Cognitive psychologists use psychophysical and experimental approaches to understand,

diagnose, and solve problems, concerning themselves with the mental processes which
mediate between stimulus and response. They study various aspects of thinking,
including the psychology of reasoning, and how people make decisions and choices, solve
problems, as well as engage in creative discovery and imaginative thought. Cognitive
theory contends that solutions to problems take the form of algorithms—rules that are not
necessarily understood but promise a solution, or heuristics—rules that are understood
but that do not always guarantee solutions. Cognitive science differs from cognitive
psychology in that algorithms that are intended to simulate human behavior are
implemented or implementable on a computer. In other instances, solutions may be found
through insight, a sudden awareness of relationships.

In developmental psychology, Jean Piaget was a pioneer in the study of the development
of thought from birth to maturity. In his theory of cognitive development, thought is
based on actions on the environment. That is, Piaget suggests that the environment is
understood through assimilations of objects in the available schemes of action and these
accommodate to the objects to the extent that the available schemes fall short of the
demands. As a result of this interplay between assimilation and accommodation, thought
develops through a sequence of stages that differ qualititatively from each other in mode
of representation and complexity of inference and understanding. That is, thought evolves
from being based on perceptions and actions at the sensorimotor stage in the first two
years of life to internal representations in early childhood. Subsequently, representations
are gradually organized into logical structures which first operate on the concrete
properties of the reality, in the stage of concrete operations, and then operate on abstract
principles that organize concrete properties, in the stage of formal operations. In recent
years, the Piagetian conception of thought was integrated with information processing
conceptions. Thus, thought is considered as the result of information processing
mechanisms that are responsible for the representation and processing of information. In
this conception, speed of processing, cognitive control, and working memory are the main
functions underlying thought. In the neo-Piagetian theories of cognitive development, the
development of thought is considered to come from increasing speed of processing,
enhanced cognitive control, and increasing working memory.

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"Id", "ego", and "super-ego" are the three parts of the "psychic apparatus" defined in
Sigmund Freud's structural model of the psyche; they are the three theoretical constructs
in terms of whose activity and interaction mental life is described. According to this
model, the uncoordinated instinctual trends are the "id"; the organized realistic part of the
psyche is the "ego," and the critical and moralizing function the "super-ego."

The unconscious was considered by Freud throughout the evolution of his psychoanalytic
theory a sentient force of will influenced by human desire and yet operating well below
the perceptual conscious mind. For Freud, the unconscious is the storehouse of instinctual
desires, needs, and psychic drives. While past thoughts and reminiscences may be
concealed from immediate consciousness, they direct the thoughts and feelings of the
individual from the realm of the unconscious.

For psychoanalysis, the unconscious does not include all that is not conscious, rather only
what is actively repressed from conscious thought or what the person is averse to
knowing consciously. In a sense this view places the self in relationship to their
unconscious as an adversary, warring with itself to keep what is unconscious hidden. If a
person feels pain, all he can think of is alleviating the pain. Any of his desires, to get rid of
pain or enjoy something, command the mind what to do. For Freud, the unconscious was
a repository for socially unacceptable ideas, wishes or desires, traumatic memories, and
painful emotions put out of mind by the mechanism of psychological repression.
However, the contents did not necessarily have to be solely negative. In the
psychoanalytic view, the unconscious is a force that can only be recognized by its effects—
it expresses itself in the symptom.


Social psychology is the study of how people and groups interact. Scholars in this
interdisciplinary area are typically either psychologists or sociologists, though all social
psychologists employ both the individual and the group as their units of analysis.

Despite their similarity, psychological and sociological researchers tend to differ in their
goals, approaches, methods, and terminology. They also favor separate academic journals
and professional societies. The greatest period of collaboration between sociologists and
psychologists was during the years immediately following World War II. Although there
has been increasing isolation and specialization in recent years, some degree of overlap
and influence remains between the two disciplines.

The collective unconscious, sometimes known as collective subconscious, is a term of

analytical psychology, coined by Carl Jung. It is a part of the unconscious mind, shared by
a society, a people, or all humanity, in an interconnected system that is the product of all
common experiences and contains such concepts as science, religion, and morality. While
Freud did not distinguish between an "individual psychology" and a "collective

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psychology," Jung distinguished the collective unconscious from the personal

subconscious particular to each human being. The collective unconscious is also known as
"a reservoir of the experiences of our species."

In the "Definitions" chapter of Jung's seminal work Psychological Types, under the
definition of "collective" Jung references representations collectives, a term coined by Lucien
Lévy-Bruhl in his 1910 book How Natives Think. Jung says this is what he describes as the
collective unconscious. Freud, on the other hand, did not accept the idea of a collective


Philosophy of mind is a branch of modern analytic philosophy that studies the nature of
the mind, mental events, mental functions, mental properties, consciousness and their
relationship to the physical body, particularly the brain. The mind-body problem, i.e. the
relationship of the mind to the body, is commonly seen as the central issue in philosophy
of mind, although there are other issues concerning the nature of the mind that do not
involve its relation to the physical body.

The mind-body problem

The mind-body problem concerns the explanation of the relationship that exists between
minds, or mental processes, and bodily states or processes. The main aim of philosophers
working in this area is to determine the nature of the mind and mental states/processes,
and how or even if minds are affected by and can affect the body.

Our perceptual experiences depend on stimuli which arrive at our various sensory organs
from the external world and these stimuli cause changes in our mental states, ultimately
causing us to feel a sensation, which may be pleasant or unpleasant. Someone's desire for
a slice of pizza, for example, will tend to cause that person to move his or her body in a
specific manner and in a specific direction to obtain what he or she wants. The question,
then, is how it can be possible for conscious experiences to arise out of a lump of gray
matter endowed with nothing but electrochemical properties. A related problem is to
explain how someone's propositional attitudes (e.g. beliefs and desires) can cause that
individual's neurons to fire and his muscles to contract in exactly the correct manner.
These comprise some of the puzzles that have confronted epistemologists and
philosophers of mind from at least the time of René Descartes.


There are prevailing theories in contemporary philosophy which attempt to explain the
nature of concepts (abstract term: conception). The representational theory of mind
proposes that concepts are mental representations, while the semantic theory of concepts
(originating with Frege's distinction between concept and object) holds that they are
abstract objects. Ideas are taken to be concepts, although abstract concepts do not

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necessarily appear to the mind as images as some ideas do. Many philosophers consider
concepts to be a fundamental ontological category of being.

A concept is a cognitive unit of meaning—an abstract idea or a mental symbol sometimes

defined as a "unit of knowledge," built from other units which act as a concept's
characteristics. A concept is typically associated with a corresponding representation in a
language or symbology such as a single meaning of a term.

The meaning of "concept" is explored in mainstream cognitive science, metaphysics, and

philosophy of mind. The term "concept" is traced back to 1554–60 (latin conceptum -
"something conceived"),but what is today termed "the classical theory of concepts" is the
theory of Aristotle on the definition of terms.

Origin and acquisition of concepts

A posteriori abstractions

John Locke's description of a general idea corresponds to a description of a concept.

According to Locke, a general idea is created by abstracting, drawing away, or removing
the common characteristic or characteristics from several particular ideas. This common
characteristic is that which is similar to all of the different individuals. For example, the
abstract general idea or concept that is designated by the word "red" is that characteristic
which is common to apples, cherries, and blood. The abstract general idea or concept that
is signified by the word "dog" is the collection of those characteristics which are common
to Airedales, Collies, and Chihuahuas.

In the same tradition as Locke, John Stuart Mill stated that general conceptions are formed
through abstraction. A general conception is the common element among the many
images of members of a class. "...[W]hen we form a set of phenomena into a class, that is,
when we compare them with one another to ascertain in what they agree, some general
conception is implied in this mental operation" (A System of Logic, Book IV, Ch. II). Mill
did not believe that concepts exist in the mind before the act of abstraction. "It is not a law
of our intellect, that, in comparing things with each other and taking note of their
agreement, we merely recognize as realised in the outward world something that we
already had in our minds. The conception originally found its way to us as the result of
such a comparison. It was obtained (in metaphysical phrase) by abstraction from
individual things" (Ibid.).

For Schopenhauer, empirical concepts "...are mere abstractions from what is known
through intuitive perception, and they have arisen from our arbitrarily thinking away or
dropping of some qualities and our retention of others." (Parerga and Paralipomena, Vol. I,
"Sketch of a History of the Ideal and the Real"). In his On the Will in Nature, "Physiology
and Pathology," Schopenhauer said that a concept is "drawn off from previous images ...
by putting off their differences. This concept is then no longer intuitively perceptible, but
is denoted and fixed merely by words." Nietzsche, who was heavily influenced by

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Schopenhauer, wrote: "Every concept originates through our equating what is unequal.
No leaf ever wholly equals another, and the concept 'leaf' is formed through an arbitrary
abstraction from these individual differences, through forgetting the distinctions...

By contrast to the above philosophers, Immanuel Kant held that the account of the
concept as an abstraction of experience is only partly correct. He called those concepts that
result of abstraction "a posteriori concepts" (meaning concepts that arise out of
experience). An empirical or an a posteriori concept is a general representation (Vorstellung)
or non-specific thought of that which is common to several specific perceived objects
(Logic, I, 1., §1, Note 1).

A concept is a common feature or characteristic. Kant investigated the way that empirical
a posteriori concepts are created.

The logical acts of the understanding by which concepts are generated as to their form are:
(1.) comparison, i.e., the likening of mental images to one another in relation to the unity of
consciousness; (2.) reflection, i.e., the going back over different mental images, how they
can be comprehended in one consciousness; and finally (3.) abstraction or the segregation
of everything else by which the mental images differ ... In order to make our mental
images into concepts, one must thus be able to compare, reflect, and abstract, for these
three logical operations of the understanding are essential and general conditions of
generating any concept whatever. For example, I see a fir, a willow, and a linden. In firstly
comparing these objects, I notice that they are different from one another in respect of
trunk, branches, leaves, and the like; further, however, I reflect only on what they have in
common, the trunk, the branches, the leaves themselves, and abstract from their size,
shape, and so forth; thus I gain a concept of a tree.

– Logic, §6

Kant's description of the making of a concept has been paraphrased as "...to conceive is
essentially to think in abstraction what is common to a plurality of possible instances..."
(H.J. Paton, Kant's Metaphysics of Experience, I, 250). In his discussion of Kant, Christopher
Janaway wrote: "...generic concepts are formed by abstraction from more than one

A priori concepts

Kant declared that human minds possess pure or a priori concepts. Instead of being
abstracted from individual perceptions, like empirical concepts, they originate in the mind
itself. He called these concepts categories, in the sense of the word that means predicate,
attribute, characteristic, or quality. But these pure categories are predicates of things in
general, not of a particular thing. According to Kant, there are 12 categories that constitute
the understanding of phenomenal objects. Each category is that one predicate which is
common to multiple empirical concepts. In order to explain how an a priori concept can

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relate to individual phenomena, in a manner analogous to an a posteriori concept, Kant

employed the technical concept of the schema.

Conceptual structure

It seems intuitively obvious that concepts must have some kind of structure. Up until
recently, the dominant view of conceptual structure was a containment model, associated
with the classical view of concepts. According to this model, a concept is endowed with
certain necessary and sufficient conditions in their description which unequivocally
determine an extension. The containment model allows for no degrees; a thing is either in,
or out, of the concept's extension. By contrast, the inferential model understands
conceptual structure to be determined in a graded manner, according to the tendency of
the concept to be used in certain kinds of inferences. As a result, concepts do not have a
kind of structure that is in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions; all conditions are
contingent (Margolis:5).

However, some theorists claim that primitive concepts lack any structure at all. For
instance, Jerry Fodor presents his Asymmetric Dependence Theory as a way of showing
how a primitive concept's content is determined by a reliable relationship between the
information in mental contents and the world. These sorts of claims are referred to as
"atomistic", because the primitive concept is treated as if it were a genuine atom.

Conceptual content

In cognitive linguistics, abstract concepts are transformations of concrete concepts derived

from embodied experience. The mechanism of transformation is structural mapping, in
which properties of two or more source domains are selectively mapped onto a blended
space (Fauconnier & Turner, 1995; see conceptual blending). A common class of blends are
metaphors. This theory contrasts with the rationalist view that concepts are perceptions
(or recollections, in Plato's term) of an independently existing world of ideas, in that it
denies the existence of any such realm. It also contrasts with the empiricist view that
concepts are abstract generalizations of individual experiences, because the contingent
and bodily experience is preserved in a concept, and not abstracted away. While the
perspective is compatible with Jamesian pragmatism (above), the notion of the
transformation of embodied concepts through structural mapping makes a distinct
contribution to the problem of concept formation.


A schema (pl. schemata), in psychology and cognitive science is:

 A mental structure that represents some aspect of the world.

 A structured cluster of pre-conceived ideas.
 An organized pattern of thought or behavior.

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 A specific knowledge structure or cognitive representation of the self.

 A mental framework centering around a specific theme, that helps us to organize social
 Structures which organize our knowledge and assumptions about something and are used
for interpreting and processing information.

A schema for oneself is called a "self schema". Schemata for other people are called
"person schemata". Schemata for roles or occupations are called "role schemata", and
schemata for events or situations are called "event schemata" (or scripts).

Schemata influence our attention, as we are more likely to notice things that fit into our
schema. If something contradicts our schema, it may be encoded or interpreted as an
exception or as unique. Thus, schemata are prone to distortion. They influence what we
look for in a situation. They have a tendency to remain unchanged, even in the face of
contradictory information. We are inclined to place people who do not fit our schema in a
"special" or "different" category, rather than to consider the possibility that our schema
may be faulty. As a result of schemata, we might act in such a way that actually causes our
expectations to come true.

The concept of schemata was initially introduced into psychology and education through
the work of the British psychologist, Sir Frederic Bartlett (1886–1969). This learning theory
views organized knowledge as an elaborate network of abstract mental structures which
represent one's understanding of the world. Schema theory was developed by the
educational psychologist R. C. Anderson. The term schema was used by Jean Piaget in
1926, so it was not an entirely new concept. Anderson, however, expanded the meaning.

People use schemata to organize current knowledge and provide a framework for future
understanding. Examples of schemata include Rubric (academic), social schemas,
stereotypes, social roles, scripts, worldviews, and archetypes. In Piaget's theory of
development, children adopt a series of schemata to understand the world.

Imagery and Cognitive map

Imagery is a set of mental pictures or images. The use of vivid or figurative language to
represent objects, actions, or ideas. Psychologists often use it as a technique in behavior
therapy in which the patient uses pleasant fantasies to relax and counteract anxiety.

Cognitive maps, mental maps, mind maps, cognitive models, or mental models are a type
of mental processing composed of a series of psychological transformations by which an
individual can acquire, code, store, recall, and decode information about the relative
locations and attributes of phenomena in their everyday or metaphorical spatial

The credit of the creation of this term is given to Edward Tolman. Cognitive maps have
been studied in various fields, such as psychology, education, archaeology, planning,
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geography, architecture, landscape architecture , urban planning and management. As a

consequence, these mental models are often referred to, variously, as cognitive maps,
mental maps, scripts, schemata, and frames of reference.

Put more simply, cognitive maps are a method we use to construct and accumulate spatial
knowledge, allowing the "mind's eye" to visualize images in order to reduce cognitive
load, and enhance recall and learning of information. This type of spatial thinking can also
be used as a metaphor for non-spatial tasks, where people performing non-spatial tasks
involving memory and imaging use spatial knowledge to aid in processing the task. The
oldest known formal method of using spatial locations to remember data is the "method of
loci". This method was originally used by students of rhetoric in ancient Rome when
memorizing speeches. To use it one must first memorize the appearance of a physical
location (for example, the sequence of rooms in a building). When a list of words, for
example, needs to be memorized, the learner visualizes an object representing that word
in one of the pre-memorized locations. To recall the list, the learner mentally "walks
through" the memorized locations, noticing the objects placed there during the
memorization phase.

The neural correlates of a cognitive map have been speculated to be the place cell system
in the hippocampus and the recently discovered grid cells in the entorhinal cortex.

Tolman believed that we learn by trial and error. When we are successful, we remember
and create cognitive maps of the places and circumstances (or context). The proof for this
came from experiments with rats in a maze performed by Tolman in the 1940s:

1. It seems the rats explore the maze for no other reason than for the fun of it.

2. If they know the maze well they will find their way even if the maze is filled with
water and the rats are forced to swim in order to find their way to food.

Tolman's is more complex than learning theory, which is based on reward and
punishment as motivators. Behaviorists like Watson & Pavlov would see the nervous
system as rather simple, and according to them learning is formed by reward and
punishment. Metaphorically the brain is like a simple switchboard. Albert Bandura and
G.H. Mead would add that imitating others (having role models) is also a motivator for
learning. Tolman is talking about cognitive behaviorism, which is an important part of
cognitive therapy today.

The rats in the maze seem to learn even if they are not rewarded for it, and they also
remember what they learn. This is a school of thought nowadays known as field theory.
This group believes that in the course of learning something like a field map of the
environment gets established in the rat's (or person's) brain. You could argue that the rat
in running a maze is exposed to stimuli and is finally led as a result of these stimuli to the
responses which actually occur. However the intervening brain processes are more

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complicated, more patterned and often, pragmatically speaking, more autonomous than
do the stimulus-response psychologists. Although it's most likely that the rat is
bombarded by stimuli, it's very likely that the nervous system is surprisingly selective as
to which of these stimuli it will let in at any given time. Learning gives us a better chance
to evaluate the future and survive .

The maps in the brain cannot be seen; we can only see the consequences of learning. The
brain makes connections far more complex than those possible to see in a microscope or a
scanner. Reductionism and Occams razor are excellent topics to read about if you want to
learn more about how brain and learning relate to each other. It's a known fact that the
human brain becomes more complex and interrelates in new ways during childhood and

The "central office" (the Brain) itself is far more like a map control room than it is like an
old-fashioned telephone exchange. The stimuli, which are allowed in, are not connected
by just simple one-to-one switches to the outgoing responses. Rather, the incoming
impulses are usually worked over and elaborated in the central control room into a
tentative, cognitive-like map of the environment. And it is this tentative map, indicating
routes and paths and environmental relationships, which finally determines what
responses, if any, the animal will finally release.

The map here is known to most people. However, it is upside down. Rotate the picture in
your mind (or stand on your head) and you will see Africa. Now where is the Republic of
South Africa? You know the map and you can use that knowledge. You just rotate the
map in your mind and there you have it. Attempting to teach such a concept to an animal
would prove difficult. If you reorganize knowledge and learn a lot from it, it is Gestalt
learning or an Aha moment (Aha-Erlebnis). Sometimes you have to combine knowledge in
new ways.

Finally, it is also important to note how these maps are relatively narrow and strip-like, or
broad and comprehensive. Both strip-maps and comprehensive-maps may be either
correct or incorrect in the sense that they may, when acted upon, lead successfully to the
animal's goal. The differences between such strip maps and such comprehensive maps
will appear only when the rat is later presented with some change within the given
environment. Then, the narrower and more strip-like the original map, the less will it
carry over successfully to the new problem; whereas, the wider and the more
comprehensive it was, the more adequately it will serve in the new set-up. In a strip-map
the given position of the animal is connected by only a relatively simple and single path to
the position of the goal. In a comprehensive-map a wider arc of the environment is
represented, so that, if the starting position of the animal be changed or variations in the
specific routes be introduced, this wider map will allow the animal still to behave
relatively correctly and to choose the appropriate new route.

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A language is a system of signs (indices, icons, symbols) for encoding and decoding
information. Since language and languages became an object of study (logos) by the
ancient grammarians, the term has had many and different definitions. The English word
derives from Latin lingua, "language, tongue," with a reconstructed Proto-Indo-European
root of *dnghû-, "tongue," a metaphor based on the use of the physical organ in speech.[1]
The ability to use speech originated in remote prehistoric times, as did the language
families in use at the beginning of writing. The processes by which they were acquired
were for the most part unconscious.

In modern times, a large number of artificial languages have been devised, requiring a
distinction between their consciously innovated type and natural language. The latter are
forms of communication considered peculiar to humankind. Although some other
animals make use of quite sophisticated communicative systems, and these are sometimes
casually referred to as animal language, none of these are known to make use of all the
properties that linguists use to define language.

The term “language” has branched by analogy into several meanings. The most obvious
manifestations are spoken languages such as English or Spoken Chinese. However, there
are also written languages and other systems of visual symbols such as sign languages. In
cognitive science the term is also sometimes extended to refer to the human cognitive
facility of creating and using language. Essential to both meanings is the systematic
creation and usage of systems of symbols, each pairing a specific sign with an intended
meaning, established through social conventions.

In the late 19th century Charles Sanders Peirce called this pairing process semiosis and the
study of it semiotics. According to another founder of semiotics, Roman Jakobson, the
latter portrays language as code in which sounds (signantia) signify concepts (signata).
Language is the process of encoding signata in the sounds forming the signantia and
decoding from signantia to signata.

Concepts themselves are signantia for the objective reality being conceived. When
discussed as a general phenomenon then, "language" may imply a particular type of
human thought that can be present even when communication is not the result, and this
way of thinking is also sometimes treated as indistinguishable from language itself. In
Western philosophy, language has long been closely associated with reason, which is also
a uniquely human way of using symbols. In Ancient Greek philosophical terminology, the
same word, logos, was a term for both language or speech and reason, and the philosopher
Thomas Hobbes used the English word "speech" so that it similarly could refer to reason,
as presented below.

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The properties of language

Arbitrary symbols

A key property of language is that its symbols are arbitrary. Any concept or grammatical
rule can be mapped onto a symbol. In other words, most languages make use of sound,
but the combinations of sounds used do not have any necessary and inherent meaning;
they are merely an agreed-upon convention to represent a certain thing by users of that
language. For instance, the sound combination nada carries the meaning of "nothing" in the
Spanish language and also the meaning "thread" in the Hindi language. There is nothing
about the word nada itself that forces Hindi speakers to convey the idea of "thread", or the
idea of "nothing" for Spanish speakers. Other sets of sounds (for example, the English
words nothing and thread) could equally be used to represent the same concepts, but all
Spanish and Hindi speakers have acquired or learned to correlate their own meanings for
this particular sound pattern. Indeed, for speakers of Slovene and some other South Slavic
languages, the sound combination carries the meaning of "hope", while in Indonesian, it
means "tone".

This arbitrariness applies to words even with an onomatopoetic dimension (i.e. words that
to some extent simulate the sound of the token referred to). For example, several animal
names (e.g. cuckoo, whip-poor-will, and katydid) are derived from sounds made by the
respective animal, but these forms did not have to be chosen for these meanings. Non-
onomatopoetic words can stand just as easily for the same meaning. For instance, the
katydid is called a "bush cricket" in British English, a term that bears no relation to the
sound made by the animal. In time, onomatopoetic words can also change in form, losing
their mimetic status. Onomatopoetic words may have an inherent relation to their
referent, but this meaning is not inherent; thus they do not violate arbitrariness. For
instance, an English speaker may describe a dog's bark as "ruff" or "bow-wow," as to
where the Japanese would describe it as "wan-wan."

Related symbols

The meanings of signs may be arbitrary, but the process of assigning meaning is not; it is
the activity of the entire society; individuals are not allowed to change them arbitrarily,
even though they may contribute some new meanings. A continuous thread of socially
recognized meaning requires that the allowed meanings of individual signs be related.
The relatedness of signs was formally recognized by Charles W. Morris, who divided
semiotics into three fields, based on "the three dimensions of semiosis:"

"...syntactics studies the relation between a given sign vehicle and other sign vehicles,
semantics studies the relations between sign vehicles and their designata, and pragmatics
studies the relation between sign vehicles and their interpreters....

These types of relatedness allow a finite set of signs to be combined into a potentially
infinite number of meaningful utterances.

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Psycholinguistics or psychology of language is the study of the psychological and

neurobiological factors that enable humans to acquire, use, comprehend and produce
language. Initial forays into psycholinguistics were largely philosophical ventures, due
mainly to a lack of cohesive data on how the human brain functioned. Modern research
makes use of biology, neuroscience, cognitive science, linguistics, and information theory
to study how the brain processes language. There are a number of subdisciplines with
non-invasive techniques for studying the neurological workings of the brain; for example,
neurolinguistics has become a field in its own right.

Psycholinguistics covers the cognitive processes that make it possible to generate a

grammatical and meaningful sentence out of vocabulary and grammatical structures, as
well as the processes that make it possible to understand utterances, words, text, etc.
Developmental psycholinguistics studies children's ability to learn language.

Areas of study

Psycholinguistics is interdisciplinary and is studied by people in a variety of fields, such

as psychology, cognitive science, and linguistics. There are several subdivisions within
psycholinguistics that are based on the components that make up human language.

Linguistic-related areas:

 Phonetics and phonology are concerned with the study of speech sounds. Within
psycholinguistics, research focuses on how the brain processes and understands
these sounds.
 Morphology is the study of word structures, especially the relationships between
related words (such as dog and dogs) and the formation of words based on rules
(such as plural formation).
 Syntax is the study of the patterns which dictate how words are combined together
to form sentences.
 Semantics deals with the meaning of words and sentences. Where syntax is
concerned with the formal structure of sentences, semantics deals with the actual
meaning of sentences.
 Pragmatics is concerned with the role of context in the interpretation of meaning.

Psychology-related areas:

 The study of word recognition and reading examines the processes involved in the
extraction of orthographic, morphological, phonological, and semantic information
from patterns in printed text.

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 Developmental psycholinguistics studies infants' and children's ability to learn and

process language, usually with experimental or at least quantitative methods (as
opposed to naturalistic observations such as those made by Jean Piaget in his
research on the development of children).


Theories about how language works in the human mind attempt to account for, among
other things, how we associate meaning with the sounds (or signs) of language and how
we use syntax—that is, how we manage to put words in the proper order to produce and
understand the strings of words we call "sentences". The first of these items—associating
sound with meaning—is the least controversial and is generally held to be an area in
which animal and human communication have at least some things in common (See
animal communication). Syntax, on the other hand, is controversial, and is the focus of the
discussion that follows.

There are essentially two schools of thought as to how we manage to create syntactic
sentences: (1) syntax is an evolutionary product of increased human intelligence over time
and social factors that encouraged the development of spoken language; (2) language
exists because humans possess an innate ability, an access to what has been called a
"universal grammar". This view holds that the human ability for syntax is "hard-wired" in
the brain. This view claims, for example, that complex syntactic features such as recursion
are beyond even the potential abilities of the most intelligent and social non-humans.
(Recursion includes the use of relative pronouns to refer back to earlier parts of a sentence
("The girl whose car is blocking my view of the tree that I planted last year is my friend."))
The innate view claims that the ability to use syntax like that would not exist without an
innate concept that contains the underpinnings for the grammatical rules that produce
recursion. Children acquiring a language, thus, have a vast search space to explore among
possible human grammars, settling, logically, on the language(s) spoken or signed in their
own community of speakers. Such syntax is, according to the second point of view, what
defines human language and makes it different from even the most sophisticated forms of
animal communication.

The first view was prevalent until about 1960 and is well represented by the mentalistic
theories of Jean Piaget and the empiricist Rudolf Carnap. As well, the school of
psychology known as behaviorism (see Verbal Behavior (1957) by B.F. Skinner) puts forth
the point of view that language is behavior shaped by conditioned response. The second
point of view (the "innate" one) can fairly be said to have begun with Noam Chomsky's
highly critical review of Skinner's book in 1959 in the pages of the journal Language. That
review started what has been termed "the cognitive revolution" in psychology.

The field of psycholinguistics since then has been defined by reactions to Chomsky, pro
and con. The pro view still holds that the human ability to use syntax is qualitatively
different from any sort of animal communication. That ability might have resulted from a
favorable mutation (extremely unlikely) or (more likely) from an adaptation of skills
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evolved for other purposes. That is, precise syntax might, indeed, serve group needs;
better linguistic expression might produce more cohesion, cooperation, and potential for
survival, but precise syntax can only have developed from rudimentary—or no—syntax,
which would have had no survival value and, thus, would not have evolved at all. Thus,
one looks for other skills, the characteristics of which might have later been useful for
syntax. In the terminology of modern evolutionary biology, these skills would be said to
be "pre-adapted" for syntax (see also exaptation). Just what those skills might have been is
the focus of recent research—or, at least, speculation.

The con view still holds that language—including syntax—is an outgrowth of hundreds of
thousands of years of increasing intelligence and tens of thousands of years of human
interaction. From that view, syntax in language gradually increased group cohesion and
potential for survival. Language—syntax and all—is a cultural artifact. This view
challenges the "innate" view as scientifically unfalsifiable; that is to say, it can't be tested;
the fact that a particular, conceivable syntactic structure does not exist in any of the
world's finite repertoire of languages is an interesting observation, but it is not proof of a
genetic constraint on possible forms, nor does it prove that such forms couldn't exist or
couldn't be learned.

Contemporary theorists, besides Chomsky, working in the field of theories of

psycholinguistics include George Lakoff and Steven Pinker.



Much methodology in psycholinguistics takes the form of behavioral experiments

incorporating a lexical decision task. In these types of studies, subjects are presented with
some form of linguistic input and asked to perform a task (e.g. make a judgment,
reproduce the stimulus, read a visually presented word aloud). Reaction times (usually on
the order of milliseconds) and proportion of correct responses are the most often
employed measures of performance. Such experiments often take advantage of priming
effects, whereby a "priming" word or phrase appearing in the experiment can speed up
the lexical decision for a related "target" word later.

Such tasks might include, for example, asking the subject to convert nouns into verbs; e.g.,
"book" suggests "to write," "water" suggests "to drink," and so on. Another experiment
might present an active sentence such as "Bob threw the ball to Bill" and a passive
equivalent, "The ball was thrown to Bill by Bob" and then ask the question, "Who threw
the ball?" We might then conclude (as is the case) that active sentences are processed more
easily (faster) than passive sentences. More interestingly, we might also find out (as is the
case) that some people are unable to understand passive sentences; we might then make
some tentative steps towards understanding certain types of language deficits (generally
grouped under the broad term, aphasia).

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More recently, eye tracking has been used to study online language processing. Beginning
with Rayner (1978) the importance and informativity of eye-movements during reading
was established. Tanenhaus et al., have performed a number of visual-world eye-tracking
studies to study the cognitive processes related to spoken language. Since eye movements
are closely linked to the current focus of attention, language processing can be studied by
monitoring eye movements while a subject is presented with linguistic input.


Until the recent advent of non-invasive medical techniques, brain surgery was the
preferred way for language researchers to discover how language works in the brain. For
example, severing the corpus callosum (the bundle of nerves that connects the two
hemispheres of the brain) was at one time a treatment for some forms of epilepsy.
Researchers could then study the ways in which the comprehension and production of
language were affected by such drastic surgery. Where an illness made brain surgery
necessary, language researchers had an opportunity to pursue their research.

Newer, non-invasive techniques now include brain imaging by positron emission

tomography (PET); functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI); event-related
potentials (ERPs) in electroencephalography (EEG) and magnetoencephalography (MEG);
and transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS). Brain imaging techniques vary in their
spatial and temporal resolutions (fMRI has a resolution of a few thousand neurons per
pixel, and ERP has millisecond accuracy). Each type of methodology presents a set of
advantages and disadvantages for studying a particular problem in psycholinguistics.


Computational modeling e.g. the DRC model of reading and word recognition proposed
by Coltheart and colleagues is another methodology. It refers to the practice of setting up
cognitive models in the form of executable computer programs. Such programs are useful
because they require theorists to be explicit in their hypotheses and because they can be
used to generate accurate predictions for theoretical models that are so complex that they
render discursive analysis unreliable. Another example of computational modeling is
McClelland and Elman's TRACE model of speech perception.

Issues and areas of research

Psycholinguistics is concerned with the nature of the computations and processes that the
brain undergoes to comprehend and produce language. For example, the cohort model
seeks to describe how words are retrieved from the mental lexicon when an individual
hears or sees linguistic input.

Recent research using new non-invasive imaging techniques seeks to shed light on just
where certain language processes occur in the brain.

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There are a number of unanswered questions in psycholinguistics, such as whether the

human ability to use syntax is based on innate mental structures or emerges from
interaction with other humans, and whether some animals can be taught the syntax of
human language.

Two other major subfields of psycholinguistics investigate first language acquisition, the
process by which infants acquire language, and second language acquisition. In addition,
it is much more difficult for adults to acquire second languages than it is for infants to
learn their first language (bilingual infants are able to learn both of their native languages
easily). Thus, sensitive periods may exist during which language can be learned readily. A
great deal of research in psycholinguistics focuses on how this ability develops and
diminishes over time. It also seems to be the case that the more languages one knows, the
easier it is to learn more.

The field of aphasiology deals with language deficits that arise because of brain damage.
Studies in aphasiology can both offer advances in therapy for individuals suffering from
aphasia, and further insight into how the brain processes language.

Inductive reasoning
Inductive reasoning, also known as induction or inductive logic, is a kind of reasoning
that allows for the possibility that the conclusion is false even where all of the premises
are true. The premises of an inductive logical argument indicate some degree of support
(inductive probability) for the conclusion but do not entail it; i.e. they do not ensure its
truth. Induction is employed, for example, in the following argument:

All of the ice we have examined so far is cold.

Therefore, all ice is cold.


The president looks uncomfortable

Therefore, the president is uncomfortable.

(Note that mathematical induction is not a form of inductive reasoning.)

Strong and weak induction

The words 'strong' and 'weak' are sometimes used to praise or demean the goodness of an
inductive argument. The idea is that you say "this is an example of strong induction"
when you would decide to believe the conclusion if presented with the premises.
Alternatively, you say "that is weak induction" when your particular Weltanschauung
does not allow you to see that the conclusions are likely given the premises.

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Strong induction
All observed crows are black.


All crows are black.

The conclusion of this argument is not certain. Though all crows that we have observed
are black, it is logically possible that there is a white crow. However, though the
conclusion is not certain given the premises, it is nevertheless highly likely. We have very
good reason to accept it, though it is not indefeasible. So we call this argument an instance
of strong induction.

Weak induction

Consider this example:

I always hang pictures on nails.


All pictures hang from nails.

Here, the link between the premise and the conclusion is very weak. Not only is it possible
for the conclusion to be true given the premise, it is even very likely that the conclusion is
false. Not all pictures are hung from nails; moreover, not all pictures are hung. Thus we
say that this argument is an instance of weak induction.

Types of inductive reasoning


A generalization (more accurately, an inductive generalization) proceeds from a premise

about a sample to a conclusion about the population.

The proportion Q of the sample has attribute A.


The proportion Q of the population has attribute A.


There are 20 balls in an urn, either black or white. To estimate their respective numbers
you draw a sample of 4 balls and find that 3 are black, one is white. A good inductive
generalisation would be: there are 15 black and 5 white balls in the urn.
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How great the support is which the premises provide for the conclusion is dependent on
(a) the number of individuals in the sample group compared to the number in the
population; and (b) the degree to which the sample is representative of the population
(which may be achieved by taking a random sample). The hasty generalization and biased
sample are fallacies related to generalisation.

Statistical syllogism

A statistical syllogism proceeds from a generalization to a conclusion about an individual.

A proportion Q of population P has attribute A.

An individual X is a member of P.
There is a probability which corresponds to Q that X has A.

The proportion in the first premise would be something like "3/5ths of", "all", "few", etc.
Two dicto simpliciter fallacies can occur in statistical syllogisms: "accident" and "converse

Simple induction

Simple induction proceeds from a premise about a sample group to a conclusion about
another individual.

Proportion Q of the known instances of population P has attribute A.

Individual I is another member of P.
There is a probability corresponding to Q that I has A.

This is a combination of a generalization and a statistical syllogism, where the conclusion

of the generalization is also the first premise of the statistical syllogism.

Argument from analogy

Some philosophers believe that an argument from analogy is a kind of inductive


An argument from analogy has the following form:

I has attributes A, B, and C

J has attributes A and B
So, J has attribute C

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An analogy relies on the inference that the attributes known to be shared (the similarities)
imply that C is also a shared property. The support which the premises provide for the
conclusion is dependent upon the relevance and number of the similarities between I and
J. The fallacy related to this process is false analogy. As with other forms of inductive
argument, even the best reasoning in an argument from analogy can only make the
conclusion probable given the truth of the premises, not certain.

Analogical reasoning is very frequent in common sense, science, philosophy and the
humanities, but sometimes it is accepted only as an auxiliary method. A refined approach
is case-based reasoning. For more information on inferences by analogy, see Juthe, 2005.

Causal inference

A causal inference draws a conclusion about a causal connection based on the conditions
of the occurrence of an effect. Premises about the correlation of two things can indicate a
causal relationship between them, but additional factors must be confirmed to establish
the exact form of the causal relationship.


A prediction draws a conclusion about a future individual from a past sample.

Proportion Q of observed members of group G have had attribute A.


There is a probability corresponding to Q that other members of group G will have

attribute A when next observed.

Bayesian inference

Of the candidate systems for an inductive logic, the most influential is Bayesianism. This
uses probability theory as the framework for induction. Given new evidence, Bayes'
theorem is used to evaluate how much the strength of a belief in a hypothesis should

There is debate around what informs the original degree of belief. Objective Bayesians
seek an objective value for the degree of probability of a hypothesis being correct and so
do not avoid the philosophical criticisms of objectivism. Subjective Bayesians hold that
prior probabilities represent subjective degrees of belief, but that the repeated application
of Bayes' theorem leads to a high degree of agreement on the posterior probability. They
therefore fail to provide an objective standard for choosing between conflicting
hypotheses. The theorem can be used to produce a rational justification for a belief in
some hypothesis, but at the expense of rejecting objectivism. Such a scheme cannot be
used, for instance, to decide objectively between conflicting scientific paradigms.

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Edwin Jaynes, an outspoken physicist and Bayesian, argued that "subjective" elements are
present in all inference, for instance in choosing axioms for deductive inference; in
choosing initial degrees of belief or prior probabilities; or in choosing likelihoods. He thus
sought principles for assigning probabilities from qualitative knowledge. Maximum
entropy a generalization of the principle of indifference – and transformation groups are
the two tools he produced. Both attempt to alleviate the subjectivity of probability
assignment in specific situations by converting knowledge of features such as a situation's
symmetry into unambiguous choices for probability distributions.

Cox's theorem, which derives probability from a set of logical constraints on a system of
inductive reasoning, prompts Bayesians to call their system an inductive logic.

Deductive reasoning

Deductive reasoning, also called Deductive logic, is reasoning which constructs or

evaluates deductive arguments. Deductive arguments are attempts to show that a
conclusion necessarily follows from a set of premises. A deductive argument is valid if the
conclusion does follow necessarily from the premises, i.e., if the conclusion must be true
provided that the premises are true. A deductive argument is sound if its premises are
true. Deductive arguments are valid or invalid, sound or unsound, but are never true or

An example of a deductive argument:

1. All men are mortal

2. Socrates is a man
3. Therefore, Socrates is mortal

Deductive reasoning is sometimes contrasted with inductive reasoning.

Deductive logic

Deductive arguments are generally evaluated in terms of their validity and soundness. An
argument is valid if it is impossible both for its premises to be true and its conclusion to be
false. An argument can be valid even though the premises are false.

This is an example of a valid argument. The first premise is false, yet the conclusion is still

1. Everyone who eats steak is a quarterback.

2. John eats steak.
3. Therefore, John is a quarterback.

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This argument is valid but not sound. For a deductive argument to be considered sound
the argument must not only be valid, but the premises must be true as well.

A theory of deductive reasoning known as categorical or term logic was developed by

Aristotle, but was superseded by propositional (sentential) logic and predicate logic.

Deductive reasoning can be contrasted with inductive reasoning. In cases of inductive

reasoning, it is possible for the conclusion to be false even though the premises are true.

Mental Imagery
Mental imagery (varieties of which are sometimes colloquially refered to as “visualizing,”
“seeing in the mind's eye,” “hearing in the head,” “imagining the feel of,” etc.) is quasi-
perceptual experience; it resembles perceptual experience, but occurs in the absence of the
appropriate external stimuli. It is also generally understood to bear intentionality (i.e.,
mental images are always images of something or other), and thereby to function as a
form of mental representation. Traditionally, visual mental imagery, the most discussed
variety, was thought to be caused by the presence of picture-like representations (mental
images) in the mind, soul, or brain, but this is no longer universally accepted.

Very often, imagery experiences are understood by their subjects as echoes, copies, or
reconstructions of actual perceptual experiences from their past; at other times they may
seem to anticipate possible, often desired or feared, future experiences. Thus imagery has
often been believed to play a very large, even pivotal, role in both memory (Yates, 1966;
Paivio, 1986) and motivation (McMahon, 1973). It is also commonly believed to be
centrally involved in visuo-spatial reasoning and inventive or creative thought. Indeed,
according to a long dominant philosophical tradition, it plays a crucial role in all thought
processes, and provides the semantic grounding for language. However, in the 20th
century vigorous objections were raised against this tradition, and it was widely
repudiated. More recently, it has once again begun to find a few defenders.


Creativity is the ability to generate innovative ideas and manifest them from thought into
reality. The process involves original thinking and then producing.

The process of creation was historically reserved for deities creating "from nothing" in
Creationism and other creation myths. Over time, the term creativity came to include
human innovation, especially in art and science and led to the emergence of the creative


Creativity comes from the Latin term creō "to create, make". The ways in which societies
have perceived the concept of creativity have changed throughout history, as has the term
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itself. Originally in the Christian period: "creatio" came to designate God's act of Ex nihilo,
"creation from nothing." "Creatio" thus had a different meaning than "facere" ("to make")
and did not apply to human functions. The ancient view that art is not a domain of
creativity persisted in this period.

History of the term and the concept

A shift occurred in modern times. Renaissance men had a sense of their own
independence, freedom and creativity, and sought to give voice to this sense. The first to
actually apply the word "creativity" was the Polish poet Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski,
who applied it exclusively to poetry. For over a century and a half, the idea of human
creativity met with resistance, due to the fact that the term "creation" was reserved for
creation "from nothing." Baltasar Gracián (1601–58) would only venture to write: "Art is
the completion of nature, as if it were a second Creator..."

The ancient Greek concept of art (in Greek, τέχνη, téchnē—the root of "technique" and
"technology"), with the exception of poetry, involved not freedom of action but subjection
to rules. In Rome, this Greek concept was partly shaken, and visual artists were viewed as
sharing, with poets, imagination and inspiration.

Although neither the Greeks nor the Romans had a word that directly corresponded to the
word "creativity," their art, architecture, music, inventions and discoveries provide
numerous examples of what today would be described as creative works. The Greek
scientist of Syracuse, Archimedes experienced the creative moment in his Eureka
experience, finding the answer to a problem he had been wrestling with for a long time.
At the time, the concept of "genius" probably came closest to describing the creative
talents that brought forth such works.

By the 18th century and the Age of Enlightenment, the concept of creativity was
appearing more often in art theory, and was linked with the concept of imagination.

The Western view of creativity can be contrasted with the Eastern view. For Hindus,
Confucianists, Taoists and Buddhists, creation was at most a kind of discovery or
mimicry, and the idea of creation "from nothing" had no place in these philosophies and

In the West, by the 19th century, not only had art come to be regarded as creativity, but it
alone was so regarded. When later, at the turn of the 20th century, there began to be
discussion of creativity in the sciences (e.g., Jan Łukasiewicz, 1878–1956) and in nature
(e.g., Henri Bergson), this was generally taken as the transference, to the sciences, of
concepts that were proper to art.

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Creative process

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, leading mathematicians and scientists such as
Hermann von Helmholtz (1896) and Henri Poincaré (1908) began to reflect on and
publicly discuss their creative processes, and these insights were built on in early accounts
of the creative process by pioneering theorists such as Graham Wallas (1926) and Max
Wertheimer (1945).

However, the formal starting point for the scientific study of creativity, from the
standpoint of orthodox psychological literature, is generally considered to have been J.P.
Guilford's 1950 address to the American Psychological Association, which helped
popularize the topic and focus attention on a scientific approach to conceptualizing
creativity and measuring it psychometrically.

In parallel with these developments, other investigators have taken a more pragmatic
approach, teaching practical creativity techniques. Three of the best-known are:

 Alex Osborn's "brainstorming" (1950s to present),

 Genrikh Altshuller's Theory of Inventive Problem Solving (TRIZ, 1950s to present),
 and Edward de Bono's "lateral thinking" (1960s to present).

Creative thought

Creative thought is a mental process involving creative problem solving and the discovery
of new ideas or concepts, or new associations of the existing ideas or concepts, fueled by
the process of either conscious or unconscious insight.

From a scientific point of view, the products of creative thought (sometimes referred to as
divergent thought) are usually considered to have both originality and appropriateness.

Although intuitively a simple phenomenon, it is in fact quite complex. It has been studied
from the perspectives of behavioral psychology, social psychology, psychometrics,
cognitive science, artificial intelligence, philosophy, aesthetics, history, economics, design
research, business, and management, among others. The studies have covered everyday
creativity, exceptional creativity and even artificial creativity. Unlike many phenomena in
science, there is no single, authoritative perspective or definition of creativity. And unlike
many phenomena in psychology, there is no standardized measurement technique.

Creativity has been attributed variously to divine intervention, cognitive processes, the
social environment, personality traits, and chance ("accident", "serendipity"). It has been
associated with genius, mental illness, humor and REM sleep. Some say it is a trait we are
born with; others say it can be taught with the application of simple techniques. Creativity
has also been viewed as a beneficence of a muse or muses.

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Although popularly associated with art and literature, it is also an essential part of
innovation and invention and is important in professions such as business, economics,
architecture, industrial design, graphic design, advertising, mathematics, music, science
and engineering, and teaching.

Despite, or perhaps because of, the ambiguity and multi-dimensional nature of creativity,
entire industries have been spawned from the pursuit of creative ideas and the
development of creativity techniques.

Creativity has been associated with right or forehead brain activity or even specifically
with lateral thinking.

Some students of creativity have emphasized an element of chance in the creative process.
Linus Pauling, asked at a public lecture how one creates scientific theories, replied that
one must endeavor to come up with many ideas, then discard the useless ones.

Another adequate definition of creativity, according to Otto Rank, is that it is an

"assumptions-breaking process." Creative ideas are often generated when one discards
preconceived assumptions and attempts a new approach or method that might seem to
others unthinkable.

Understanding and enhancing the creative process with new technologies

A simple but accurate review on this new Human-Computer Interactions (HCI) angle for
promoting creativity has been written by Todd Lubart, an invitation full of creative ideas
to develop further this new field.

Groupware and other Computer Supported Collaborative Work (CSCW) platforms are
now the stage of Network Creativity on the web or on other private networks. These tools
have made more obvious the existence of a more connective, cooperative and collective
nature of creativity rather than the prevailing individual one. Creativity Research on
Global Virtual Teams is showing that the creative process is affected by the national
identities, cognitive and conative profiles, anonymous interactions at times and many
other factors affecting the teams members, depending on the early or later stages of the
cooperative creative process. They are also showing how NGO's cross-cultural virtual
team's innovation in Africa would also benefit from the pooling of best global practices
online. Such tools enhancing cooperative creativity may have a great impact on society
and as such should be tested while they are built following the Motto: "Build the Camera
while shooting the film". Some European FP7 scientific programs like Paradiso are
answering a need for advanced experimentally-driven research including large scale
experimentation test-beds to discover the technical, societal, and economic implications of
such groupware and collaborative tools to the Internet.

On the other hand, creativity research may one day be pooled with a computable
metalanguage like IEML from the University of Ottawa Collective Intelligence Chair,

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Pierre Levy. It might be a good tool to provide an interdisciplinary definition and a rather
unified theory of creativity. The creative processes being highly fuzzy, the programming
of cooperative tools for creativity and innovation should be adaptive and flexible.
Empirical Modelling seems to be a good choice for Humanities Computing.

If all the activity of the universe could be traced with appropriate captors, it is likely that
one could see the creative nature of the universe to which humans are active contributors.
After the web of documents, the Web of Things might shed some light on such a universal
creative phenomenon which should not be restricted to humans. In order to trace and
enhance cooperative and collective creativity, Metis Reflexive Global Virtual Team has
worked for the last few years on the development of a Trace Composer at the intersection
of personal experience and social knowledge.

Metis Reflexive Team has also identified a paradigm for the study of creativity to bridge
European theory of "useless" and non-instrumentalized creativity, North American more
pragmatic creativity and Chinese culture stressing more creativity as a holistic process of
continuity rather than radical change and originality. This paradigm is mostly based on
the work of the German philosopher Hans Joas, one that emphasizes the creative character
of human action. This model allows also for a more comprehensive theory of action. Joas
elaborates some implications of his model for theories of social movements and social
change. The connection between concepts like creation, innovation, production and
expression is facilitated by the creativity of action as a metaphore but also as a scientific

The Creativity and Cognition conference series, sponsored by the ACM and running since
1993, has been an important venue for publishing research on the intersection between
technology and creativity. The conference now runs biennially, next taking place in 2011.

Social attitudes to creativity

Although the benefits of creativity to society as a whole have been noted, social attitudes
about this topic remain divided. The wealth of literature regarding the development of
creativity and the profusion of creativity techniques indicate wide acceptance, at least
among academics, that creativity is desirable.

There is, however, a dark side to creativity, in that it represents a "quest for a radical
autonomy apart from the constraints of social responsibility".In other words, by encouraging
creativity we are encouraging a departure from society's existing norms and values.
Expectation of conformity runs contrary to the spirit of creativity. Sir Ken Robinson
argues that the current education system is "educating people out of their creativity".

Nevertheless, employers are increasingly valuing creative skills. A report by the Business
Council of Australia, for example, has called for a higher level of creativity in graduates.
The ability to "think outside the box" is highly sought after. However, the above-
mentioned paradox may well imply that firms pay lip service to thinking outside the box

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while maintaining traditional, hierarchical organization structures in which individual

creativity is not rewarded.

Problem solving

Problem solving is a mental process and is part of the larger problem process that
includes problem finding and problem shaping. Considered the most complex of all
intellectual functions, problem solving has been defined as higher-order cognitive process
that requires the modulation and control of more routine or fundamental skills. Problem
solving occurs when an organism or an artificial intelligence system needs to move from a
given state to a desired goal state.

Problem-solving techniques

 Abstraction: solving the problem in a model of the system before applying it to the
real system
 Analogy: using a solution that solved an analogous problem
 Brainstorming: (especially among groups of people) suggesting a large number of
solutions or ideas and combining and developing them until an optimum is found
 Divide and conquer: breaking down a large, complex problem into smaller,
solvable problems
 Hypothesis testing: assuming a possible explanation to the problem and trying to
prove (or, in some contexts, disprove) the assumption
 Lateral thinking: approaching solutions indirectly and creatively
 Means-ends analysis: choosing an action at each step to move closer to the goal
 Method of focal objects: synthesizing seemingly non-matching characteristics of
different objects into something new
 Morphological analysis: assessing the output and interactions of an entire system
 Reduction: transforming the problem into another problem for which solutions
 Research: employing existing ideas or adapting existing solutions to similar
 Root cause analysis: eliminating the cause of the problem
 Trial-and-error: testing possible solutions until the right one is found

Creative problem solving

Creative problem solving is the mental process of creating a solution to a problem. It is a

special form of problem solving in which the solution is independently created rather than
learned with assistance.

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Creative problem solving always involves creativity. However, creativity often does not
involve creative problem solving, especially in fields such as music, poetry, and art.
Creativity requires newness or novelty as a characteristic of what is created, but creativity
does not necessarily imply that what is created has value or is appreciated by other

To qualify as creative problem solving the solution must either have value, clearly solve
the stated problem, or be appreciated by someone for whom the situation improves.

The situation prior to the solution does not need to be labeled as a problem. Alternate
labels include a challenge, an opportunity, or a situation in which there is room for

Solving school-assigned homework problems does not usually involve creative problem
solving because such problems typically have well-known solutions.

If a created solution becomes widely used, the solution becomes an innovation and the
word innovation also refers to the process of creating that innovation. A widespread and
long-lived innovation typically becomes a new tradition. "All innovations [begin] as
creative solutions, but not all creative solutions become innovations." Some innovations
also qualify as inventions.

Inventing is a special kind of creative problem solving in which the created solution
qualifies as an invention because it is a useful new object, substance, process, software, or
other kind of marketable entity.

Techniques and tools

Many of the techniques and tools for creating an effective solution to a problem are
described in creativity techniques and problem solving.

Creative-problem-solving techniques can be categorized as follows:

 Creativity techniques designed to shift a person's mental state into one that fosters
creativity. These techniques are described in creativity techniques. One such
popular technique is to take a break and relax or sleep after intensively trying to
think of a solution.
 Creativity techniques designed to reframe the problem. For example, reconsidering
one's goals by asking "What am I really trying to accomplish?" can lead to useful
 Creativity techniques designed to increase the quantity of fresh ideas. This
approach is based on the belief that a larger number of ideas increases the chances
that one of them has value. Some of these techniques involve randomly selecting an
idea (such as choosing a word from a list), thinking about similarities with the
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undesired situation, and hopefully inspiring a related idea that leads to a solution.
Such techniques are described in creativity techniques.
 Creative-problem-solving techniques designed to efficiently lead to a fresh
perspective that causes a solution to become obvious. This category is useful for
solving especially challenging problems. Some of these techniques involve
identifying independent dimensions that differentiate (or separate) closely
associated concepts. Such techniques can overcome the mind's instinctive tendency
to use "oversimplified associative thinking" in which two related concepts are so
closely associated that their differences, and independence from one another, are

The following formalized and well-known methods and processes combine various
creativity and creative-problem-solving techniques:

 TRIZ, which is also known as Theory of Inventive Problem Solving (TIPS), was
developed by Genrich Altshuller and his colleagues based on examining more than
200,000 patents. This method is designed to foster the creation and development of
patentable inventions, but is also useful for creating non-product solutions.

 Mind mapping is a creativity technique that both reframes the situation and fosters

 Brainstorming is a group activity designed to increase the quantity of fresh ideas.

Getting other people involved can help increase knowledge and understanding of
the problem and help participants reframe the problem.

 Edward de Bono has published numerous books that promote an approach to

creative problem solving and creative thinking called lateral thinking.

 The Creative Problem Solving Process (CPS) is a six-step method developed by

Alex Osborn and Sid Parnes that alternates convergent and divergent thinking

A frequent approach to teaching creative problem solving is to teach critical thinking in

addition to creative thinking, but the effectiveness of this approach is not proven. As an
alternative to separating critical and creative thinking, some creative-problem-solving
techniques focus on either reducing an idea's disadvantages or extracting a flawed idea's
significant advantages and incorporating those advantages into a different idea.

Creative-problem-solving tools typically consist of software or manipulatable objects

(such as cards) that facilitate specific creative-problem-solving techniques. Electronic
meeting systems provide a range of interactive tools for creative-problem-solving by
groups over the Internet.

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1. Baron,R.A.(2002), Psychology(5th ed), India Pearson Education, Asia.

2. Hilgard, E.R, Atkinson, R.C & Atkinson, R.I.(1990), Introduction to

Psychology(7th ed), Oxford & IBH Publising company, New Delhi.

3. Zimbardo, P.G. & Weber, A.L.(1997), Psychology, Harper Collins, N.Y.


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