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National Gallery of Art

"Instauratio" and "Pietas": The della Valle Collections of Ancient Sculpture


Author(s): KATHLEEN WREN CHRISTIAN
Source: Studies in the History of Art, Vol. 70, Symposium Papers XLVII: Collecting Sculpture in
Early Modern Europe (2008), pp. 32-65
Published by: National Gallery of Art
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/42622672
Accessed: 19-03-2016 16:03 UTC

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KATHLEEN WREN CHRISTIAN

University of Pittsburgh

Instauratio and Pietas: The della Valle

Collections of Ancient Sculpture

tury, still requires clarification.1 To this end,


ture in Rome over generations, broadcasting the first three parts of this study examine the
The an ture dellaofimage
an image in Rome
prosperity and Valle of prosperity
erudition as they family over generations,
early sculpture displays collected
and Andreaanddella
erudition antique br
brought ancient sculpture to the forefront of Valle's hanging garden in depth, considering
the city's material and intellectual "restau- how the family's approach toward excava-
ratio." In the 1430s, while Flavio Biondo tion, restoration, and display changed over
mined ancient sources for his Roma instau- time. These changes in method are espe-
rata , the della Valle were already displaying cially important: although we readily accept
antique sculpture at their palaces on the via that the Renaissance saw sweeping and pro-
Papalis. By 1490, the della Valle opened an found shifts in the interpretation of ancient
expanded sculpture collection to visitors sculpture by artists, changing patterns of
and guests, matching Pope Sixtus IV's efforts collecting have been a much-neglected sub-
to include ancient sculpture in his wider ject. Part of the problem is that the scholar-
plans for a restauratio Romae. Just after the ship has focused on the vast sculpture gardens
Sack of Rome in 1527, the family's greatest of mid-sixteenth-century Rome and has not
collector, Cardinal Andrea della Valle, adequately explored the history of fifteenth-
unveiled his extraordinary "hanging garden" and early sixteenth-century collecting.
of ancient sculpture. Delia Valle's garden During this critical period, collectors
displayed antiquities on an unprecedented seized on ancient sculpture's auctoritas (the
scale with a splendor that, for guests, seemed political and authoritarian connotations
to herald the restoration of a devastated city. explored by Salvatore Settis in this volume),
Cardinal della Valle's spectacular collection its historical and moral lessons, and also
is familiar to art historians, thanks to draw- the new artistic and aesthetic possibilities
ings by Maerten van Heemskerck (fig. 1) increased by artists' more profound engage-
and Francisco de Holanda (fig. 2). Many of the ment with antique sculpture. The reasons for
family's antiquities, all acquired by the these shifts are complex, but this study
Medici in 1584, are well-known works dis- focuses in particular on how changing meth-
played along the corridors of the Uffizi or ods of self-formation in fifteenth- and early
immured into the Villa Medici's garden sixteenth-century Rome defined the role of
Maerten van Heemskerck, facade. But despite the familiarity and fame ancient sculpture in the city's cultural life.
The Hanging Garden of
Cardinal Andrea della Valle of the della Valle collection, it has long Already in the first decades of the Quattro-
from the South (detail), been overshadowed by its rival, the papal cento, humanists at the courts of John XXIII
c. 1532-1537, pen and ink
Bibliothèque Nationale de France,
Belvedere. The history of the collection, and and Eugenius IV intensified the study of antiq-
Paris, Ga 80, Folio, fol. 5 3 especially its formation in the fifteenth cen- uities, especially small objects examined

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in studiolo settings. But these interests had safeguarding of relics or the restoration of i . Maerten van Heemskerck,
The Hanging Garden of
shifted by the 1470s and 1480s, when car- churches. To explore Cardinal della Valle's Cardinal Andrea della Valle
dinals in particular sponsored a new brand fundamental role in this shift, the fourth from the South, c. 1532-1537,
pen and ink
of sculpture collecting. Not only did they and last section of this essay examines the Bibliothèque Nationale de France,
favor large, figurai marbles displayed out- rhetoric of eight inscriptions displayed promi- Paris, Ga 80, Folio, fol. 5 3

side over small works displayed in studioli, nently in his hanging garden and considers
but they also began to excavate ancient their import for Roman viewers after the
sculptures from the ruins, restore them, Sack. Ultimately, the removal of sculpture
provide them with architectural settings, from the ruins to a seemingly civic setting
and bring artists and other visitors into dia- devoted to the "universal" benefits of public
logue with them. Drawing on a seminal edification and urban restoration concealed
article by Patricia Falguières,2 I argue that underlying motives of social performance
these innovations, which all added signifi- and self-interest.3
cantly to the "art value" of antiquities,
helped especially to accentuate cardinals' The della Valle Collections in the
roles as mediators between the public of
Fifteenth Century
Rome and the city's ancient past. In claim-
ing a protectorate over the city's antique The della Valle arrived in Rome from Spain,
sculpture, and by extension over the city perhaps only in the late fourteenth century,
itself, cardinals underscored their use of and initially settled near the imperial fora.4
ancient art for moral, edifying purposes, After accumulating large estates outside the
advertising the idea that their collecting was city walls and establishing a lucrative money-
as pious and beneficial to Rome as was the lending business, they were driven by wealth

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2. Francisco de Holanda,
The Hanging Garden of
Cardinal Andrea della Valle:
Elevation of the East Wall ,
c. 1538-1541, pen and
colored wash
Biblioteca Reale, El Escorial, inv. 28-
1-20, fol. 54. Copyright © Patrimonio
Nacional.

and ambition to a more socially advanta- the Palazzo Caffarelli-Vidoni, and from this
3. Anonymous, Map of the geous spot by Piazza Navona on the via new vantage point they advanced rapidly in
Della Valle Properties,
c. 1586-1600, pen and ink
Papalis, the route of the pope's inaugural Roman society. Although Lello I della Valle
Archivio di Stato, Rome, Ospedale procession and Rome's most illustrious never earned a noble title, his enterprising
del Santissimo Salvatore ad Sancta
Sanctorum, busta 490, no. 40; by address (figs. 3 and 4).5 The family built son Paolo (d. 1440), doctor to popes Alexan-
concession oř the Ministero per i
Beni e le Attività Culturali, ASR
their palaces at a site that now borders the der V and Martin V, managed to buy one
24/2003 Corso Vittorio Emmanuele II across from from the Holy Roman Emperor (see family
tree, fig. s).6 With remarkable speed and
success, this Paolo and his brother Niccolò
acquired enough property on the via Papalis
to colonize a sizable area.7 At the same time,
the della Valle transferred their patronage
from the nearby Santa Maria in Monterrone
to one of Rome's most venerated and visible
churches, Santa Maria in Aracoeli, estab-
lishing a family chapel there in the early
Quattrocento.8
In the Rome of Eugenius IV (1431-1447),
the della Valle coterie would have included
Cencio de' Rustici, Flavio Biondo, Leon Bat-
tista Alberti, and Poggio Bracciolini, a circle
whose appreciation for classical art and
ancient ruins, as is well known, predated
any widespread admiration of the antique.9
Members of the curia who shared the anti-
quarian interests of this group, like Cardinal
Prospero Colonna, were among the first col-
lectors of ancient sculpture in Rome.10 The
della Valle themselves already possessed an

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antiquities collection of sorts in the 1420s:
in 1423, they christened one of their houses
the Palazzo di Giove after an imposing
ancient bust of Jupiter posed above its front
portal.1 1 As another sign of their interest in
antique sculpture, in 1440 the family buried
Paolo della Valle in an ancient sarcophagus
"adorned with the figure of a gladiator/'12
In his testament, Paolo had required that
his sons earn degrees in canon and civil law,
thus ensuring that they would become expert
Latinists and pursue curial careers.13 His
sons Filippo, who became papal doctor to Six-
tus IV and Alexander VI, and Lello II, a con-
sistorial lawyer, continued the family's
reliance on antiquarianism and the study of
ancient languages as a method of social
advancement in curial Rome.14 Filippo, Car-
dinal Andrea della Valle's father, collected
ancient inscriptions and imitated them with
impeccable accuracy, memorializing his
deceased daughter Paolina with a funerary
epitaph borrowed from an antique sarcoph-
agus.15 Lello translated Greek poetry, mar-
ried the daughter of Cencio de7 Rustici, and
came to the defense of Giulio Pomponio
Leto's Roman Academy during their trials.
He invited his friends to study in his library,
which was well stocked with classical bined with an intense Roman patriotism 4. Map of the della Valle
properties, based on the
codices, and to examine his own collection fueled the desire to shape all aspects of pub- Catasto Urbano of 1818-1824,
of inscriptions. Lello passed his epigraphic lic and private life on the model of the showing ( i ) Palazzo di
collection and his antiquarian interests on to antique. Scholars increasingly desirous of a Cantone, (2) Palazzo di
Mezzo, (3) Palazzo di Giove,
his sons, the renowned poets and scholars broad knowledge of Roman customs greatly (4) palace of Ottavio della
Bernardino and Niccolò della Valle.16 valued antique objects that shed light on Valle, ( 5 ) storage area and
The first della Valle collections have a carriage house, (6) Palazzo
the history, topography, and daily life of della Valle-Capranica, and
distinctly textual and literary focus that ancient Rome. It is therefore not surprising (7) Teatro Valle
accords with their expertise in ancient lan- that the most esteemed treasures of the della Reproduction of the Catasto Urbano
courtesy of the Archivio di Stato,
guages. The family may have collected Valle collections in the 1470s consisted of an Rome; by concession of the
Ministero per i Beni e le Attività
ancient coins and medals: in mid-Quattro- ancient calendar, the Menologium rusticum Culturali, ASR 24/2003, with
additions by author
cento Rome, writers often scrutinized por- vállense , and a list of Roman holidays, the
trait busts and coins in the candlelit settings Fasti vallenses ,18
of their studioli and libraries. Already in The suppression of Leto's Academy reminds
early Quattrocento Florence, Nicolò Nic- us of that extreme antiquarianism also
coli and Poggio Bracciolini had embraced involved risk, and the accusation of heresy
this type of collection, in which portrait or idolatry was a real danger. But in a time
busts and coins offered tangible, material of intense social competition and remark-
links between men of letters and the classi- able social mobility in Rome, it offered an
cal authors they idolized.17 In Rome, the opportunity for self-invention that few could
study of antique inscriptions (commonly resist. With the tools that antiquarianism
referred to as epigrammata ) also grew in provided, families and individuals could
tandem with literary studies, in particular shape new identities with great subtlety.
with the revival of Latin poetry. As is evident Unlike many other families in fifteenth-
from the activities of Pomponio Leto's Acad- century Rome, the della Valle chose not to
emy, the close study of Latin authors com- follow the bold practice of inventing ancient

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alliance with the Imperial party and the
Colonna. Their possession of extramural
estates and their success in curial profes-
sions, rather than mercantile ones, may have
lessened the need to use the bluntly self-
aggrandizing method of the "ancestor cult"
so popular among Rome's new nobility.
By the third quarter of the fifteenth cen-
tury, the della Valle had expanded their
sculpture collections, which they divided
among three palaces sited along the via
Papalis. From a fortified palazzo and tower
at the west, the properties extended in a
row unified by a colonnaded portico that
ran along the street.20 A previously unpub-
lished sixteenth-century map (fig. 3) and the
Catasto Urbano of 1818-1824 (fig. 4) show
these separate but contiguous dwellings,
each constructed to house a different branch
of the family. As was common in fifteenth-
century Rome, each branch also displayed its
own separate collection, which passed down
paternal lines: Stazio della Valle and his
heirs kept one collection in the Palazzo di
Cantone on the west corner, Filippo and his
sons Bartolommeo and Andrea della Valle put
theirs on view at the Palazzo di Mezzo in the
middle, and Lello II della Valle's descen-
dants displayed antiquities in the Palazzo di
Giove to the east (see fig. 4). 21 The della
Valle faced a setback in 1484, when they
5. Della Valle family tree ancestors. Especially for those families who joined the Colonna in a bitter feud against
Author
had only recently achieved nobility, a new the Orsini and the Santacroce and, Roman
ancestor, combined with a collection of diarists report, Pope Sixtus IV punished them
inscriptions and well-chosen antiquities, by ordering the demolition of their houses.
could "prove" a family's unbroken presence The full extent of the destruction remains
in the city since ancient times. Many fam- unclear, as the della Valle continued to live
ilies, especially arrivistes like the Massimi in these palaces and in 1490 were displaying
or Santacroce, who had earned their for- their sculpture collections there to guests.22
tunes through mercantile trades, collected It was in this year that the humanist
works of art and inscriptions specifically to Giovanni da Tolentino wrote a description
forge ties with ancient heroes. In the 1450s of the fifteenth-century collections in an
and 1460s, the Santacroce vaunted an ordi- extraordinary letter to the poet Baldassare
nary togate statue that they claimed was Taccone.23 As da Tolentino writes, he was
an image of their "ancestor" Valerius Pub- taking in the sights of the Roman Mirabilia
licóla. In the 1470S, the wealthy pharma- tourist track, admiring the Quirinal Horse-
cist Lorenzo Manlio claimed Marcus Manlius tamers, the Spinano, and the bronze Marcus
Capitolinus as his ancestor, immuring an Aurelius, when a "Roman citizen" stopped
ancient dedication to a "Manlius Homu- him on his way to ask, "What if you were to
lus" on the facade of his house.19 Although see works in private houses probably not
the della Valle in the fifteenth century were inferior to those you have seen in public? By
also part of a "new" Roman nobility, they Hercules! I have a few things that we shall
did not attempt to mask their Spanish ori- soon see." The pair then went together to
gins, perhaps in order to reinforce their strong visit the della Valle collections:

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Entering the house we came across two satyrs as soon as he took office in 1471. On the
gleaming with gold. Then we saw a great num- heels of this seemingly pious transfer of
ber of statues of men and women, of which we sculpture to a civic setting, Sixtus' court, and
recognized Marcus Antonius and Faustina. especially the cardinals closest to him, such
There is a calendar on a marble slab; it explains
as Giuliano della Rovere, Domenico della
the movements of the sun. In the middle of a
Rovere, and Raffaelle Riario, brought antique
court [in medio aieae] is Neptune stirring up
marble sculpture into their own gardens and
the sea with his trident. Opposite him is
Apollo playing a song on the lyre, Arion sitting courtyards. They picked up on the local
on a dolphin, Castor and Pollux, a Bacchanalia, practice of keeping "ancestral" antiquities in
a gladiatorial game, Nero Ahenobarbus, some domestic spaces, but, by favoring the exca-
hunting scenes, and various sorts of animals vation and the "dedication" of life-size fig-
wandering around the hills.24 urai sculpture in settings where they received
guests, they began to transform the concept
The della Valles' life-size Pans, now on into that of the art collection.
view in the courtyard of the Capitoline The palace at Santi Apostoli, built around
Museums, do not "gleam with gold/' and 1484-1489 by Sixtus IV's nephew Cardinal
when composing his letter ex post facto in Giuliano della Rovere (later Pope Julius II),
the study, da Tolentino did not hesitate to is one of the first in Rome to accord such a
add a few rhetorical flourishes.25 Neverthe- role to antiquities. Sara Magister has inves-
less, the letter remains an important source. tigated this collection in depth and has dis-
After his depiction of the famous Pans,26 covered how della Rovere arranged his
da Tolentino notes a number of portraits sculptures, including the famous Apollo
and the della Valle's Menologium, men- Belvedere, in a garden used for banquets and
tioned by Fra Giocondo's epigraphic sylloge theatrical performances.31 In these contexts,
around 1490 as being on display at the poets integrated ancient sculptures into pan-
Palazzo di Giove.27 In the next part of his egyric verses recited at ceremonial feasts
description, da Tolentino names sculptures and receptions, allowing sculptures to act as
he saw "in medio areae," probably a cor- speaking voices in their adulations of patrons.
tile. Here he came across Neptune, Apollo In the process, patrons could present the
Citharoedos, "Arion Sitting on a Dolphin" collections in their houses as monuments to
(actually, a sculpture of a putto riding a their own virtue: the virtue of having created
marine monster), and Bacchus.28 In the early these realms of the Muses, places enlivened
sixteenth century, Andrea della Valle put by the presence of mythological personae,
all of these pieces on view at the Palazzo di and inspirational retreats where the city's
Mezzo. It therefore appears likely that they poets and artists could take refuge.
were first acquired for the Palazzo di Mezzo
by Andrea della Valle's father Filippo, head Andrea della Valle's First
of the household until his death in 1494,
Sculpture Collection
and displayed in the courtyard there.29
Da Tolentino's letter only vaguely describes The culmination of these ideas and the most
the layout of the collections, but what it influential and grandiose collection of this
reveals about their contents demonstrates type was the Cortile del Belvedere, assembled
how the family's tastes had changed over by Giuliano della Rovere after he became
time. If the della Valle collections were a Pope Julius II.32 From 1505/1506, Bramante
small-scale literary curiosity in the 1460s and constructed the symmetrical court on an
1 470s, by 1490 they had added a significant elevated site next to Innocent VIII's Villa
body of life-size figurai images of Neptune, Belvedere. Della Rovere soon began to dis-
putti, and gladiators. The change reflects play exceptional examples of figurai statuary
wider shifts in Roman collecting, initiated there - most famously, the Laocoön and
especially during the time of Sixtus IV's the Apollo Belvedere, moved to the Vatican
restauratio Romae .30 Famously, the sym- in 1506 and 1508 - mounted on matching
bolic heart of Sixtus' program for urban pedestals and ensconced in niches built
restoration became the public display of into all four walls. The full measure of the
ancient sculpture he set up on the Capitoline court's innovation is now difficult to recap-

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ture because of its profound influence, but inscriptions above the doors up to the piano
the Belvedere was the first monumental nobile read "ANDREAS DE VALLE EPS.
environment built solely to display ancient MILETEN.," and della Valle became bishop
sculpture. of Mileto in February of that year. But
Andrea della Valle (1463-1534) was a plans to rebuild may have begun as early as
young bishop, apostolic secretary, and, tem- 1497, when Andrea was renting a palace in
porarily, vice chancellor during Julius II's the Borgo.35 In 1509 Albertini described it
reign.33 He also, it seems, became the first as a "new" palazzo adorned with "paintings
patron to bring the Belvedere's model into the and statues,"36 and it was certainly near com-
realm of domestic architecture. After Andrea pletion by 1515/1516, when Hans Vischer the
and his brother Bartolommeo inherited the Younger sketched an elevation of the court-
Palazzo di Mezzo from their father Filippo, yard with ancient sculpture in place (fig. 7).
6. Anonymous architect, they decided to rebuild the palace with the Today, a bland nineteenth-century facade
Courtyard of Palazzo della conspicuous exhibition of ancient statuary unites the Palazzo di Mezzo with the Palazzo
Valle di Mezzo, Rome,
c. 1505-1510
in mind (fig. 6).34 The beginning of con- di Cantone (fig. 8), concealing the Palazzo di
Bibliotheca Hertziana, Rome struction is usually dated to 1508, because Mezzo's elegant cortile , with its spoliated
ancient columns and colored rotae set in
the spandrels of the arches. Vischer's draw-
ing, along with others by Amico Aspertini
and Francisco de Holanda, give a sense of the
sculpture display once housed here, while
Ulisse Aldrovandi's description of 1 5 50 and
documents from the della Valle archives fur-
ther clarify the original layout.37 Entering the
palace, guests would have passed beneath an
imposing bust of Jupiter set over the inner
side of the main portal, watching over the
household as he did at the Palazzo di Giove
next door.38 Stepping into the courtyard,
they would have passed beneath a porphyry
sculpture of a wolf on the lintel of a win-
dow,39 an echo not only of the Putto Riding
a Marine Monster facing it from across the
courtyard, but also of the Capitoline Wolf
then posed over the central door of the
Palazzo dei Conservatori.40 Life-size figurai
sculpture filled the niches on the piano
nobile; Amico Aspertini (fig. 9) and Fran-
cisco de Holanda drew these figures of Venus,
Ganymede, Daphnis playing the pipes, Her-
cules, Apollo, Mercury, and Bacchus.41 Below
the niches, fragments of ancient reliefs, some
excavated from the Forum of Trajan, were
joined together to create a long frieze running
along the short sides of the cortile.42 The
della Valle also displayed ancient inscrip-
tions in the courtyard, a statue of a kneeling
Niobid at the landing of the main staircase,
and portrait busts in niches above doorways.43
The architect of Andrea and Bartolom-
meo della Valle's palace is still unknown,
despite past attempts to attribute the
design to Andrea Sansovino or Giuliano da
Sangallo.44 Sangallo had already wrapped a

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classicizing (if not authentically ancient)
frieze around the courtyard of the Palazzo
Scala in Florence and carved out niches -
perhaps for sculpture - on the inner side of
its courtyard piers.45 But it is difficult to
believe that Sangallo's refined Florentine
work has anything to do with the della Valle
courtyard, which is so specifically Roman in
its imitation of the Cancelleria. Whoever
the architect, his adaptation of the Belve-
dere's sculpture niches to palace architecture
seems a novel and influential idea, one that
stands in the same decorative tradition as
Raphael's facade for Palazzo Branconio
dell'Aquila (fig. 10). The use of niches and
friezes formed from ancient reliefs speaks to
the intensified study of ancient ruins in
early Cinquecento Rome in the wake of Bra-
mante's Belvedere. Only the close observa-
tion of the empty niches visible in the
Roman ruins could have revealed how
ancient architects had conspicuously inte-
grated large-scale sculpture into their designs.
The Arch of Constantine, for its part (fig. 1 1 ),
illuminated how spoliated reliefs could be
joined together to embellish architectural
surfaces. Indeed, the triumphal arch is a par-
ticularly significant model for the sculpture
display at the Palazzo di Mezzo, because in
the early sixteenth century private collectors
had began to parade ancient sculptures on
temporary triumphal arches set up outside
their houses, as the della Valle did for the
papal possesso of Leo X.46
After its renovation, the collection at the
Palazzo di Mezzo surpassed the smaller dis-
plays in the other della Valle houses and
became the main attraction for visitors. At
the Palazzo di Giove to the east, the sculp-
ture collection remained relatively modest,
even if the della Valle's Menologium , the
Fasti vallenses, or the Cippus of Amemptus
continued to fascinate antiquarians like
Andreas Coner, Jean-Jacques Boissard, and gia ornamented with antiquities shown in 7. Hans Vischer the Younger,
Courtyard of Palazzo della
Gabriele Simeoni throughout the sixteenth Heemskerck's view.49 Although this loggia Valle di Mezzo, 1515/1516,
century.47 To the west, on the other side of has today been stripped of its sculpture and pen and ink
Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 19,051,-
the Palazzo di Mezzo, the Palazzo di Cantone walled up, its mirror image, the two-bay Art Resource, New York
boasted a more elaborate and innovative loggia which Giacomo della Porta con-
design, one that figures in a hasty sketch structed much later on the south side of the
made by Heemskerck some time in the courtyard (fig. 13), gives a sense of its origi-
1530S (fig. 12).48 Before his death in 15 10, nal scheme.50 On the whole, Lorenzo Stefano
Stazio della Valle had carried out major ren- conceived of this cortile as a pendant to the
ovations to this palace. Some time before Palazzo di Mezzo court, using ancient tondi
1518, his son Lorenzo Stefano erected the log- to mimic the rotae of the courtyard next

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8. Nineteenth-century facade
uniting the Palazzo di
Cantone and Palazzo di
Mezzo, seen from the Corso
Vittorio Emmanuele
Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la
Documentazione, Rome

9. Amico Aspertini, door and installing his own frieze of ancient which, according to the Roman poet Paolo
Sculptures in the Courtyard reliefs here, shown in abbreviated form in Spinoso, had been discovered in an archaeo-
of the Palazzo della Valle di logical site "six miles from Rome" some-
Heemskerck's sketch. But the display at the
Mezzo, c. 1531-1535, pen
and ink Palazzo di Cantone was also highly imagi- time before 1481. 51 The della Valle might
British Museum, London, 1898-11- native in its own right. It exploited the orig- have been the first to use a massive mask (of
23-3, fols. 4V.-5; photograph The
Warburg Institute, London inal architectonic function of the Pans, a type similar to the Bocca della Verità) as a
drain and courtyard centerpiece, a motif
repeated by the Cesi.52 The della Valle's
enormous mask would have probably been
too heavy to bring in from a distant archaeo-
logical site, and perhaps the nearby ruins of
Pompey's Theater provided them with this
work. Intriguingly, Propertius' description of
the porticoed gardens of the theater includes
a reference to "streams that flow from a
sleeping Silenus [fountain], whose splatter-
ing waters are heard through the whole city,
until suddenly the Triton swallows them
in his mouth."53

Cardinal Andrea della Valle's


Hanging Garden
When Pope Leo X promoted Andrea della
Valle to the cardinalate in 15 17, the reno-
vated Palazzo di Mezzo abruptly became

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io. Anonymous, Palazzo
Branconio dell'Aquila ,
sixteenth century, pen and
ink
Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence, inv.
UA 230

inadequate. But della Valle had to keep his sure up with the designs for the piano nobile
plans for a new cardinal's palace on hold for in fig. 1 6, shows a ground floor. From this
more than a decade. His fortunes certainly drawing, we see that a garden was to be built
prospered; he was promoted as a candidate above the entire length of the stables, which
for the papacy during the conclave of 1 523,54 are labeled ''stalla sotto sopra terra,- al primo
and a medal minted for the jubilee of 1525 solaro giardino." In the end, Cardinal della
(fig. 14), the only known portrait of Andrea Valle chose this more innovative pian. He
della Valle, commemorated his appointment reserved an immense, elevated terrace above
as archpresbyter of Santa Maria Maggiore.55 the stables for his oblong sculpture court,
But it was only in the mid- to late 1 520s that whose shape would set an enduring example
della Valle and his architect, Antonio da for future sculpture "galleries." In della
Sangallo the Younger, began construction Valle's eyes, the sculpture court merited its
on an immense new palace at a site just own designer and sculpture restorer. For the
north of the Palazzo di Cantone (fig. 15). task he chose the sculptor and architect
The Sack of Rome in 1527 imposed its own Lorenzo Lotto, known as Lorenzetto (1490-
delays, and della Valle would not complete 1 541 ), who could include on his résumé the
even the west wing and its hanging garden restoration of the Tigris Belvedere for Leo
of ancient sculpture before his death in X.58 Lorenzetto's open-air hanging garden
I534-56 would take up the top two stories and the
The two surviving plans for the palace entire length of della Valle's palace, an ele-
illustrate how ideas developed for this mon- vated site signposted to passersby by a funer-
umental sculpture gallery and garden.57 One ary relief still immured on the palace facade
(fig. 16) shows a project for the piano nobile (fig. 18).
with a relatively small giardino segreto that The statue court continued to overwhelm
seems to have been intended as a sculpture artists and antiquarians throughout the six-
garden, as niches appear along two walls. teenth century, until the Medici bought its
Another plan (fig. 17), which does not mea- sculpture in 1584. Guests wrote exalted

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1 1 . Arch of Constantine, descriptions, the most detailed by Johannes statue court. But together they offer an extra-
Rome
Alinari/Art Resource, New York Fichard, Aldrovandi, Maximilian van Wael- ordinary array of documentation for the
scapple, Boissard, and Jodocus Hondius,59 court and a wide measure of the artistic
but Heemskerck's extraordinary drawing response to it.
(fig. i ), rediscovered by Arnold Nesselrath,60 Parts of the della Valle sculpture court
and Holanda's elevation of the western wall have also survived intact, even if scholars had
(fig. 2)61 best illuminate its original splendor. long imagined its total demise. Two of the
Visiting artists from near and far - such as inscriptions and a large stucco mask remain
Girolamo da Carpi, the author of the Cam- in situ on the west side (fig. 19), a section of
bridge Sketchbook, Giovannantonio Dosio, the original architrave with a decorative pat-
Pierre Jacques, Maarten de Vos, and Jacopo tern inspired by the Temple of Mars Ultor
Strada - made sketches of individual sculp- stands in place on the east side, and the two
tures,62 while engravings by Marcantonio ancient columns in the foreground of
Raimondi and Enea Vico circulated images Heemskerck's drawing still occupy their
of della Valle's antiques to an international original positions.64 Judging from the sur-
audience.63 None of these sources is a viving remains, it can be estimated that the
straightforward description: Heemskerck's statue court measured a full 35 meters in
drawing, for example, overscales the two length and 12.5 meters in width.
ancient columns in the foreground and places Lorenzetto organized this long space with
them too far apart to let us peek into the a stucco architectural skeleton that set up an

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entirely symmetrical arrangement, pairing
works in opposition: male and female, draped
and nude, god and human. Two nude gods
(Neptune and Marsyas) guarded the entrance
loggia; draped female figures (which were
erroneously called the Sabines) occupied
niches at each end; and captives - three bar-
barian prisoners in porphyry and one in
white marble - stood at the four corners.65
On the long walls, vines on trellises and cit-
rus trees sprouted from planters decorated
with ancient reliefs.66 Statues of gods and
satyrs filled five niches on this lower level.
On the right side of his drawing, Heems-
kerck's drawing shows only the Apollo
Citharoedos in place,67 but by the time
Aldrovandi visited in 1550, the niches also
housed a statue of Zeus with an eagle, a
Neptune, and a "faun" or satyr, visible in
Holanda's drawing.68 On the left side, the
so-called Thusnelda (a female barbarian)
appeared in the first niche and an unidenti-
the via Lata (the modern via del Corso). He 12. Maerten van
fiable female figure in the fifth.69 Aldrovandi Heemskerck, Courtyard of
pillaged from this arch all the spectacular the Palazzo della Valle di
did not describe other statues on this side of
reliefs displayed in the attic zone of the Cantone , c. 1532-1537, pen
the court because the middle two openings and ink
sculpture court (fig. 20). 74 Della Valle may
were not niches but windows. They are dark Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin, inv.
have unearthed several other works, such as 79. D. 2, fol. 2or.; Bildarchiv,
in Heemskerck's drawing and can be iden- Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin
the Dacians and the so-called Sabines, from
tified with the "open windows" through
the Forum of Trajan.75 The della Valle owned
which Waelscapple observed an aviary, filled
a chapel at San Lorenzuolo, a church located
with birds "of every variety."70 On both
within the Forum of Trajan that is known to
sides at the attic level, nude Olympian divini-
have traded in ancient sculptures.76 They 13. Giacomo della Porta,
ties inhabited the center niches, Hercules on
also may have quarried sculpture directly loggia in the courtyard of
the left and Hermes on the right.71 Flanking the Palazzo di Cantone,
from their own property in the imperial fora, Rome, 1570
male figures and draped female statues alter- which included land at the Pantano di San Author photograph
nated with the massive relief panels now
immured on the garden facade of the Villa
Medici (fig. 20). Over these, male and female
all'antica stucco masks peered out amid
inscribed plaques spelling out the dedica-
tions of the entire sculpture court (discussed
below).
To fill this gallery, which Fichard called a
"treasury of all Roman antiquities," della
Valle had collected furiously in the 1520s,
buying sculpture from dealers and other
collectors or quarrying it directly from the
ruins.72 Andrea's brother Bartolommeo, mae-
stro delle strade from 1 5 17 to 1 520, may have
helped pull the necessary strings for della
Valle's excavations, including one he com-
missioned at the nearby Baths of Agrippa.73
In the 1 520s, Andrea also bought up a cache
of sculpture from the Arcus Novus, an
ancient triumphal arch which once spanned

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14- Anonymous, Medal of
Andrea della Valle, 1525,
bronze
National Gallery of Art, Washington,
Samuel H. Kress Collection

1 5 . Palazzo della
Valle-Capranica, west wing
(stable block), showing the
site of the hanging garden
Author photograph

Basilio stretching over the fora of Augustus forebears/'81 and Vasari famously claimed
and Caesar.77 that della Valle was the "first" to restore
These archaeological treasure troves, sculpture and that Lorenzetto "had good
which could also have included the family's sculptors redo what was lacking, which was
casali outside the walls or their own houses the reason why other Signori did the same,
between the Theater of Pompey and the . . . like Cardinal Cesi, Ferrara, Farnese, and,
Baths of Agrippa,78 offered up an extraordi- in a word, all of Rome."82 Of course, della
nary number of antiquities. In 1 5 84, when an Valle was not the first to restore antiqui-
inventory of the cardinal's palace was made, ties, and he did not complete repairs to all of
antiquities adorned the hanging garden, the
cortile , the stairway to the hanging garden,
and della Valle's private chambers. The
notary who made the inventory even found
fragments of ancient columns in the chicken
coop.79 Although he did not finish the palace,
della Valle may also have planned the mon-
umental display of antique statesmen and
military heroes installed on the palace facade
some time before 1550. Here, eight life-size
figures in porphyry and white marble, four
below and four above, took their places atop
inscribed ancient bases (fig. 21).80 The
arrangement has received scant attention,
and the sixteenth-century facade has since
been replaced with another. But it was once
a remarkable answer to the frescoed facades
of Polidoro da Caravaggio and an architec-
tonic response to the display of sculpture col-
lections on temporary, street-level arches.
Delia Valle's innovative approach and his
single-minded integration of statuary into the
entire fabric of his new palace profoundly
affected the way that ancient sculptures
came to be exhibited in Rome. Andrea Ful-
vio called him "the only one who now cares
diligently for the ancient monuments of our

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1 6. Antonio da Sangallo the
Younger, Ground Plan for the
Palace of Cardinal Andrea
della Valle, c. 1526-1529,
pen and ink
Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence,
UA ç82r

17. Antonio da Sangallo the


Younger, Ground Plan for the
Palace of Cardinal Andrea
della Valle, c. 1526-1529,
pen and ink
Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence,
UA 1274*

18. Ancient funerary relief,


Palazzo della Valle-Capranica
Author photograph

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echoes through the subsequent history of
antiquities collections. Della Valle set a
standard followed by the Farnese, for example,
who had well-known sculptors restore miss-
ing pieces and commissioned a separate
design for their sculpture display from an
architect and sculptor, Michelangelo.85 The
idea of encrusting all surfaces with antiqui-
ties, in a well-planned and architectonic
design that fits each work fits into a sym-
metrical ensemble, resonates in major exhi-
bitions of statuary that were to come at the
Palazzo Spada, the Villa Medici garden
facade, the courtyard of the Palazzo Mattei,
and, as Kristina Herrmann Fiore argues in
this volume, the garden facade of the Villa
Borghese.
In reinventing a statue court as an ele-
vated viridario, the della Valle statue court
iç. East wall of the hanging his sculptures: many unrestored fragments also brought into the palace the Roman plea-
garden of Cardinal Andrea
della Valle appear in Heemskerck's view. But Vasari's sur t-vigna filled with sculpture and inscrip-
Author photograph point underscores the impact and ambition tions, like Cardinal della Valle's own retreat
of della Valle's partially achieved goal.83 near the Trevi Fountain.86 The statue court
One of its most important innovations was thus aimed at the opulence of the "suburban
the conception of an entirely all'antica envi- villa," which, as Alberti defined it, com-
ronment where ancient altars and pedestals, bined the grandeur and convenience of the
rather than modern bases, propped up stat- urban house with the tranquility of the rus-
ues. Fichard remarked on this aspect when tic villa.87 At Palazzo della Valle, the viri-
he wrote, "There [are] almost no marble dario took the shape of a hortus pensilis, a
20. Ancient relief depicting a
sacrifice, formerly in the sculptures there which are not displayed genre whose royal associations had already
collection of Andrea della and refitted [repositum adaptatumque] been exploited at Pienza and Urbino.88 A
Valle, Villa Medici, Rome
Deutsches Archäologisches Institut,
according to the antique."84 This concept, compelling precedent for della Valle's statue-
inst. neg. 77-1739 one encompassed by the term instaurado, filled refuge was the hanging garden of
Palazzo Carafa in Naples, which Diomede
Carafa had adorned with ancient statues of
nymphs in the 1470s.89 Carafa had located
his hanging garden above his palace stables,
as is barely visible in a seventeenth-century
print (fig. 22). Nearer at hand, the garden of
Pope Paul II's Palazzo San Marco (Palazzo
Venezia) offered a more immediate example
for della Valle's statue court as a two-storey
hortus pensilis set above stables. But surely
the most vivid model was the papal Belvedere,
a giardino segreto , sculpture court, and hang-
ing garden reached by dramatic ascent up Bra-
mante's spiral staircase.90
The design for della Valle's hanging garden
must owe some of its features to Loren-
zetto's close association with Raphael. In
the della Valle court, Lorenzetto called on the
innovations of Raphael's Villa Madama,
where sculpture-bearing niches adorned
walls stuccoed with classicizing motifs.

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Raphael had been instrumental in bringing tures on the Arch of Constantine (fig. 1 1 ); 2 1 . Giovannantonio Dosio,
Sculptures on Antique Bases
antiquities collections into the realm of moreover, his recognition that the sculp- on the Facade of Palazzo
artistic training and practice, and Loren- tures on the arch were really products of dif- della Valle-C apranica, after
ferent eras and different contexts seems to be 1546-before 1570, pen and ink
zetto's association with the workshop nat-
Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin, inv.
urally recommended him as the designer of one of the necessary intellectual steps toward no. 79. D.i, fol. 63, from Christian
Hülsen, Das Skizzenbuch des
della Valle's ambitious display. Indeed, the innovative design of Andrea della Valle's Giovannantonio Dosio im

Raphael's workshop had distinguished itself hanging garden. It was perhaps with the real- Staatlichen Kupferstichkabinett zu
Berlin (Berlin, 1933)
internationally for its proximity to the ization that the Arch of Constantine func-
antique and its intensive knowledge of tioned as scaffolding for disparate sculptures
Roman sculpture collections. Such exper- created at various dates that della Valle and
tise had profound implications for artists Lorenzetto employed the triumphal arch as
and collectors alike. Studying inside sculp- a basic design element for the court's eleva-
ture collections probably helped Raphael tion, consolidating different works of spolia
reach his famous judgment on the sculp- under the umbrella of inscribed dedications.

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22. Anonymous, Courtyard array: on the eastern wall (the right side of
of Palazzo Car afa in Naples,
1692, engraving Heemskerck's drawing), all the inscriptions
From Pompeo Sarnelli, Guida de' began with the words ad or non ad, declar-
forestieri curiosi di vedere, e
d'intendere le cose più notabili della ing the lofty purposes to which the statue
regal città di Napoli, e del suo court strove or the vices it avoided. On the
ameníssimo distretto (Naples, 1692)
western wall, all inscriptions were in the
dative, each dedicating the statuario to some-
one or to some ideal.92 Two of the inscrip-
tions survive in situ, but for the rest we can
rely on Waelscapple and Fichard's testimony.
From back to front in Heemskerck's draw-
ing (north to south), they read as in the table
on the next page.
By its own definition, the garden was an
enchanting "retreat of grace and elegance,"
an earthly paradise, and a locus amoenus. As
such, it was the complement of two adjacent
rooms to the west, the aviary and a stufetta
(heated bath) decorated with "very elegant
and very lascivious pictures of nude, bathing
girls."93 But the inscriptions also stipulated
that the statue court was "not for idle fancy"
( voluntas ) or luxury. It was not to be a self-
indulgent retreat into erotic pleasures but a
public benefit, accessible to others.
In keeping with Renaissance theories of
magnificenza , vast expenditure on costly
architectural projects such as the statue
court was justifiable only to the degree that
it reflected the nobility of the patron and
could prove beneficial to society.94 But for
cardinals specifically, whose most essential
duty was to act piously in public, the stakes
were higher. If their collections were per-
ceived as pious, their patronage of the arts
would better meet the expectations codi-
fied by treatises such as Paolo Cortesi's De
Cardinalato.95 So that the splendor of della
Inscriptions in the Hanging Garden
Valle's hanging garden might be deemed
If its elevation recalls the motif of the tri- appropriate for a prince of the church, the
umphal arch, the ground plan of the statue dedicatory inscriptions attempted to stave off
court evokes literary descriptions of ancient any anxieties about greed, excess, or the
Rome's vast, open-air statue galleries set in hoarding of Rome's common cultural patri-
porticoed gardens and built by emperors for mony, the city's ancient remains.96
the enjoyment of Roman citizens.91 The By the 1520s, especially in the context of
eight prominent dedicatory inscriptions on cardinals' collections, this ideal of public
the walls of the statue court bring the par- accessibility was a commonplace. Often it
allel even further into evidence. As rhetor- was expressed in the context of a welcoming
ical statements about the public nature of the inscription set up in a public area and invit-
hanging garden, these inscriptions offer a ing guests to enter. For example, outside the
particularly significant insight into the car- Cesarini sculpture garden near the present
dinal's aims for self-representation. Delia Largo Argentina, an inscription announced,
Valle, who may have composed the inscrip- "Giuliano Cesarini, Cardinal Deacon of
tions himself, placed them in a symmetrical Sant'Angelo, dedicated this dieta of statues

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Text of inscriptions in della Valle's hanging garden
West East

North MAIORUM MEMORIAE AD COLLABENTIUM STATUARUM


NEPOTUMQUE IMITATIONI IN STAURATIONEM PENSILIUMQUE
(To the memory of ancestors and for HORTORUM ORNAMENTŮM
emulation by descendants) (For the restoration of collapsing statues and the
decoration of the hanging garden)
HONESTI OTII OBLECTAMENTO AD AMICORUM IUCUNDITATEM CIVIUM
DOMESTICAEQUE COMMODITATI ADVENARUMQUE DELECTATIONEMa
(For the enjoyment of decorous leisure (For the delight of friends and the delectation of
and for domestic use) citizens and strangers)
ANTIQUARUM RERUM VIVARIO NON AD VOLUNTATEM SED AD CENSUS
PICTORUM POETARUMQUE FORTUNARUMQUE FAVOREMc
SUBSIDIO (Not for idle fancy, but to favor wealth and fortune)
(As a vivarium of ancient things and as
an aid to poets and painters )b

South SIBI ET GENIO POSTERORUMQUE AD DELICIUM VITAE ELEGANTIARUM


HILARITATI GRATIARUMQUE SECESSUMd
(For himself and the genius [of the (For the enjoyment of life, as a retreat of grace and
place?], and for the delight of posterity) elegance)

aThis is the version given by Fichard, whereas Waelscapple has only "Ad amicorum iucunditatem advenarumque
delectationem."

bThe Latin vivarium actually refers to an animal enclosure and is a strange choice of words here. It may be a mis-
taken transcription of viridarium or relate to the Italian vivaio.
CA11 Renaissance observers except Holanda transcribed voluntatem as voluptatem, and all past scholarship on the
collection has repeated the incorrect voluptatem (see Christian 2003).
dHolanda drew the inscription "Maiorum memoriae nepotumque imitationi" in this position, but Fichard and
Waelscapple both agree on the placement of this inscription here, and their version is constructed grammatically
like the other inscriptions on the east wall.

to his own studies and to the honorable plea- nals' sculpture collections, the admission
sure [honesta voluptas] of his countrymen . . . practices seem to have mimicked those of
in the year 15 00. 7/97 At about the same time, their private libraries, where elite audiences
Cardinal Carafa publicly opened his sculp- of antiquarians and aristocrats, rather than
ture collection "to all friends and guests. "98 any "citizens" or pilgrims, came to study.99
Cardinal della Valle's inscriptions followed Why, then, did collectors go to the trouble
suit by inviting visitors, poets, artists, citi- to display these welcoming inscriptions?
zens, and strangers to enter. We have already considered the example of
The fact that della Valle located his wel- ancient Roman galleries, where "poor men"
coming inscriptions inside the collection could enjoy statues "better than those who
itself, rather than in a public place, already are rich, for there is an abundant supply of
raises questions about their sincerity, and them in public places."100 From Pliny, col-
we should wonder how common such lectors would have learned that the private
impromptu visits were and who would have hoarding of masterpiece sculptures had
made them. In 1490, Giovanni da Tolentino incited great anxiety in ancient Rome. When
seems to have visited the della Valle collec- Tiberius' excessive love of Lysippos' bronze
tions without a formal invitation, and Alber- Apoxyomenos caused him to transfer it from
tini's guidebook of 15 10 published the Agrippa's public baths to his own private
locations of private sculpture collections in bedroom, public scandal quickly ensued.101
Rome as if they were accessible to his audi- The inscription "For the enjoyment of
ence. But visitors such as da Tolentino, and decorous leisure (honesti otii) and for domes-
the readers of Albertini's Latin text, had tic use" reminds us that the question of
more clout than mere strangers. As Patricia accessibility also conjured up Renaissance
Falguières has shown in her study of cardi- anxieties about leisure, or otium. The idea

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of decorous leisure was well suited to sculp- it is "the most excellent means" for "pre-
ture collections, particularly in reference to serving a wondrous memory of men and
what was known as Scipio's paradox. Accord- actions."106
ing to this maxim, the Roman hero Scipio In the midst of della Valle's statues of gods
"was never less at leisure than when he was and goddesses, the evocation of heroic
at leisure, never less alone than when "ancestors" would probably not have con-
alone."102 In other words Scipio, the ideal vinced anyone. But in their attempt to char-
philosopher and statesman, filled his pri- acterize the subject matter of the sculptures
vate life not with vacuous pleasures but as historical and biographical, rather than
with the sort of contemplation needed to mythological, the inscriptions evoked the
make him selfless in his public life. This narratives of Plutarch's Lives to avoid the
exemplar suited sculpture collectors seeking frivolity of Ovid's Metaphorphoses. They
to portray their places of "leisure" as noble, implicitly compared the collection as a whole
virtuous, and ultimately useful for the city. to painted cycles of uomini illustri and Virtù,
For this reason, Alfonso ďEste had balanced those exempla that had long been considered
the display of Antonio Lombardo's dazzling a "suitable" form of domestic decoration
reliefs (carved between 1 507 and 1 5 1 1 ) with for Renaissance statesmen.107 The point
the words "Never less alone than when he becomes evident when we compare the
was alone."103 Della Valle probably had the statue court to a contemporary commission,
same paradox in mind when he dedicated his the frescoes Andrea della Valle ordered for the
hanging garden to honesti otii.104 sala grande of the Palazzo di Mezzo (fig.
The dedication to "the memory of ances- 23). When della Valle commissioned the
tors" and "emulation by their descendants" sala grande from an unidentified artist -
further characterizes the piety of the col- perhaps Perino del Vaga - in the late 1520s,
lection by implying that the sculptures were the parallel between this room and the statue
ancestral images. Della Valle thereby trans- court would have been unmistakable.108 At
formed himself into a Roman paterfamilias the lower level of the Salone, barbarians
and the statue court into a neo-atrium,- mimicked the Dacian captives in the corners
Aldrovandi even identified the six female bar- of the statue court, while in the Salone's
barians which surrounded the court as painted attic uomini illustri ("good" Caesars
Sabines, the very first entries on the roster in military garb) and Virtù in niches paral-
of commonly invoked Roman ancestors. leled the military heroes and female figures
Furthermore, in stressing the capacity of in the attic niches of the hanging garden. The
marble sculpture to preserve memory, the visual equation allows the social function of
inscriptions recognize sculpture's ability to the painting cycle and the sculpture collec-
withstand the passage of time, reclaiming the tion to overlap: both were models for the
didactic role accorded to sculpture in antiq- virtues of the ancients, the ideals thought
uity as an aid to memory and a record of to educate and to inform the behavior of
"great deeds." This rhetoric gave ancient public figures. Paolo Cortesi would have
statuary as a whole a function commonly approved, for he had requested that cardinals
assigned to portraiture: antiquities were shun mythological narratives, paint their
exempla set up in public to inspire the imi- halls with edifying scenes from the Old Tes-
tation of great men and women. The notion tament, and decorate their bedrooms with
had become a topos about ancient sculp- symbols of virtue.109 In recommending
ture. In 1504, for example, Pomponius Gau- imagery that was unquestionably historical
ricus explained the reason the ancients put and exemplary, Cortesi reminded his audi-
up statues: "The desire to conserve the mem- ence that "men are fascinated by that type
ory of those who accomplished some great of painting by which they may benefit from
action, or who invented something useful, the lessons of history brought to life. For
and to incite others to compete with them [by the sight of these paintings] either the
in the hope of achieving the honor that appetite of the soul is aroused or the capac-
seems greater than all others."105 And in ity for motion . . . may be prompted."110
his On Architecture , Alberti wrote that If it is difficult to imagine how della Valle's
sculpture adds magnificence to cities because statues would have actually taught such

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virtuous lessons, another purpose extolled by especially critical to remember the histori- 23- Unknown artists, sala
grande of the Palazzo della
the inscriptions was more easily achieved. cal circumstances in which he unveiled his Valle di Mezzo, c. 1526-1534,
While it seems that Lorenzo de' Medici's statue court. Although the hanging garden fresco
Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la
late-fifteenth-century sculpture garden at has never been considered in relation to the Documentazione, Rome
Piazza S. Marco had been a training ground Sack of Rome, it was, in fact, one of the
where sculptors actually carved,111 della first significant acts of patronage to follow
Valle's garden offered itself as something and respond to the event.1 14 During the dark
more like an open-air sketching studio. With days of the Sack, Cardinal della Valle had
this role in mind, the inscriptions charac- taken a prominent role in Rome. When the
terized it "as an aid to poets and painters."112 Spanish emperor invaded in 1527, the fam-
Within the statue court, artists studied fig- ily's longstanding imperial alliances allowed
urai nudes, while Guillaume Philandrier, in them to protect the Palazzo di Mezzo with
his French edition of Vitruvius, used the a high ransom. Andrea della Valle used the
temples visible in della Valle's reliefs (like the palace to shelter almost four hundred people,
one illustrated in fig. 20) to test Vitruvius' including the artists Rosso Fiorentino and
rules for intercolumnar width.113 Jacopo Sansovino.115
If della Valle hoped to create a place where Another refugee at the Palazzo di Mezzo
poets, architects, and painters could profit during the Sack was the poet Pietro Corsi.116
from the ongoing legacy of antiquity, it is In the aftermath of the terrible event, Corsi

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wrote two poems about della Valle, the first beauty will once again be seen. Implicit is the
alluding to the Cardinal's success in pre- idea that della Valle's new statue court offers
venting the looting or destruction of his hope for the restoration not only of ancient
sculpture collection:117 Rome, but also of Rome before the calami-
ties of 1527. Della Valle, who made it pos-
Among Cardinal della Voile's Statues sible for Corsi to survive the siege, emerges
as a civic hero who has allowed Rome to rise
Why do you wonder, guest, that in this palace,
So many mute spirits draw breath through from devastation. In this light, the protection
panting stone? of antiquities could be seen as a counterpart
The enemy is here and they justly turn to to the restoration of religious relics dispersed
stone with fright. during the Sack, an activity that della Valle
Although Valle may cover the marbles and also sponsored.120 What Corsi praised was a
make them safe, still they tremble.118 new approach to recovery and recontextu-
The second extols della Valle as a collector: alization which della Valle, in his assumed
role as a protector of Rome, had been instru-
Among Cardinal Andrea della Valle' s Statues mental in shaping. It involved the purpose-
and Gardens ful excavation of ancient sculpture out of
ancient ruins and the construction of a mod-
Illustrious images of the gods and illustrious
ern setting where it could be preserved, seen
images of the ancient Quirites
Father della Valle ordered them to be discov-
by others, and put to fruitful ends. The words
ered and restored of the papal camerlengo Agostino Spinola
And then he hung his new gardens up high in sum up della Valle's initiative, praising him
his palace for the idea that "in the city of Rome, in need
Where you see living marbles stand in perpetu- of adornment and expansion, marble, por-
ity. phyry, and bronze statues long underground
At last the Ruler of Olympus beheld Latium . . . and other sculpted stones bringing to life
And so he consoled the saddened breast of the great deeds of the ancestors worthy of
Venus
memory, should be excavated, returned to
You cried over her so many times, because she their ancient splendor, . . . and brought to a
was hidden for so many centuries. new and modern use, as a diversion for us
But under this bishop, our Rome will raise her
and for posterity."121 The unmistakable
head again.119
piety of these sentiments would mask and
Thanks to della Valle's efforts, these verses neutralize the social order that collecting
proclaim, Venus' (and Rome's) obscured had helped create.

CHRISTIAN 53

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NOTES 2. Falguières 1988.

I am greatly indebted to my dissertation advisers, 3. See, by way of comparison, John Brewer, "The
John Shearman and Salvatore Settis, and to Fabio Most Polite Age and the Most Vicious: Attitudes
Barry and Caroline Elam for their valuable sugges- towards Culture as a Commodity, 1 660-1 800," in
tions. I am also grateful to the Kress Foundation for The Consumption of Culture, 1 600-1 800: Image,
funding a survey of Andrea della Valle's hanging gar- Object, Text, ed. Ann Bermingham and John Brewer
den. (London, 199 1 ), 341-361.

Abbreviations 4. As Rinaldo del Bufalo della Valle wrote in the


early nineteenth century, "Le case antique de7 quelli
AdV Archivio della Valle-dei Bufalo
della Valle . . . sono nel sito dove già fu il foro di
ASR Rome, Archivio di Stato Marte, sotto al Campidoglio . . . nel foro argentario
ASV Archivio Segreto Vaticano detto da poi la scesa di Leone Proto." See AdV 99, no.
BAV Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana i, fol. I2V. For the history of the della Valle, see
BNR Rome, Biblioteca Nazionale Ignazio Ciampi, Della vita e delle opere di Pietro
CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, 4 vols. della Valle il Pellegrino (Rome, 1880); Enrico Steven-
(Berlin, 1828-1877) son, "Epitaffio preñes tino di Francesca della Valle,"
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, 18 vols. Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 6
(Berlin, 1862-1989) (1883): 541-5 5 o; Anna Khomentovskaia, "La famiglia
i. The collections were first catalogued in Adolf Della Valle nella storia dell'epigrafìa umanistica,"
Michaelis, "Römische Skizzenbücher Marten van Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria 58
Heemskercks und anderer nordischer Künstler des ( 1 93 5 ): 99-118; Bruno Gatta, "Il diario di Lelio della
XVI. Jahrhunderts," Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Valle (1581-1586)," Archivio della Società Romana
Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 6 (1891): di Storia Patria 105 (1982): 237-259; Bruno Gatta,
218-238; Rodolfo Lanciani, Storia degli scavi di "Dal casale al libro: I Della Valle," in Scrittura, bib-
Roma, 7 vols. (1902-19 12; rev. ed. Rome, lioteche, e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento: Atti
1989-2002), i: 165-168 (citations are to the revised del secondo seminario, ed. Massimo Miglio (Vatican
edition); and Christian Hülsen and Hermann Egger, City, 1983), 629-652. Manuscript sources on the fam-
Die römischen Skizzenbücher von Marten van ily include the della Valle archives at the Vatican
Heemskerck im königlichen Kupferstichkabinett zu (ASV, AdV) and the Archivio Storico Capitolino (the
Berlin, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1913-1916), 2: 56-66. An Archivio Capranica); Domenico Jacovacci, BAV, Cod.
inventory made in 1 5 84 was published with minor Ottob. lat. 2554, pt. i, fols. 57-103; Carlo Cartari,
differences in Aurelio Gotti, Le gallerie di Firenze Memorie della famiglia Della Valle, BAV, Vat. lat.
(Florence, 1872), 76, 305-315, and Documenti inediti 12545; and Memorie intorno la famiglia Della Valle
per servire alla storia dei Musei d'Italia, 4 vols. (Flo- raccolte dal Marchese Rinaldo del Bufalo della Valle
rence and Rome, 1878-1880), 4: 377-381. Recent (ASV, AdV 99, no. 1).
scholarship has focused on the hanging garden: most 5. Lello della Valle had bought a "palatium" in the
notably, see David Coffin, Gardens and Gardening in Rione Sant'Eustachio already in 1382. See Christoph
Papal Rome (Princeton, 1991), 20-22, 246, and Patri- L. Frommel, Der römische Palastbau der Hochre-
cia Falguières, "La cité fictive: Les collections de car- naissance, 3 vols. (Tübingen, 1973), 2: 336. For the
dinaux, à Rome, au XVIe siècle," in Les C arrache et della Valle family's first business interests, see Lan-
les décors profanes: Actes du colloque, Collection de ciani 1989-2002, 1: 166; Clara Gennaro, "Mercanti e
l'École Française de Rome, vol. 106, ed. André Chas- bovattieri nella Roma della seconda metà del Tre-
tel (Rome, 1988), 215-333. Further discussion can be cento," Bullettino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano per il
found in Paul Gustav Hübner, Le statue di Roma: Medio Evo 78 (1967): 180; Gatta 1983, 637; Henri
Grundlagen für eine Geschichte der antiken Monu- Broise and Jean-Claude Maire Vigueur, "Strutture
mente in der Renaissance, vol. 1, Quellen und famigliari, spazio domestico e architettura civile a
Sammlungen (Leipzig, 1912), 117-120; the review of Roma alla fine del Medioevo," in Storia dell'arte ita-
Hübner's book by Christian Hülsen in Göttingische liana, voi. 12 (Turin, 1983), ni; Anna Modigliani, "Li
gelehrte Anzeigen 176 ( 1914): 306-309; Claudio Fran- nobili huomini di Roma: Comportamenti economici
zoni, "Remembranze d'infinite cose : Le collezioni e scelte professionali," and Anna Esposito, "Li nobili
rinascimentali di antichità," in Memoria dell'antico huomini di Roma : Strategie familiari tra città, curia
nell'arte italiana, ed. Salvatore Settis, 3 vols. (Turin, e municipio," in Roma capitale (1447-1 5 27), ed. Ser-
1984-1986), i: 324-326; Henning Wrede, "Römische gio Gensini (San Miniato, 1994), 365-366, 375-376.
Antikenprogramme des 16. Jahrhunderts," in II cor-
tile delle statue: Der Statuenhof des Belvedere im 6. For Paolo, "Cancellarius Almae Urbis perpetuus,"
Vatikan, ed. Matthias Winner, Bernard Andreae, and who married into the baronial Savelli family, see
Carlo Pietrangeli (Mainz, 1998), 91-94; Sara Magis- Gaetano Marini, Degli archiatri pontifici, 2 vols.
ter, "Censimento delle collezioni di antichità a (Rome, 1784), 1: 120-128; Gatta 1983, 637-638.
Roma: 1471-1503," Xenia antiqua 8 (1999): 164-165;
Sara Magister, "Censimento delle collezioni di anti-
chità a Roma (1 471-15 03): Addenda," Xenia antiqua
10 (2001): 122-124.

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7 . Pasquale Adinolfì, La via Sacra o del Papa tra '1 Zenobi Brunelleschi, Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS
cerchio di Alessandro ed il Teatro di Pompeo (Rome, Lat. fol. 6 1 ad, fol. 2v.). The antique inscription that
1865), 137-145; Frommel 1973, 2: 336; Paola Brunori was its model was included in Ciriaco d'Ancona's
and Alessandro Grassia, "I palazzi dell'Isola della notebooks (Remigio Sabbadini, "Ciriaco d'Ancona e
Valle in Roma," Architettura storia e documenti 1 la sua descrizione autografa del Pelopenneso
(1989): 64-83; Broise and Maire Vigueur 1983, 129. trasmessa da Leonardo Botta," in Miscellanea Ceria-
ni [Milan, 1 9 10], 199).
8. P. F. Casimiro, Memorie istoriche della chiesa e
convento di S. Maria in Aracoeli di Roma (Rome, 16. For inscriptions in Filippo's collection, see CIL 6:
1736), 203-2 io,- Johanna E. L. Heideman, "The Cap- 999; 6: 14,025; 6: 17,673; 6: 21,236; 6: 22,219. For
pella di S. Paolo (or della Valle Chapel) in S. Maria in Bernardino della Valle, see Mauro de Nichilo, "Della
Aracoeli in Rome," Antologia di belle arti 5, nos. Valle, Bernardino," in Dizionario biografico degli
19/20(1981): 143-168. Italiani, voi. 37 (Rome, 1989), 729-731. Sweynheym
and Pannartz published Niccolò's translation of He-
9. For the della Valle and Poggio Bracciolini, see
siod's Operae et dies in 1471; his early death inter-
Francesca Niutta, "Temi e personaggi nell'epigrafìa
rupted a translation of the Iliad. See Renata Fabbri,
sistina," in Un pontificato ed una città : Sisto IV
"Nota biografica sull'umanista Niccolò della Valle,"
(1471-84), ed. Massimo Miglio, Francesca Niutta,
Lettere italiane 28 (1976): 48-66; Gatta 1983,
Diego Quaglioni, and Concetta Ranieri (Vatican City,
630-631, 635; Silvia Danesi Squarzina, "Francesco
1986), 403. Biondo alludes to his friendship with
Colonna, principe, letterato, e la sua cerchia," Storia
Lello della Valle in his Roma instaurata (3.76).
dell'arte 10 (1987): 147-150; Mauro De Nichilo,
10. Ciriaco of Ancona's epigraphic sylloge (of which "Della Valle, Niccolò," in Dizionario biografico degli
the Roman part was compiled between 1432 and Italiani, voi. 37 (Rome, 1989), 759-762. Francesco
1434) makes note of the Torso Belvedere when it was della Valle, another of Lello's sons, is known mostly
in the collection of Cardinal Colonna (Copyist A of for his violent vendettas against the Santacroce. See
Ciriaco d'Ancona, Florence, Biblioteca Marucelliana Paolo Cherubini, "Della Valle, Francesco," in
Ms. A.79.I, fol. 7V.1. Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, vol. 37 (Rome,
1989), 747-748.
ii. In 1423, Niccolò della Valle gave his brother
Paolo a "palatium in Regione S. Eustachii domům 17. Dora Thornton, The Scholar in His Study:
Jovis vulgariter appellatum"; see Adinolfì 1865, 149. Ownership and Experience in Renaissance Italy
This bust may be one in the Capitoline. See Henry (New Haven, 1997).
Stuart Jones, Catalogue of the Ancient Sculptures
18. For the Menologium, mentioned in Michele Fer-
Preserved in the Municipal Collections of Rome,
rarino's Paris sylloge (datable to the late 1470s), see
Part I: The Sculptures of the Museo Capitolino
CIL 6: 2,306. According to an epigraphic sylloge, the
(Oxford, 19 12), 120, Galleria 47; Giuseppe Vasi, Delle
Menologium was "found in a certain semiruined
magnificenze di Roma antica e moderna, book 4
church apud Augustam" [near the Mausoleum of
(Rome, 1754), 41: "Quello [palazzo] della famiglia
Augustus?] (Siena, Biblioteca Comunale K X 35, fols.
della Valle, sopra il cui portone era colocato un busto
146V.-148); for the Fasti vallenses, noted in the syl-
antico di Giove, che ora è in Campidoglio, ed è
loge of the Anonimo Reddiano dated c. 1474, see CIL
intagliato nel Frontispizio del primo Tomo del
6: 2,298 and Giuseppe Fiorelli, Catalogo del Museo
Museo Capitolino."
Nazionale di Napoli : Raccolta epigrafica I-, Iscrizioni
12. Casimiro 1736, 199, no. 196; Giovanni greche ed italiche (Naples, 1867-1868), 17, no. 76.
Marangoni, Delle cose gentilesche profane
19. For ancestor collections, see Massimo Miglio,
trasportate ad uso e adornamento delle chiese
"Roma dopo Avignone: La rinascita politica
(Rome, 1744), 299-300.
dell'antico," in Settis 1984-1986, 1: 73-1 ii; Salva-
13. Esposito 1994, 376. tore Settis, "Sopra vivenza dell'antichità: L'arte
antica nel contesto medioevale e l'origine delle
14. For Lello II, see Bruno Gatta, "Della Valle, Lelio
collezioni," Trentapagine : Quaderni del Diparti-
(Lello)," in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, voi.
mento di Scienze dell'Antichità, Università di
37 (Rome, 1989), 757-758. For Filippo, see Marini
Padova 5 (2001): 1-47; Kathleen W. Christian,
1784, 1: 236-243; Massimo Miglio, ed. Li nuptiali di "From Ancestral Cults to Art: The Santacroce Col-
Marco Antonio Altieri pubblicati da Enrico Nar-
lection of Antiquities," in Senso delle rovine e riusi
ducci (Rome, 1995), 129-130. Although it has gone
dell'Antico, Quaderno della Classe di Lettere e
unnoticed in the art-historical literature, Lello also
Filosofia della Scuola Normale, ed. Salvatore Settis,
commissioned frescoes for the family chapel at the
Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa : Serie
Aracoeli from the Marchigian artist Giovanni da
IV, Quaderni 14, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia (Pisa,
Camerino (Gatta 1983, 635).
2002): 255-272; Kathleen W. Christian, "The de'
1 5 . " PAULIN AE VALLEIAE FILIOLAE Rossi Collection of Ancient Sculptures, Leo X, and
DULCISSļIMAE] PARENTES MOESTISSIMI. DECI- Raphael," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
PIMUR VOTIS ET TEMPORE FALLIMUR ET MORS Institutes 65 (2002): 132-200.
DERIDET CURAS; ANXIA VITA NIHIL. VIX. ANN.
VI" (Pietro Sabino, BAV, Chigi I.V. 168, fol. 117V.;
Jacopo Giglio, BAV, Vat. lat. 5238, fol. 48; Battista

CHRISTIAN 55

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20. Adinolfì 1865, 137-145. Part of the portico at the cognovimus. In tabula marmorea calendarium; cur-
Palazzo di Mezzo has been uncovered and is visible susque solaris ratio continetur. In medio areae Nep-
from the Corso Vittorio. tunus extat, tridente aequora quassans; contra quem
Appollo cythara modulans carmen; Arion delphino
21. Niccolò della Valle bought the Palazzo di Can-
sedens; Castor Poluxque, Baccanalia, munus gladia-
tone (Adinolfì 1865, 137-145) and then Jacopo,
torium. Nero Aenobarbus, venationesque nonnullae,
Stazio, Lorenzo Stefano, and Valerio della Valle
variaeque animalium species in collibus errantium"
inherited it; Paolo, Filippo, Andrea, and Bartolomeo
(Schofìeld 1980, 254-255). Schofielďs translation is
della Valle, and then Quinzio de7 Rustici owned the
modified slightly here.
Palazzo di Mezzo. The descendants of Lello II della
Valle lived in the Palazzo di Giove and passed down 25. For the Pans, the only della Valle sculptures
their collection of ancient inscriptions, and a clear singled out for description by the "Prospettivo
line of inheritance from Bernardino and Francesco to Milanese" (c. 1500), see Stuart Jones 1912, 25, no. 23;
Lello III and to Bruto della Valle can be determined Francis Haskell and Nicholas Penny, Taste and the
from epigraphic sylloges (see CIL 6: 2,306; 6: 8,525; 6: Antique (New Haven and London, 1981), 301-302,
9,i2i; 6: 11,541; 6: 15,23i; 6: 15,900; 6: 24,043). A no. 75; Phyllis P. Bober and Ruth Rubinstein, Renais-
fourth house to the east of the Palazzo di Giove sance Artists and Antique Sculpture: A Handbook of
(shown in fig. 4) is the Palazzo Pescatori- Serventi, Sources (London and Oxford, 1986), 109-111, no. 75;
sold to Francesco Caffarelli in 1568 and then to Giovanni Agosti and Dante Isella, Antiquarie
Leone Strozzi in 1586 (Brunori and Grassia 1989, 73 prospetiche romane (Parma, 2004), 51-52.
n. 2). In the Roman catasto of 1526/1527, the four
26. The anonymous author of an album in Holkham
houses from west to east along the via Papalis (as
Hall (c. 1500) located these in the house of "Lello"
shown in fig. 4) were owned by Lorenzo Stefano,
della Valle (Holkham Hall MS 701, fol. 34): "In chasa
Andrea, Lello III, and "the heirs of Bartolomeo" [that
meser Lello dalla valle due Fauni [?] braccia luno,
is, Ottaviano]. See Domenico Gnoli, "Descriptio
interi, e saldi Fantaciatissimi, anno un ciestone di
Urbis o censimento della popolazione di Roma avanti
Frutta per uno in chapo." Hülsen argued that this
il sacco borbonico," Archivio della Reale Società
caption must be incorrect, as both Lello II and Lello
Romana di Storia Patria 17 (1894): 481, 486. In 1535,
III lived at the Palazzo di Giove (see n. 21 above), but
the same houses belonged to Lorenzo Stefano,
it is known that the Pans were displayed at the
Andrea, Bruto, and Ottaviano (ASR, Presidenza delle
Palazzo di Cantone in the 1530s, where Heemskerck
strade, vol. 445, fol. 137, cited in Frommel 1973, 2:
sketched them (see Hülsen 1 9 14, 308 n. 2).
338).
27. Fra Giocondo, Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS
22. "Mur curii die iunii II demoliri sunt cep te Vallen-
270, fols. 1-3 v.: "Romae in domo D[omi]ni Bernar-
sium aedes, via Pontifìcia magnifice satis constructae dini de la Valle."
. . . demolitionis causam dicebant, quod ea familia
obstinate nimium et contumaciter Columnensium 28. For the identification of these statues, see Phyllis
partes contra pontificem sectabatur." Enrico Carusi, P. Bober, Drawings after the Antique by Amico
ed., Il diario romano di Jacopo Gherardi da Volterra, Aspertini: Sketchbooks in the British Museum (Lon-
dal vii settembre MCCCCLXXIX al xii agosto don, 1957), 47-53; for the Neptune, see also Gabriella
MCCCCLXXXIV, Rerum italicarum scriptores voi. Capecchi, "Per ritrovare il 'Nettuno Valle': Una sosta
23, pt. 3 (Città di Castello, 1904), 133. Stefano Infes- fiorentina, una parentesi livornese, un rifugio
sura and Sigismondo dei Conti varied in their assess- pisano," Artista: Critica dell'arte in Toscana (1990):
ment of damage done by the pope. See Diario della 20-31.
città di Roma di Stefano Infessura scribasenato,
29. Andrea inherited Filippo's ancient inscriptions
ed. Oreste Tommasini, vol. 5 of Fonti per la storia
(CIL 6: 999; 6: 14,025; 6: 17,673; 6: 21,326; 6: 22,219)
d'Italia (Rome, 1890), 118: "Lo lunedì furono buttate
in terra le case di missere Liello et de Iacovo della
and presumably also sculpture along with them.

Valle tutte, eccetto quelle di mastro Philippo, le quali 30. Fabio Benzi, Sisto IV renovator urbis : Architet-
lo dì seguente foro iettate"; Sigismondo dei Conti, Le tura a Roma, 1471-1484 (Rome, 1990).
storie de' suoi tempi dal 1475 al 15 10, 2 vols. (Rome,
3 1 . Sara Magister, "Arte e politica: La collezione di
1883), 1: 134: "Tecto et ea tantum pariete quae ad antichità del Cardinale Giuliano della Rovere nei
tectum per tine t, deiectis, contentus fuit."
palazzi ai Santi Apostoli," Atti della Accademia
23. Richard Schofìeld, "Giovanni da Tolentino Goes Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di scienze morali,
to Rome: A Description of the Antiquities of Rome storiche e filologiche : Memorie, 9th ser., 14, fase. 4
in 1490," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld (2002): 385-631.
Institutes 43 (1980): 246-256.
32. Hans Henrik Brummer, The Statue Court in the
24. "Tum civis quidam Romanus: 'Quid si in priva- Vatican Belvedere, Stockholm Studies in History of
torum quoque aedibus non inferiora fortasse his quae Art, vol. 20 (Stockholm, 1970); Il cortile delle statue:
publice vidisti offenderes? Ego Hercle pauca habeo Der Statuenhof des Belvedere im Vatikan, eds.
quae iam videbimus/ Domům igitur intrantes satiris Matthias Winner, Bernard Andreae, and Carlo
duobus auro coruscantibus occurrimus. Plurimas Pietrangeli (Mainz am Rhein, 1998), with previous
deinceps virorum et mulierum statuas sumus con- bibliography.
spicati; inter quas Marcum Antoniům et Faustinam

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3 3 • Della Valle substituted for Ascanio Sforza as vice 40. "Il mostro marino rincontro alla detta lupa sopra
chancellor in 1503 and replaced Sforza temporarily la finestra" (AdV 80, no. 32), drawn in this position
after his death in 1505, becoming an apostolic secre- by Holanda on the sheet mentioned above.
tary in January 1506. See Alfonse Chacón, Vitae, et Heemskerck (Album II, fol. 72) shows the display of
íes gestae Pontificum Romanorum et S.R.E. Cardi- the Capitoline Wolf.
nalium, ab initio nascentis Ecclesiae usque ad
41. Bober 1957, 47-53; Tormo 1940, fol. 28V. For the
dementem IX P.O. M., 4 vols. (Rome, 1677), 3: cols.
Mercury, which inspired Raphael in the Sala di Psy-
350-35 1; Gaetano Moroni, ed., Dizionario di
erudizione storico-ecclesiastica da S. Pietro sino ai
che, see also Phyllis Williams Lehmann and Karl
Lehmann, Samothracian Reflections : Aspects of the
nostri giorni, 104 vols. (Venice, 1840-1861), 88: 50;
Revival of the Antique (Princeton, 1973), 120. For
Konrad Eubel, Hierarchia catholica medii aevi, 8
the Hercules, see also Anna Maria Riccomini, "Scul-
vols. (Monsterii, 1898-1903), 3: 16; Walther von Hof- ture antiche delle raccolte Sassi e Valle-Medici in due
mann, Forschungen zur Geschichte der kurialen
disegni inediti di scuola fiamminga," Bollettino
Behörden, 2 vols. (Rome, 1914), 2: 74-75; Frommel
d'arte 77 (1993): 41-48; for the Venus, see Mansuelli
1973, 2: 345-348; Christina Riebesell, "Della Valle,
1958-1961, 1: 69-74, no. 45). The figure of Apollo
Andrea/7 in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, vol.
has not been identified. Oddly, Hülsen (19 14, 309)
37 (Rome, 1989), 720-723. Unfortunately, there are
cast doubt on the idea that these sculptures were
almost no documents about Cardinal della Valle pre-
actually displayed in the niches, claiming that the
served in the family archives.
niches were not large enough, and Bober (1957, 48)
34. For Bartolommeo, a banker who served as mae- misinterpreted this to mean that there were no
stro delle strade, see Riebesell 1989, 72 1; Melissa M. niches at all in the court.
Bullard, Filippo Strozzi and the Medici : Favor and
42. According to Aldrovandi: "Ne7 cornicioni del
Finance in Sixteenth- Century Florence and Rome
frontispitio si veggono molte belle scolture antiche,
(Cambridge, 1980), 117; Orietta Verdi, Maestri di edi-
con molti Grifi" (1556, 215); Boissard: "In cornicibus
fici e di strade a Roma nel secolo XV: Fonti e prob-
aedificii, quae circuitum areae cingunt, variae sunt
lemi (Rome, 1997), 163-167.
figurae puerorum, Grif forum, & aliorum animalium:
35. BAV, Arch. Cap. S. Petri in Vat., Consuali 16 antiqua omnia" (Jean-Jacques Boissard, I-VI pars
(1497-1500), fol. i6v., rental contract for a house for- Romanae urbis topographiae é) antiquitatum, 3
merly owned by the Queen of Cyprus, cited in From- vols. [Frankfurt, 1597, compiled c. 1556], 1: 43);
mel 1973, 2: 345. Heemskerck and the author of the Cambridge
Sketchbook sketched one of these friezes, a Victory
36. "Domus de Valle et Saxolis atque Butii et
Sacrificing a Bull stripped from the Basilica Ulpia.
Mapheis novae sunt, variis picturis et statuis ador-
See Hülsen and Egger 1913-1916, 1: 23-24, and
natae," Francesco Albertini, Opusculum de
Eliana Filieri, "Giovanni Bologna e il taccuino di
mirabilibus novae et ueteris Urbis Romae (Rome,
Cambridge," Xenia 10 (1985): 49, no. 66, now in
15 10), reprinted in Peter Murray, Five Early Guides
Munich, Glyptothek W 348. Another frieze with a
to Rome and Florence (Westmead, 1972), Y iv (verso).
griffin motif, shown on the same sheet in the Cam-
37. Bober 1957, 47-53; Elias Tormo, Os Desenhos bridge Sketchbook (Filieri 1985, 49, no. 66), was also
das antigualhas que vio Francisco d'Ollanda pintor taken from the Forum of Trajan: see Frederich Wil-
portugués (. . . 1539-1540 . . .) (Madrid, 1940), fol. helm Goethert, "Trajanische Friese," Jahrbuch des
28v. Ulisse Aldrovandi, Delle statue antiche, che per Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 51 (1936):
tutta Roma, in diversi luoghi, e case si veggono, 72-81; Bober and Rubinstein 1986, 202, no. 171;
compiled 1550, published in Lucio Mauro, Le anti- James E. Packer, The Forum of Trajan in Rome: A
chità della città di Roma (Venice, 1556), 212-216; Study of the Monuments, 2 vols. (Berkeley, 1997), 1:
AdV 80, no. 32 (1585), description of the statues fixed 335-338/ cat. nos. 107, 108, 109.
to the walls of the palazzo Della Valle di Mezzo. Among other reliefs immured in the frieze,
Aldrovandi also saw "scolture anche di animali, e di
38. The bust of Jupiter may be one at the Villa
putti, che pare, che vi giuochino" (1556, 215). One of
Medici or one in the Uffìzi. See Michaelis 1891, 228,
these ancient reliefs remained in the courtyard until
no. 12; Guido A. Mansuelli, Galleria degli Uffizi: Le
1 8 10, when it was sold as a depiction of the "rape of
sculture, 2 vols. (Rome, 1958-1961), 1: 63-64, no. 41;
Europa": "Marchese Rinaldo del Bufalo della Valle
Michelangelo Cagiano de Azevedo, Le antichità di
. . . , e li Signori Marchesi Paolo, Innocenzo, e Gia-
Villa Medici (Rome, 195 1), 37, no. 1. The position of
cinto del Bufalo . . . vendono a favore del Signore
the Jove was "sopra la cornice della porta grande della
Pietro Maria Vitale ... li due bassirilievi, che sono
strada" (AdV 80, no. 32). Maerten van Heemskerck's
nel freggio dell'ordine d'architettura esisteni nel cor-
drawing of the sculpture collection of the Sassi illus-
tile del loro palazzo posto come sopra a S. Andrea
trates a similarly positioned bust of Jove (Berlin,
della Valle rappresentanti uno il Ratto d'Europa, e
Kupferstichkabinett, inv. Kdz 2783, 153 2- 1537).
l'altro l'Ipogrifi, ornato d'architettura e l'arma gen-
39. Richard Delbrück, Antike Porphyrwerke (Berlin tilizia della casa della Valle, nel modo, e forma che si
and Leipzig, 1932), 58-60; Mansuelli 1958-1961, 1: trovano in detto freggio" (ASC, Archivio Del Bufalo,
173-174, no. 154. AdV 80, no. 32: "La lupa sopra il categoria 3, sezione 2, tomo 7, fase. 4, 26 July 18 10,
cortile è impiombata in tutte quattro le gambe nella reference cited in Brunori and Grassia 1989, 71).
cornice della finestra."

CHRISTIAN 57

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43- The Epigrammata antiquae urbis (Rome, 1521), angle, 8k rempli de quelques figures: 8k combien que
lists inscriptions "in atrio domus Reverendi Domini la chambre fust grandement obscure, & la pierre
Andreae episcopi Vallensis" (118). The position of assez haul te, j'enuoyay incontinent quérir une torche
other sculptures is described in AdV 8o, no. 32: "La 8k un peintre, qui monté lá sus, me rapporta la forme
statua ginocchione con un ginocchio [è] nella nicchia du tricline. . . . Voyant à la fin le seigneur dudit logis,
nel pianerotto della scala"; "Le dieci Teste sopra le que j'estois si curieux des choses antiques, me donna
porte tanto da basso, come nel pianerotto della scala, une médaillé d'argent de Pompee"; see Gabriele
in sala, et una in camera, sono tutte posate sopra le Simeoni, Les illustres observations antiques (Lyon,
cornice delle porte, e nicchi, salvo dua nel detto 1 558), 43-50. For the Cippus of Amemptus (now in
pianerotto, che hanno impernato una catenella nelle the Louvre, inv. MA 488), very frequently illustrated
spalle, che entrano in un cancano nel muro." For the in sketchbooks beginning with the Codex Escuria-
Kneeling Niobid, see Mansuelli 1958-1961, 1: lensis, see CIL 6: 11,541 and Bober and Rubinstein
101-110, 117-118, cat. nos. 77, 78; Bober and Rubin- 1986, 119, no. 84. Tom Cohen discovered two
stein 1986, 140, no. 108 sixteenth-century inventories of the house, which
make no mention of antiquities (ASR, Coll. Not.
44. The attribution to Sanso vino is made in Gustavo
Cap. 1 3 17, 20 October 1535, fols. 90-9 5 v. and ASR
Giovannoni, Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane (Rome,
Coll. Not. Cap. 137, 31 July 1536, fols. 124-135; my
1 95 9)/ 3^8, and Paolo Portoghesi, Architettura del
thanks to him for this unpublished reference). A later
Rinascimento a Roma (Milan, 1979), 78, 96. From-
inventory of the house in August 1652, when Pietro
mel proposed that Giuliano da Sangallo made the
della Valle il Pellegrino was living there, lists sculp-
plans and a shop member, such as Antonio or Gio-
ture seemingly in the courtyard:
vanfrancesco da Sangallo, executed them (Frommel
1973, 1: 100). Una tavola quadra di albuccio con una fontana nel
mezo co'l suo vaso di rame. Due Buffetti di noce.
45. Linda Pellecchia, "The Patron's Role in the Pro-
duction of Architecture: Bartolomeo Scala and the
Due vasi da fontana di marmi intagliati ed figurine
di basso rilevo. Una Colonna di marmo. Un'altro
Scala Palace," Renaissance Quarterly 42, no. 2
Vaso da fontana pure di marmo con figure di basso
(1989): 258-291.
rilevo, rotto nel mezo. Una statua di porfido rotta
46. For Leo X's possesso in 15 13, the della Valle emp- in più pezzi. Due piedi tallucci di marmo. Una
tied their sculpture collection onto a triumphal arch tavoluccia di marmo con due figurine dentro.
on the via Papalis, adorned with four Pans balancing Un'altra tavoluccia ed due altre figurine. Un
baskets of fruit on their heads (perhaps the two piedestallo di marmo. Una meza colonna di
ancient Pans and two copies of them). Below the arch marmo. Una statuetta senza testa. Due piedistalli
were statues of Apollo, Ganymede, Venus, Mercury, tondi, e se anellati. Diversi fragmenti di diverse
Hercules, and Bacchus. See description in Giovanni statue, et di altri marmi. (ASV, AdV 63 n. 42)
Giacomo Penni, Cronicha delle magnifiche é) hono-
48. Album II, fol. 20; Michaelis 1891, 157-158, no.
ráte pompe fatte in Roma per la Creatione é) Incoro-
20; Hülsen and Egger 1913-1916, 2: 15-16.
natone di Papa Leone X Pont. Max. (Rome, 15 13),
transcribed in Bober 1957, 48. Another, overlooked 49. Brunori and Grassia discovered Valerio della
description of the arch is found in a letter by Vetor Valle's own description of how his grandfather Stazio
Lipomano of 12 April 15 13 to Sanuto: "Avanti la casa della Valle had reconstructed "tutto l'edificio, non
del vescovo de la Valle, era uno archo facto suso 4 compresa la torre edifitio antiquo" and how his
satyri de7 marmoro vetustissimi, quali erano messi father, Lorenzo Stefano, had built the northern log-
per coione, et sotto dieto archo erano più figure de gia: "La b[u]o[na] meļmoria] di mio Padre fece . . .
marmoro antique, belissime, et era coperta la strada edifìcio dal muro del pozzo tutta quella parte de dietro
per bon spazio," I diarii di Marino Sanuto , 58 vols. verso la fabrica del Card. le della Valle, hoggi de
(Venice, 1879-1903, rept. Bologna, 1969-1970), 16: s[igno]ri Capranici con la loggia di tevertini con li
col. 164. doi satiri," Brunori and Grassia 1989, 79-81, doc. 6.
Valerio went on to describe how Andrea della Valle
47. See Thomas Ashby, "Sixteenth-Century Draw-
expanded the Palazzo di Mezzo in 1518, appropriat-
ings of Roman Buildings Attributed to Andreas
ing the upper rooms on the south side of the Palazzo
Coner," Papers of the British School at Rome 2
di Cantone (Frommel 1973, 2: 336-337, where, how-
(1904): 32-34, nos. 47-48, and Ruth Rubinstein,
ever, the word elevata is incorrectly transcribed as
" Tempus edax rerum: A Newly Discovered Painting
devata). The sequence of Valerio's text that implies
by Hermannus Posthumus," Burlington Magazine
the loggia with the Pans was built before 1518.
127 (1985): 425-433. At the Palazzo di Giove, Bois-
sard admired "multae inscriptiones antiquae, signa, 50. Payments to della Porta for the construction
& statuae multa venustate & artificio laudandae"; were discovered by Brunori and Grassia. See Brunori
see Boissard 1597, 1: 43. Simeoni saw the and Grassia 1989, 69, 79, doc. 5.
Menologium, a coin of Pompey, and a representation
51. Rosella Bianchi, Paolo Spinoso e l'umanesimo
of a triclinium (probably the relief labeled "D. Val-
romano nel secondo Quattrocento (Rome, 2004),
lensi supra ostium" illustrated in Vat. lat. 3439, f.
137-140. Previously it was thought that the Pans had
104): "ainsi fouillant par tout avec le congé du
come from the Theater of Pompey (Hülsen and Egger
mais tre, j'apperceu au dessus de la porte d'une cham-
1913-1916, 2: 16).
bre basse un autre petit marbre faict en forme de tri-

58 CHRISTIAN

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52. Aldrovandi does not describe the mask at the 59. Johannes Fichard, Italia (1536), published in
Palazzo di Cantone courtyard, and it may have been Frankfurtisches Archiv für ältere deutsche Literatur
removed by that date. According to his description of und Geschichte 1-3 (181 1-1815), 3: 68-70;
the Palazzo Cesi, "Nel mezzo del cortiglio è giù in Aldrovandi 1556, 212-221; Maximilian van
terra una maschera grande antica di profido bellis- Waelscapple, Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS Lat. fol.
sima, per ricevere l'acque, che ivi piovono." 6 is (c. 1554), fols. 63-64, published in Hülsen and
Aldrovandi 1556, 122. Egger 1913-1916, 2: 66; Boissard 1597, 1: 40-43;
Jodocus Hondius, Nova et accurata Italiae hodiernae
53. "Platanis creber pariter surgentibus ordo, / ilu-
descriptio (Elsevir, 1627), 150.
mina sopito quaeque Marone cadunt, / et sonitus
lymphis toto crepitantibus orbe, / cum subito Triton 60. Previously, the drawing had been known only
ore refundit aquam"; Propertius Elegiae, 2.32.1 3-1 6. through a print issued by Hieronymous Cock in
I am grateful to Robert Coates Stephens and Fabio 1553. See Arnold Nesselrath, "Drei Zeichnungen von
Barry for bringing this reference to my attention. Marten van Heemskerck," in Ars Naturam Adiu-
vans : Festschrift für Matthias Winner, ed. Victoria
54. Ludwig von Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste seit
von Flemming and Sebastian Schütze (Mainz am
dem Ausgang des Mittelalters (Freiburg, 1886-1933),
Rhein, 1996), 2 5 2-27 1; Cécile Scailliérez, "Les col-
4.2: 17. In a letter to Paolo Maffei of i October, 1523,
Mario Maffei described the state of affairs in the con-
lections d'antiques," in D'après l'antique [exh. cat.,
Musée du Louvre] (Paris, 2000), 361-363.
clave, writing "dicesi molto di Farnese et della
Valle"; see BNR, Autografi A. 9 5.1 4.1. 61. Tormo 1940, 237-239.

5 5 . George Francis Hill, The Gustave Dreyfus Col- 62. There are far too many sketches to cite them
lection: Renaissance Medals (Oxford, 1931), 230, no. completely,- an abbreviated list is found in Inga
507. Gesche, "Neuaufstellungen antiker Statuen und ihr
Einfluß auf die römische Renaissancearchitektur"
56. The first secure date for construction is 26 May
(Ph.D. diss., Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität,
1530, when the papal camerlengo Agostino Spinola
1971), 118-119. For reuse of della Valle antiquities by
granted della Valle permission to use a piece of pub-
Raphael's school, see Nicole Dacos, Le logge di Raf-
lic land for his own use (ASV, Camera Apostolica,
faello: Maestro e bottega di fronte all'antico, 2nd ed.
Divers. Cam., vol. 79, fols. 76V.-77V., first cited in
(Rome, 1989) and Nesselrath 1993; for other artists,
Frommel 1973, 2: 337). For the history of this palace,
see Norman W. Canedy, The Roman Sketchbook of
see Alfredo Proia and Pietro Romano, Roma nel
Girolamo da Carpi (London, 1976); Filieri 1985;
Cinquecento: Il Rione S. Eustachio (Rome, 1937),
Christian Hülsen, Das Skizzenbuch des Giovannan-
37-41; Frommel 1973, 2: 336-354 (who dates the
tonio Dosio im Staatlichen Kupferstichkabinett zu
beginning of construction to just before the Sack);
Berlin (Berlin, 1933) and Emanuele Casamassima and
Sergio Rotondi, Il Teatro Valle : Storia , progetti ,
Ruth Rubinstein, Antiquarian Drawings from
architettura (Rome, 1992).
Dosio's Roman Workshop: Biblioteca Nazionale
57. First published in Frommel 1973, 2: 343-344. Ali Centrale di Firenze, N.A. 11 $9 (Milan, 1993);
studies before Frommers located the hanging garden Salomon Reinach, L'album de Pierre Jacques, sculp-
in the Palazzo della Valle-de' Rustici, and some teur de Reims, dessiné à Rome de 1572 à i$jj (Paris,
more-recent studies have continued to make the mis- 1902); M. M. L. Netto-Boi, The So-Called Maarten de
take: see, for example, Lucia Pirzio Biroli Stefanelli, Vos Sketchbook of Drawings after the Antique (The
Palazzo della Valle : La collezione di antichità ed il Hague, 1976); Jacopo Strada, Codex Miniatus 21, 2,
Menologium rusticum vállense (Rome, 1976); Cecilia Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek; Otto
Pericoli Ridolfìni, Guide rionali di Roma: Rione Jahn, "Über die Zeichnungen antiker Monumente im
Vili: S. Eustachio, part 2 (Rome, 1993), 20-26. Codex Pighianus," Berichte der Kgl. Sächsischen
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig 20
58. "E nella Valle [fece il Lorenzo] la facciata di den-
(1868): 161-235; Friedrich Matz, "Über eine dem
tro; e così il disegno delle stalle ed il giardino di sopra
Herzog von Coburg-Gotha gehörige Sammlung alter
per Andrea Cardinale della Valle." Giorgio Vasari, Le
Handzeichnungen nach Antiken," Monatsbericht der
opere di Giorgio Vasari , ed. Gaetano Milanesi, 9 vols.
Kgl. Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
(Florence, 1878-1885), 4: 579. For Lorenzetto, see
Berlin (September-October 1871): 445-499. Veronika
"Lotti, Lorenzo," in Allgemeines Lexikon der bilden-
Wiegartz published an album with many drawings
den Künstler, ed. Ulrich Thieme and Felix Becker, 37
after the della Valle antiquities: see "Ein unveröf-
vols. (Leipzig, 1907-1950), 23: 410; Tilmann Budden-
fentlichtes Konvolut von Antikennachzeichnungen
sieg, "Raffaels Grab," in Munuscula Discipulorum:
aus der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts nach
Kunsthistorische Studien Hans Kauffmann zum 70.
Sarkophagen der Sammlung della Valle-Capranica,"
Geburtstag, ed. Tilmann Buddensieg and Matthias
Atlas: Bonner Beiträge zur Renaissanceforschung 1
Winner (Berlin, 1968), 45-70; Norbert Walther Nobis,
(1996): 169-212, sold at Sotheby's London on 9 July
Lorenzetto als Bildhauer (Bonn, 1979); Cecilia Mag-
2003 (kind reference of Arnold Nesselrath).
nusson, "Lorenzetto's Statue of Jonah and the Chigi
Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo," Konsthistorisk Tid-
skrift 56 (1987): 19-26.

christian 59

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63. Raimondi: The Illustrated Bartsch, ed. Walter L. 70. In describing the west wall, after noting the
Strauss (New York, 1978), 26: 262, no. 274, 294, no. inscription "SIBI ET GENIO POSTORUMQ. HILA-
299, 306-308, nos. 307, 308, 309; Vico: The Illus- RITATI," Waelscapple wrote, "In hac parte horti est
trated Bartsch 30: 59, no. 42; 60, no. 43; 61, no. 44; aviarium, ubi volatilia omnis generis, quae per aper-
207, no. 320. Further prints were published in Bois- tas fenestras visuntur" (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, MS
sard 1597, 3: 134-150. Lat. fols. 6 1 s., 63 V.). Della Valle may have known
that an aviary had also formed part of Pomponio
64. For further description of the surviving remains
Leto's archaeological garden on the Quirinal:
and of the remodeling of the statue court after della
Vladimir Zabughin, Giulio Pomponio Leto : Saggio
Valle's death, see Kathleen Christian, "The Delia
critico (Rome, 1909-19 12), 200.
Valle Sculpture Court Rediscovered/' Burlington
Magazine 145 (2003): 847-850. 71. See n. 41 above.
65. For the Marsyas, see Mansuelli 1958-1961, 1: 72. Della Valle bought antiques from the dealer Gio-
87-88, no. 56; Haskell and Penny 1981, 262-263, no. vanni Ciampolini and also from the De' Rossi. See
59; Bober and Rubinstein 1986, 75, no. 32; Francesco Laurie Fusco and Gino Corti, "Giovanni Ciampolini
Caglio ti, "Due 'restauratori7 per le antichità dei (d. 1505): A Renaissance Dealer in Rome and His
primi Medici: Mino da Fiesole, Andrea del Verroc- Collection of Antiquities," Xenia 21 (1991): 21;
chio e il 'Marsia rosso' degli Uffìzi," Prospettiva Christian 2002, 1 90-1 91, 194-196. He also acquired
72-73 ( 1993- 1994): 17-42, 74-96. For the so-called extraordinary acanthus pilasters, now at the Villa
Sabines, see Gabriela Capecchi, "Le statue antiche Medici, which are associated by some with the Ara
della Loggia dei Lanzi," Bollettino d'arte 60 (1975): Pacis. See Carlo Gasparri, "Sulle lesene con tralci di
169-178; Carlo Gasparri, "Die Gruppe der Sabinerin- acanto Valle-Medici," in Antikenzeichnung und
nen in der Loggia dei Lanzi in Florenz," Archäologi- Antikenstudium in Renaissance und Frühbarock, ed.
scher Anzeiger 4 (1979): 524-543; Bober and Richard Harprath and Henning Wrede (Mainz am
Rubinstein 1986, 198-199, no. 166. For the Dacians, Rhein, 1989), 111-125. In the late 1520s, della Valle
see Delbrück 1932, 46-49; Lucilla de Lachenal, For- may have also obtained two bronze tablets found
tuna dei prigionieri Daci a Roma : Documentazione near the Tarpeian Rock. According to Ligorio, Cardi-
per la storia del tipo dal XVI al XIX secolo , Xenia nal Ippolito de' Medici gave these to Cardinal della
Quaderni 8 (Rome, 1987): 34-41; Lucilla de Lachenal, Valle in 1528; in Metellus's account, they were exca-
"I prigionieri Daci dalla collezione Medici-Delia vated during the reign of Leo X, taken by the Medici,
Valle: Nuove considerazioni archeologico-antiquarie and then bought by Camillo Capranica. See Jean-
sulle loro vicende tra Roma e Firenze," in Boboli 90, Louis Ferrary, "La Lex Antonia de Termessibus,"
ed. Cristina Acidini Luchinat and Elvira Garberò Athenaeum 73 (1985): 419-457; my thanks to
Zorzi, 2 vols. (Florence, 1991 ), 2: 609-621. Michael Crawford for this reference.

66. Boissard described the trees and the beds when 73. Flaminio Vacca thought that the Arco della
he visited in the mid-sixteenth century: "In area hor- Ciambella was named after a find there by della
tuli (ubi mali Medicae, Punicae & Cedri, aliaeque Valle: Memorie di varie antichità trovate in diversi
arbores peregrinae confertae sunt) tabulae sunt mar- luoghi della città di Roma (1594), published in Fa-
moreae, in quibus Corybantum cum tympanis & miano Nardini, Roma antica (Rome, 1704), 22.
tintinabulis incessus, Naiadum chori, & Meleagri
74. Innocent VIII began to demolish this arch when
venatio incissa est, quae si bene notavi, proxime
he restored the adjacent Santa Maria in via Lata.
accedunt ad numerum sexaginta" (Boissard 1597, 1:
In 1523, freelance excavators sold some of the
42).
remaining sculpture from the arch (Lanciani
67. For the Apollo, see Gabriella Capecchi, Lucia 1989-2002, 273-274). Fulvio wrote: "[Arcus] iuxta S.
Lepore, and Vincenzo Saladino, Collezioni fiorentine Mariam in via lata ab Innocentio viii. in renovatione
di antichità , I: La Villa del Poggio Imperiale (Rome, proximi templi dirutus, cuius ornamenta marmorea
1 979), 44-46, no. 2, and Bober and Rubinstein 1986, erui nuper vidimus cum trophaeis barbaríeis haud
76-77, no. 35. dubie posteriorum esse Imperatorum exornatu
apparet." Andrea Fulvio, Antiquitates Urbis (Rome,
68. Aldrovandi 1556, 218-219: "Da man dritta
1527), book 4, fol. 50V.; see also Bartolomeo Marliani,
dunque si trova prima quella [statua] di Apollo
Urbis Romae Topographia (Lyon, 1534), 136. "Presso
ignudo ... la seconda, che si truova appresso,
[S. Maria in via Lata] si sono pochi anni à dietro
vogliono che sia di Giove ... la terza è un Nettuno
cavati alcuni vestigi d'uno arco antico, ne' cui fram-
... la quarta dicono, che sia un Fauno." For the Zeus,
menti si vedevano le imagini delle vittorie, e de' Tro-
see Michaelis 1891, 229, no. 45; Hülsen and Egger
fei, ma non si poteva altro leggere del titolo, che vi
1913-1916, 2: 61, no. 43. For the Neptune, see n. 28
era, se non queste poche parole sole. Votis x et xx. E
above. For the Satyr, see Michaelis 1891, 230, no. 6o;
vogliono alcuni, che Papa Innocentio ottavo spi-
Hülsen and Egger 1913-1916, 2: 62, no. 56.
anasse questo arco quando rinovò questa chiesa."
69. Gasparri 1979, 524-543, with previous bibliogra- Lucio Fauno, Delle antichità della città di Roma
phy. (Venice, 1548), 130. For the reliefs, which used to be
associated with the Ara Pietatis, see Lanfranco
Cordischi, "Sul problema dell'Ara Pietatis Augustae
e dei rilievi ad essa attribuiti," Archeologia classica

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37 (1985)' 238-265; Fritz-Eugen Keller, "Les reliefs de "dove stanno le galline un torzo d'africano di pai. 5,
la façade sur jardin/7 in La Villa Médicis, ed. André un capitello di Corinto di pai. 3," Documenti inediti
Chastel, 3 vols. (Rome, 1989-1991), 2: 412-442. For 1878-1880, 4: 377-380. Visiting artists made draw-
the pedestals placed under the Dacian prisoners in ings of architectural fragments and antique vases in
della Valle's court, which may have been part of the della Valle's collection. See Alfonso Bartoli, I monu-
arch as well, see Richard Brilliant, "I piedistalli del menti antichi di Roma nei disegni degli Uffizi di
giardino di Boboli: Spolia in se, spolia in re," Prospet- Firenze, 6 vols. (Rome, 19 14-1922), 1: piate 37, fig.
tiva 31 (1982): 2-17; Bober and Rubinstein 1986, 197, 64 (Fra Giocondo); 2: piate 200, fig. 340 (Peruzzi),
no. 164; Sandro de Maria, Gli archi onorari di Roma piate 174, fig. 309 (Peruzzi); Ashby 1904, nos. 105b,
e dell'Italia romana (Rome, 1988), 312-314. 108, i2oa (Bernardo della Volpaia). Andrea Fulvio
notes della Valle's collection of ancient coins in this
75. Delbrück 1932, 49,- Gasparri 1979, 524-543,-
palace: "Plurimaque per totam urbem marmorea
Carlo Gasparri, "I marmi antichi degli Uffizi:
signa in diversas rerum formas effigiata . . . sed nec
Collezionismo mediceo e mercato antiquario romano
silentio praeteribo marmóreas statuas aurea argentea,
tra il XVI e il XVIII secolo," in Gli Uffizi: Quattro
aereaque nomismata quae hodie sunt apud R. D.
secoli di una galleria , ed. Paola Barocchi and Gio-
Andreám Card, de Valle, qui non parcit precio"; see
vanna Ragionieri, 2 vols. (Florence, 1983), 1: 23 1;
Fulvio 1527, book 5, fol. 99. A bronze horse's head in
Marc Waelkens, "From a Phrygian Quarry: The the Palazzo della Valle is mentioned in Samuel
Provenance of the Statues of the Dacian Prisoners in
Zwicker, De Arte Peregrinandi Libri II (Nürnberg
Trajan's Forum at Rome," American Journal of
1 5 91), II, fol. i04r.: "Mirum vero quanta copia
Archaeology 89 (1985): 641-653. Andrea della Valle '
antiquissimarum statuarum conspicitur in urbe
had displayed reliefs excavated from the Forum in
Neapolitana, etiam in privatis aedibus, . . . maximum
the first cortile he built (see n. 42). According to Li-
equi caput aeneum, magna arte conflatum, cui simile
gorio, a marble base in the della Valle collection (CIL
videtur Romae in palatio Cardinalis de Valle."
6: 1,731) was found "sub auro in Foro divi Traiani"
(Gasparri 1979, 534). 80. "Prima che si monti su, si veggono nel muro del
palagio locate molte statue antiche: Nel'ordine di
76. A notice of a della Valle chapel here is found in
basso sono quattro statue senza testa: la prima è
Vincenzo Forcella, Iscrizione delle chiese e d'altri
armata à l'antica: la seconda è di porfido togata: la
edificii di Roma dal secolo XI fino ai giorni nostri , 14
terza è pur togata di marmo bianco; la quarta è
vols. (Rome, 1869-1884), 5: 154, no. 437,- for the
armata: e sono poste tutte sopra alte basi antiche, che
church's dealings in antiquities, see Christian 2002,
hanno inscrittioni latine,- una sola l'ha greca. Ne
141-142.
l'ordine superiore si veggono quattro altre statue erte
77. For the family's vast land holdings in the fora, intiere, ma senza braccia,- la prima è togata, la se-
see Adinolfi 1865, 75; Rodolfo Lanciani, "Le esca- conda ignuda, con la veste avolta nel braccio manco
vazioni del Foro," Bullettino della Commissione tronco: la terza è ignuda, et è di donna" (Aldrovandi
Archeologica Comunale di Roma 29, no. 1 (1901): 1556, 217). "In prima enim fronte plurimae sunt sta-
20-5 1; Susanna Passigli, "Urbanizzazione e tuae Consulum & Imperatorum: ex quibus una
topografìa a Roma nell'area dei Fori imperiali tra XIV demonstratur Hortensij; altera Pisonis, qui frugi die-
e XVI secolo," Mélanges de l'École Française de tus est: alia Cetegi; Inferius multae leguntur inscrip-
Rome , moyen âge ioi, no. 1 (1989): 282, 290-291. tiones, tam Graecae quam Latinae" (Boissard 1597, 1:
The discovery of the temple of Venus Genetrix was 40-41). These statues correspond with those located
made when Bruto della Valle laid the foundations for on "la facciata di tutto il palazzo" in the inventory of
a new house on the site around 1550. See Antonio 1584 [Documenti inediti 1878-1880, 379). One can
Labacco, Libro d'Antonio Lahacco appartenente a be identified as the heavily damaged porphyry statue
l'architettura nel qual si figurano alcune notabili now in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale in Flo-
antiquita di Roma (Rome, 1552), piate 32; Andrea rence, inv. 90307 (Delbrück 1932, 45, 54-55).
Palladio, Dell'architettura (Venice, 1570), book 4, Heemskerck, Dosio, and Pierre Jacques illustrated
126-1 3 1; Emilia Talamo, "Su alcuni frammenti di some of these figures on their ancient bases,- see
lesene della collezione della Valle-Medici," Xenia 5 Heemskerck, Album I, fol. 35V.; Hülsen and Egger
(1983): 15-46. Bruto della Valle's son Lello commis- 1913-1916, 1: 20; Codex Ber olinensis, fols. 62, 63
sioned an excavation here from "Michele muratore" (fig. 21); Hülsen 1933, 30, nos. i48a-c; Reinach 1902,
in 1576, documented in ASV, AdV 93, no. 10. i2bis. For the bases, see CIL 6: 730, 731, 1,721, and
CIG 5,885; Michaelis 1891, 228, no. 5,- Boissard 1597,
78. Flaminio Vacca recalled the discovery of marble
3: 136, 139, 138, 146. CIL 6: 1,730 was only discov-
antiquities under one of della Valle's palaces during
ered in 1539 and is still extant inside the Palazzo
the time of Pius IV: "Mi ricordo che al tempo di Pio
della Valle-Capranica, immured in a corner of the
IV sotto il palazzo già del Cardinal della Valle furono
courtyard.
trovati molti pezzi di cornicioni e rocchi di colonne,
e capitelli corintii" (Vacca 1704, 60). 8 1 . "Is unicus est nunc qui maiorum vetera moni-
menta diligenter curat," Fulvio 1527, book 5, fol. 99.
79. The inventory of 1584 lists "una femina a canto
al cancello, con papaveri in mano, grande quanto al
naturale," a restored statue of Ceres at the "piè della
scala" ("una Cerere vestita, alta pai. 10, con le brac-
cia di stuccho"), four busts "a mezza scala," and

CHRISTIAN 61

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82. "Quel cardinale della Valle, che fece in Roma 86. See Pietro Sabino's sylloge, compiled c.
quello antiquario, e che fu il primo che mettessi 1488-1498, with five inscriptions located "prope
insieme le cose antiche, e le faceva restaurare." Gior- Trivium in domo domini Andreae Vallensis" and the
gio Vasari, I ragionamenti, in Le vite de' più eccel- Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis of 1 521, with eight
lenti pittori, scultori ed architettori da Giorgio inscriptions "in viridario R. Andreae Ep.i Vallensis,
Vasari, ed. Gaetano Milanesi, 8 vols. (Florence, apud aquaeductum virginis," Pietro Sabino, Venice,
1878-1885), 8: 158. Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. X 195 (3453), fols.
1 72-1 72V.; Mazzocchi 1521, 66-66v. A later sylloge
Accomodò [Lorenzetto] nel partimento di
located these inscriptions "nel giardino di Rustici a
quell'opera colonne, base e capitelli antichi, e
piè di monte cavallo appresso l'olmo," see CIL 6: 2,489,
spartì attorno, per basamento di tutta quell'opera,
Achilles Statius, Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana
pili antichi pieni di storie,- e più alto fece sotto
B 102, fol. 76V. Alfonso Paolucci probably referred
certe nicchione un altro fregio di rottami di cose
to this garden in a letter to the Duke of Ferrara in
antiche, e di sopra nelle dette nicchie pose alcune
1 5 19: "Andando verso S. Maria Maggiore trovai
statue pur antiche e di marmo; le quali sebbene
Monsignore] R[everendissi]mo Della Valle, il quale
non erano intere per essere quale senza testa, quale
volse che io andassi con lui al giardino suo, dove
senza braccia, ed alcuna senza gambe ed insomma
sono molti belli aranci, et gran fontane de una bellis-
ciascuna con qualche cosa meno; raccomodò
sima e freschissima acqua, vi stemmo in gran
nondimeno benissimo, avendo fatto rifare a buoni
piacere, poi scavalcammo al perdono in S. Maria
scultori tutto quello che mancava: la quale cosa fu
Maggiore"; see Emmanuel Rodocanachi, La première
cagione che altri Signori hanno poi fatto il medes-
renaissance : Rome au temps de Jules II et de Léon X
imo, e restaurato molte cose antiche come il Car-
(Paris, 19 12), 35 n. 2. This vigna and others may have
dinale Cesis, Ferrara, Farnese, e per dirlo in una
been sources for sculpture: see Lanciani 1989-2002,
parola, tutta Roma. (Vasari 1878-1885, 4: 579)
3: 90-91 for a vigna near Saint John Lateran which
The sculptor Guglielmo della Porta, describing the the family used for excavation.
illustrated guide to Rome he planned to create,
87. According to Alberti, the suburban villa should
echoed the opinion that the della Valle would come
be placed "in an elevated and isolated position":
first in the history of Roman sculpture collections:
Leon Battista Alberti, De Re Aedificatoria, 9.2.
"Si vedrà de Palazzi, Giardini et Fontane, Pittura
Scoltura et getti di bronzo ... et anco vi sara notato i 88. Ancient sources do not describe the type in
nomi di coloro che si son delettati de antichità, de detail, even if the term hortus pensilis was used by
marmi, e metalli, medaglie, Carnei et altri intagli, Quintus Curtius Rufus (5.1.32) and Pliny in his Nat-
comminciando dal Cardinale de la Valle, et venendo ural History (29. 23, 36. 20). Some have hypothesized
à gli ill[ustrissi]mi [Cesis], Farnese, [Ferrara] et Mon- that, like his famous relative Pietro della Valle "Il
tep[ulcia]no al vescovo Colotio, à quel di Viterbo à Pellegrino," Andrea della Valle traveled to Persia (see
Mons[igno]re Garimberto, et a i tre concorrenti, che Moroni 1840-1861, 88: 50; Frommel 1973, 2: 345),
sono hoggi in Roma." Letter to Bartolomeo Amma- but there is no evidence for his having taken such a
nati, dated by Gramberg to 1569. See Werner Gram- trip or for any Eastern inspiration for his hanging gar-
berg, Die Düsseldorfer Skizzenbücher des Guglielmo den. See Riebesell 1989, 720.
della Porta (Berlin, 1964), 126.
89. At the Palazzo Carafa, a welcoming inscription
83. The porphyry Dacians, for example, received opened the palace to the "guests of Venus" who
their white marble heads before Heemskerck made would climb up to the hanging garden, identified as
his drawing of the collection. For other examples of the "Realm of the Nymphs." See Andreas Beyer,
restorations carried out under della Valle, see Keller Parthenope : Neapel und der Süden der Renaissance
1989-1991. (Munich, 2000), 84-135.
84. "Lectissimae autem in horto pensili . . . qui ele- 90. Fichard described the experience of climbing the
gantissime exstructus ita insuper istis monumentis spiral staircase to reach the Belvedere statue court:
ornatus est, ut nihil sit istic sculpti marmoris fere, "Habet cochleam, per quam ascendi tur ad summum
quod non ex antiquitate repositum adaptatumque usque, unde potissimum patet loci amoenitas et
sit." Fichard 1815, 68. prospectus, qualem nusquam esse, puto amoe-
niorem." Fichard 1815, 48-49.
85. On the Farnese antiquities, see Raymond Vin-
cent, "Les antiques," in Le Palais F arnése: École 91. The Scriptores historiae Augustae describes, for
Française de Rome, 3 vols. (Rome 1980-1981), 1.2: example, Gordian's project for parallel, thousand-
33 1-35 1; Christina Riebesell, "Die Antikensamm- foot-long porticoes decorated with statuary and open
lung Farnese zur Carracci-Zeit," in Chastel 1988, to the public. Gardens and trees would be set in
373-417; Eugenio La Rocca, "Le sculture antiche between and a bath built on one end ( Gordianus ,
della collezione Farnese," in Le collezioni del Museo 32.5-8). In his Natural History (36.35), Pliny men-
Nazionale di Napoli (Rome, 1989), 43-65. tioned the sculptures visible in the Porticus
Octaviae. For the display of sculpture in ancient
Rome, see Magrit Pape, "Griechische Kunstwerke
aus Kriegsbeute und ihre öffentliche Aufstellung in
Rom" (Ph.D. diss., University of Hamburg, 1975),

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which includes a list of public places where sculp- I am leaving out those cardinals, archbishops, and -
ture was displayed; Jacob Isager, Pliny on Art and illustrious priests who, because of their elevated
Society : The Elder Pliny's Chapters on the History of dignity, cannot always interact with laymen and
Art (London and New York, 1991), 157-168; Antonio pilgrims. Nevertheless, so that no one suffers from
Corso, "Il collezionismo di scultura nell'antichità," being shut off from their houses, they can order
in I Giustiniani e l'antico, ed. Giulia Fusconi [exh. their servants firmly to greet obligingly and in a
cat., Palazzo Fontana di Trevi] (Rome, 2001), friendly manner all applicants and admit them to
101-129. dining halls, gardens, and their more secret quar-
ters, especially those who are scholarly in letters,
92. My thanks to Caroline Elam for pointing out this
so that they might contemplate, admire, and make
aspect of the Latin constructions to me.
note of what is worth observing, poring over not
93. "Ad dextrum latus [the west side, or the left side only exquisite and precious marbles, vases, stat-
of Heemskerck's drawing] descendebatur in conclave ues, tables, coins, and carved gems, but also
quoddam, cui erat adiunctum balneolum elegantis- libraries, opening up books made out of ancient
simis lascivissimisque nudarum puellarum lavan- papyrus, parchment, and vellum, so that, if it is
tium etc. picturis ornatissimum, Pontificis in Burgo possible to be done, they fill and satisfy them-
Angeli et amplius et sumptuosius, more Romano selves in the contemplation of such excellent
extructum." Fichard 1815, 69. things. (Boissard 1597, Epistola dedicatoria, 2v.,
my translation.)
94. For the concept of magnificenza see, for example,
David Thomson, Renaissance Architecture: Critics, 100. "Signis, credo, tabulis studes: si quis est qui his
Patrons, Luxury (Manchester, 1993); Richard Golth- delectetur, nonne mulius tenues homines fruuntur
waite, Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy, quam illi, qui iis abundant? Est enim earum rerum
1300-1600 (Baltimore and London, 1993), 247-250; omnium in nostra urbe summa in publico copia."
Luke Syson and Dora Thornton, Objects of Virtue : Cicero, Tusculanae disputationes 5. 102.
Art in Renaissance Italy (London, 2001), 12-36, with
101. The incident is spelled out in Pliny, Natural
further bibliography.
History, 35.70, 131.
95. Kathleen Weil Garris and John D'Amico, "The
102. Cicero, De officiis 3. 1.
Renaissance Cardinal's Ideal Palace: A Chapter from
Cortesi's De Cardinalatu," in Studies in Italian Art 103. Wendy Stedman Sheard, "Antonio Lombardo 's
and Architecture, isth through 18th Centuries : Reliefs for Alfonso d'Este's Studio di Marmi: Their
Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 35, ed. Significance and Impact on Titian," in Titian 500, ed.
Henry A. Milion (Rome, 1980), 45-123; Emmanuel Joseph Manca, National Gallery of Art, Studies in the
Rodocanchi, "Le luxe des cardinaux romains de la History of Art, vol. 45 (Washington, 1993), 326.
Renaissance," Revue des questions historiques 89
104. For the related concept of honesta voluptas, see
(191 1): 414-432; John O'Malley, Praise and Blame in
Wolfgang Liebenwein, "Honesta Voluptas: Zur
Renaissance Rome (Durham, 1979), 165-194; David
Archäologie des Genießens," in Hülle und Fülle:
S. Chambers, "The Economic Predicament of Renais-
Festschrift für Tilmann Buddensieg, ed. Andreas
sance Cardinals," Studies in Medieval and Renais-
Beyer, Vittorio M. Lampugnani, and Gunter
sance History 3 (1966): 289-313.
Schweikhart (Alfter, 1993), 337-357.
96. For the use of "justifying" inscriptions in Italian
105. "The writings of the Greeks and also the Bar-
Renaissance architecture, see John Onians, "The Last
barians testify to the use of statues in earlier eras.
Judgement of Renaissance Architecture," Journal of
They often explained their execution by stating that
the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts,
they preserved the memory of those who had accom-
Manufactures, and Commerce 128, no. 5,291 (Octo-
plished some great deed or who had invented some-
ber 1980): 701-720.
thing useful, in order to incite others to emulate
97. Coffin 1 99 1, 268: "Julij S. Ang. Diac. Car. Caes. them, driven by the hope of achieving that honor
Dietam hanc statuarium studiis suis et gentil, suor, that seemed greater than all others." Pomponius
volup. honestas dicavit suo natali die XXXIIII, XIII Gauricus, De Sculptura (1504), ed. André Chastel
kal. Junij, Alex. VI Pont. Max. An. VII, Sal. MD. ab V. and Robert Klein (Geneva, 1969), 50-51. As Pliny
C. MMCCXXXIII. " had written, "If we seek consolation in sorrow in
the busts of our dead we set up in our homes, still
98. "Viliam perpetuae salubri tatis / Suburbi modo
more then should we find it in the statues standing
Montis Esquilini / Oliverius ille Cardinalis / Doctae
in public places, for these can recall men's fame
clara Neapolis propago / Hanc Caraffa pius suis ami- and distinction as well as their forms and faces."
cis / dicat omnibus, hospites venite." See Coffin
Epistulae 2. 7
1991, 268.

99. On access to sculpture collections, see David R.


Coffin, "The Lex Hortorum and Access to Gardens of
Latium during the Renaissance," Journal of Garden
History 2 (1982): 201-232; Coffin 1991, 244-257.
Jean-Jacques Boissard seems to equate the audience
of the sculpture collection with that of the library:

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io 6. In De Architettura, 7.16, Alberti discusses the iii. Caroline Elam, "Lorenzo de' Medici's Sculpture
merits of different commemorative monuments and Garden," Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Insti-
writes: "Unless I am mistaken, the greatest [monu- tutes in Florenz 36 (1992): 41-83,- Il giardino di San
ment] of all is the statue. It may serve as an orna- Marco : Maestri e compagni del giovane Michelan-
ment of sacred and profane buildings, public or gelo, ed. Paola Barocchi [exh. cat., Casa Buonarroti]
private, and it makes a wonderful memorial to man (Cinisello Balsamo [Milan], 1992).
or deed/' Translation based on Leon Battista Alberti,
112. Della Valle hosted at least one artist, Michel
On the Art of Building in Ten Books , trans. Joseph
Coxeie, as a familiare in his palace. Karl Johns,
Rykwert, Neil Leach, and Robert Tavernor (Cam-
"Coxeie in Brussels," in Michel Coxeie, Pictor Regis
bridge, Mass., 1988), 240. See Jonathan B. Riess, "The
(1499-1592) (Mechelen, 1993), 251. Earlier, in 1517,
Civic View of Sculpture in Alberti's De Re Aedifica-
the sculptor Cristoforo Solari had lived "under the
toria," Renaissance Quarterly 32, no. 1 (1979): 1-17.
protection of" Lello della Valle: see Giovanni Agosti,
107. Maria Monica Donato, "Gli eroi romani tra sto- "La fama di Cristoforo Solari," Prospettiva 46 (1986):
ria ed 'exemplum': I primi cicli umanistici di Uomini 62.

Famosi," in Settis 1984-1986, 2: 97-152.


113. Guilaume Philandrier, In M. Vitruvium De
108. The cycle has been variously attributed to Architectura Annotationes Guilielmi Philandri
Salviati, the "school of" Giulio Romano, and Raf- (Venice, 1557), 67-68.
faellino del Colle. See Alessandra Uguccioni, "Deco-
114. Echoes of della Valle's inscriptions are found in
razione e collezionismo antiquario nella sala grande
the one Bishop Mario Maffei put outside his palace,
di palazzo Della Valle," in Roma centro ideale della
which he finished constructing in 1527: MARIUS
cultura dell'antico nei secoli XV e XVI, ed. Silvia
MAFFEUS EPISCOPUS CAVALLICENSIS AC ALUS
Danesi Squarzina (Milan, 1989), 356-364. Most
SACERDOTIIS FORTUNAEQUE MUNERIBUS UT
recently, Nicole Dacos has attributed the design to EST CAPTUS VOLATERRANORUM SATIS ADOR-
Perino del Vaga and the execution to three Belgian NATUS HAS AEDES A.D. PATRIAE DECOREM AC
painters working in Rome after the Sack, in "Perin SUORUM MAFFEORUM USUM FECIT A.D.
del Vaga et trois peintres de Bruxelles au palais della
MDXXVII QUO ROMA EVERSA EST UNA CUM
Valle," Prospettiva 91-92 (1998): 59-170. In 1569,
PATRIBUS POPULO PENATISQUE SUIS." See Luigi
the painter Girolamo da Sermoneta estimated that
Pescetti, "Mario Maffei (1463-1537)," Rassegna
della Valle had spent 200 scudi on the frescoes. See
Volterrana 6, fase. 2 (1932): 83.
AdV, vol. 81, no. 5.
115. In the end, the invading armies broke the con-
109. "In peristyliis autem et ambulationibus ea
tract and raided the palace; see Alessandro Corvisieri,
exprimi pingendo possunt quae vatum nostrorum Documenti inediti sul sacco di Roma nel MDXXVII
consignata traditione constant, non quae priscarum
(Rome, 1873).
fabellarum narratione pingi fìngendo soient." See
Weil Garris and D'Amico 1980, 90-91. Cortesi also 116. Franca Petrucci, "Corsi, Pietro," in Dizionario
has recommendations for "dormitorii cubiculi," "in biografico degli Italiani, voi. 29 (Rome, 1983),
quo ea maxime esse debent virtutum expressa signa, 579-581. For Corsi's poem on the Sack of Rome, see
quibus animi ad similitudinem factorum matutina Léon Dorez, "Le poème de Pietro Corsi sur le sac de
commoni tione excitentur." See Weil Garris and Rome," Mélanges d'archéologie et d'historié de
D'Amico 1980, 94-95. l'École Française de Rome 16 (1896): 420-436; Ken-
neth Gouwans, Remembering the Renaissance:
no. "Interiorum autem ornamen torum genus
Humanist Narratives of the Sack of Rome (Leiden,
multiplex adhiberi solet, siquidem multi plastices
1998), 73-102.
ratione, nonnulli statuaria, quidam etiam gypseo uti
ornamento malunt. Nobis vero frugalius et utilius id 117. As Guicciardini wrote, during the Sack, "many
genus videri in senatoria domo ornanda debet quod unflawed ancient sculptures in marble and bronze,
pingendi ratione constat; nec enim dubium esse and medals of popes and prelates cast in various met-
potest, cum homines aliquo picturae genere tenean- als, which had been greatly prized for their work-
tur quo possint tamquam praesenti historiae erudi- manship and collected over long periods of time, fell
tione frui, quin in his ex vehementi imaginum into the hands of men who considered them worth-
similitudine aut animi appetitio praeparetur aut less," even if the troops "set the highest value on
motrix evocetur virtus, quandoquidem Aristotele beautiful jewels and pure gold, because they occupied
auctore imaginatione et intelligentia rerum dicatur little space and were easily recognized." See Luigi
contineri vis." Translation from Weil Garris and Guicciardini, The Sack of Rome, ed. and trans. James
D'Amico 1980, 91. Cortesi did not recommend sculp- H. McGregor (New York, 1993), 112. See also André
ture collections, but instead thought that cardinals Chastel, The Sack of Rome, 1527, A. W. Mellon Lec-
should have a dactylotheca, or gem room,- see Weil tures in the Fine Arts, 1977 (Princeton, 1983),
Garris and D'Amico 1980, 85. 97-100.

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1 1 8. "Quid mirare, hospes, tot numina muta et an-
helo / Sedibus his animam ducere sub lapide / Hostis
adest; vertere metu se in saxa licetque / Tuta tegat
Vallis marmora, adhuc trepidant/' BAV, Vat. lat.
7182, fol. 105, in Brummer 1970, 119 n. 76, and
Chastel 1983, 100.
119. "Clara deum clara et veterum dum signa Quiri-
tum, / Valla pater retegi restituique iubet, / Dumque
novos altis suspendit in aedibus hortos, / Surgere ubi
assidue marmora viva vides: / Aspexit tandem
Latium moderator Olympi: / Moestaque solatus pec-
tora sic Veneris, / Quam toties flesti, quod tot latet
obruta s[a]ec[u]lis: / Nostra iterum hoc tollit
pr[a]esule Roma caput," BAV, Vat. lat. 7182, fol.
117V., in Brummer 1970, 220 n. 20.
120. "In Basilicae Vaticanae monumenits haec de
Cardinali de Valle memoria. Anno 1527. de commis-
sione Reverendissimi Domini Card, de Valle ego
Iulius Cervinus Canonicus S. Petri solvi ducatos cen-
tum auri militibus Germanis, qui restituerunt aliqua
fragmenta argenti simul cum tabernáculo argenteo
cum gutture S. Blasi j, & Calice magno argenteo, &
Cruce Constantini," Chacón 1677, 3: col. 351. For
the retrieval of relics after the Sack, see Chastel
1983, 100-108.

121. "Laudabile tue . . . domini propositum quod in


exornanda amplificandaque urbe roma, unde oriunda
est plurimum usatur marmóreas, prophires, easque
longeni temporis subterráneas statuas et alios lapides
dignorum artifìcum manibus elaboratos historiis,
memoratu digna sculptos clara mairoum gesta vivifi-
cantes, ad lucem restituendo priscam edifitia vetus-
tate colapsa imitando eaque in novum et modernum
posteriumque nostrorum usum et delectamentum
reparando." See letter cited above at n. 56.

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