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Within the Circle

of Ancient Ideas
and Virtues
Studies in Honour
of Professor Maria Dzielska

edited by
Kamilla Twardowska
Maciej Salamon
Sławomir Sprawski
Michał Stachura
Stanisław Turlej

Krakow 2014
Within the Circle of Ancient Ideas and Virtues
Studies in Honour of Professor Maria Dzielska

Leszek Mrozewicz
Poznań

Flavian municipal foundations in Dalmatia*

W ith over sixty towns,1 Dalmatia belonged among the most urbanised provinces
of the Imperium Romanum; on the Balkan Peninsula it was second only to
Achaia. The first towns on the Liburnian­‍‑Dalmatian coast were established on the initi‑
ative of Julius Caesar and his continuator, Octavianus Augustus,2 but there is no doubt
that settlements of municipal nature had appeared there much earlier.3 It is assumed
that the first stage of Roman urbanisation reached its peak during the reign of Clau‑
dius, with the establishment of Aequum, Dalmatia’s only veteran colony, around 45.4
The second stage, one whose significance is indisputable, is associated with the actions
of the Flavians.5 Interestingly enough, neither Vespasian nor any of his successors estab‑
lished a veteran colony in Dalmatia, which until 86 remained a militarised province.6
Naturally, this does not mean that there was no military settlement in Dalmatia; on
*
This paper was written as part of the research grant from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education, no.
NN 108 058335 “Transformation of the Roman Empire in the Flavian times,” carried out in 2008–2011 at the
Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań.
1
G. Alföldy, “Das Leben der dalmatinischen Städte in der Zeit des Prinzipats,” Živa Antika 12 (1963),
pp. 323–337, especially 323–324; J. Wilkes, Dalmatia (London, 1969), p. 290; Idem, “The Population of Ro‑
man Dalmatia,” (in:) ANRW II 6 (1977), p. 742.
2
F. Vittinghoff, Römische Kolonisation und Bürgerrechtspolitik unter Caesar und Augustus (Wiesbaden,
1952), pp. 85, 124–126; Alföldy, “Das Leben der dalmatinischen Städte,” pp. 326–329.
3
G. Alföldy, Bevölkerung und Gesellschaft der römischen Provinz Dalmatien (Budapest, 1965), pp. 196–197
(quoted Alföldy, BevDalm).
4
Present day Čitluk; see PECS, p. 15; G. Alföldy, “Veteranendeduktionen in der Provinz Dalmatien,” Hi‑
storia 13 (1964), p. 179; Idem, BevDalm, pp. 102, 119–121, 201; M. Pavan, Ricerche sulla provincia romana di
Dalmazia (Venezia, 1958), pp. 17–19; Wilkes, Dalmatia, pp. 114–115, 207; DNP 3 (1997), p. 285; M. Sana‑
der, Dalmatia. Eine römische Provinz an der Adria (Mainz, 2009), p. 72.
5
Alföldy, BevDalm, p. 201: “Unter den Flaviern begann, wie auch in der Bürgerrechtspolitik und in der
Politik gegenüber den Civitates, eine neue Epoche, in der das Urbanisierungsprogramm vor allem auf die bisher
kaum romanisierten inneren Gebiete konzentriert wurde;” DNP 3 (1997), p. 285.
6
That is to the moment legion IV Flavia felix was transferred from Burnum to Upper Moesia, see E. Rit‑
terling, “Legio,” (in:) RE XII 2 (1925), p. 1542; Wilkes, Dalmatia, p. 104.
210 Leszek Mrozewicz

the contrary,7 yet this did not result in other coloniae veteranorum being called to life.
Dalmatia’s characteristic trait was that the municipal status — that of colonia or muni‑
cipium — was granted exclusively to the already existing communities of either Roman
citizens gathered in the conventus civium Romanorum, or to the populace of peregrina‑
tory status.8
In the literature of the subject it is emphasized that actions of the Flavians in that
respect were of landmark significance: on the one hand, they put the finishing touches
to the urbanisation process as it had been thus far, while on the other embarked on
urbanisation of the Dalmatian interior, which had hitherto been “neglected.”9
Among the towns on the Adriatic, the first one deserving to be mentioned is Scar‑
dona (present day Skradin),10 the only Liburnian city (polis) quoted by Strabo.11 That
was where the seat of conventus Scardonitanus12 was to be found. It comprised fourteen
Liburnian towns,13 whose representatives gathered around the ara Augusti.14 Sacerdos
ad aram Augusti was simultaneously the priest of Liburnia (conventus Scardonitanus).
Despite the considerable significance of the city, a major economic and political centre
already at the turn of the millennia,15 it obtained municipal rights only under Flavians
(Municipium Flavium Scardonae),16 preserving the tribus Sergia.17 This was because it
comprised many inhabitants of the earlier settlement, the Strabo’s polis, who in all like‑
lihood had received Roman citizenship status from Augustus.

7
Veteran settlement in e.g. Alföldy, “Veteranendeduktionen,” pp. 167–179; Idem, BevDalm, pp. 86–87
(Scardona and vicinity), 117 (Tragurium), 121 (Novae and vicinity); Wilkes, Dalmatia, pp. 128–152.
8
Cf. Vittinghoff, op. cit., p. 126; on tribal relations in Dalmatia: Alföldy, BevDalm, pp. 38–67; Wilkes,
Dalmatia, pp. 153–191; Idem, “The Population,” pp. 731–766.
9
Alföldy, BevDalm, p. 201; Wilkes, Dalmatia, p. 290; Idem, “The Population,” p. 742.
10
Strabo, VII 5, 4; Plinius, NH, III 141: Liburniae finis, et initium Dalmatiae Scardona, in amne eo (Ti‑
tius) XII m. pass. a mari; Pavan, op. cit., pp. 273–274; PECS, pp. 812–813; Alföldy, BevDalm, pp. 86–87;
Wilkes, Dalmatia, pp. 218–219; A. Starac, Rimsko vladanje u Histrii i Liburniji II (Pula, 2000), pp. 103–105;
Sanader, op. cit., p. 64.
11
Strabo, VII 5, 4.
12
Plinius, NH, III 141; Starac, op. cit., pp. 57–61.
13
Plinius, NH, III 139: Conventum Scardonitanum petunt Iapodes et Liburnorum civitates XIIII; cf.
G. Alföldy, “Einheimische Stämme und civitates in Dalmatien unter Augustus,” Klio 41 (1963), p. 188; Wil‑
kes, Dalmatia, p. 156; Starac, op. cit., pp. 8, 57, 104.
14
CIL III 2810 = ILS 7157: T(ito) Turra[nio] / T(iti) f(ilio) Ser(gia tribu) Seda[to] / dec(urioni) II[viro?]
Scardonis sac[erdoti] / ad aram Aug(usti) Lib[urn(orum)] / huic ordo Scardo[nitan(orum)] / statuam decre[vit]
/ Iulia Sex(ti) f(ilia) Maxima / inpensa remi[ssa] / de s(ua) p(ecunia) f(ecit) l(oco) d(ato) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum);
cf. CIL III 2808: Neroni Caesari / Germanici f(ilio) Ti(berii) / Aug(usti) n(ostri) divi Aug(usti) pro / flamini
Aug(usti) / civitates Liburniae; also A. et J. Šašel, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCMXL et
MCMLX repertae et editae sunt (Ljubljana, 1963), p. 87, no. 247:…sac(erdos) Liburnor(um); cf. Starac, op. cit.,
pp. 58–59, 103.
15
Alföldy, BevDalm, pp. 86–87.
16
CIL III 2802: Genio / municipii / Fl(avii) Scard(onae) / C. Petronius / Firmus ob / honorem aug(uratus) /
l(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum); P. Weynand, “T. Flavius Vespasianus,” (in:) RE VI 2 (1909), p. 2682; Al‑
földy, “Einheimische Stämme,” p. 188; Pavan, op. cit., pp. 273–274; B. Galsterer­‍‑Kröll, “Untersuchungen
zu den Beinamen der Städte des Imperium Romanum,” Epigraphische Studien 9 (1972), p. 122, no. 323; Starac,
op. cit., p. 103.
17
As above.
Flavian municipal foundations in Dalmatia 211

Rider (Danilo) was located south of Scardona, beyond Liburnia by the road con‑
necting it with Salona.18 The preserved traces of settlement date back to Neolithic
times.19 The earliest evidence of Roman legal regulations is dated for the times of Clau‑
dius: it is an inscription from around the middle of the 1st century, which mentions
a princeps Delmatarum.20 The title indicates that Rider was a central settlement of the
Dalmatian tribe, something in the nature of a capital city. This means that at the time it
possessed, according to Roman nomenclature, the status of a vicus, thus no municipal
rights, and that was the most probable reason why it did not feature on Pliny’s list of
Dalmatian towns.21 It is assumed that it obtained municipal rights (municipium Ridi‑
tarum) from the Flavians.22 This is supported by the fact that the earliest inscriptions
thanks to which Rider’s legal status might be determined are dated for the beginning of
the 2nd century.23 Besides, IIvir quinquennalis from the inscription CIL III 2026 bears
the nomen gentile Flavius: Titus Flavius Titi filius Agricola, which means that he or his
father received Roman citizenship from the Flavians. It is also worth noting that full
tria nomina are found only with town officials and foreign persons. Even decurions are
quoted in the texts according to peregrinatory onomastics.24 Thus we arrive at an indi‑
cation that Rider was granted lower grade Latin law (Latium minus).25
As late as 1970s, Scardona and Rider had exhausted the list of Flavian municipia
on the Adriatic coast. However, 1974 witnessed the publication of an inscription found
in Sepen on the island of Krk. It testifies to the construction of an aqueduct supplying
water to a town called Flavium Fulfinum,26 which was located on the northern skirts of

18
Pavan, op. cit., pp.  196–199; PECS, p.  759; G. Alföldy, “Rider,” (in:) RE Suppl. XI (1968),
pp. 1207–1214; Idem, BevDalm, pp. 97–98; Wilkes, Dalmatia, pp. 240–241; D. Rendić­‍‑Miočević, Il Mu‑
nicipium Riditarum (Rider) in Dalmazia nelle recenti ricerche archeologico­‍‑epigrafiche (Padova, 1990) (non vidi);
E. Marin, “The Urbanism of Salona and Narona inside Roman Dalmatia,” (in:) Dalmatia. Research in the Ro‑
man Province 1970–2001. Papers in honour of J.J. Wilkes, eds. D. Davison, V. Gaffney, E. Marin (Oxford,
2006) (BAR International Series 1576), p. 78.
19
Alföldy, “Rider,” p. 1209; J. Korošec, Danilo i danilska kultura (Ljubljana, 1964) (non vidi, quoted
after Alföldy).
20
CIL III 2776: [Ti. Claudio? … ] principi Delmatarum.
21
Alföldy, “Rider,” p. 1211.
22
Ibidem, p. 1212; Alföldy, BevDalm, p. 97; cf. Idem, “Notes sur la relation entre le droit de cité et la nomen‑
clature dans l’Empire romain,” Latomus 25 (1966), pp. 54–55; PECS, p. 759; DNP 10 (2001), p. 1012–1013:
“spätestens unter den Flaviern wurde R(ider) municipium.”
23
CIL III 2026 (Salonae): T(ito) Flavio / T(iti) fil(io) TRO / Agricolae / decur(ioni) col(oniae) Sal(onitanae)
/ aedili IIvir(o) iure / dic(undo) col(oniae) Aequi/tatis IIvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali) disp(unctori) / municipi(i)
Riditar(um) / praef(ecto) et patron(o) coll(egi) / fabr(um) ob merita eius coll(egium) / fab(rum) ex aere conlato /
curatori rei p(ub(licae) Sploni<s>/storum trib(uno) leg(ionis) X G(eminae) p(iae) f(idelis); cf. Alföldy, “Rider,”
p. 1212; CIL III 2774: D(is) M(anibus) / Q(uinto) Rutilio / IIvir(o) q(uin)q(uennali) / et / Q(uinto) Rutilio /
Q(uinti) f(ilio) Proculo / filio / eius / principi mu/nicipi(i) Ri/ditarum; cf. D. Rendić­‍‑Miočević, “Princeps
municipii Riditarum,” (in:) Iliri i antički svet (Split, 1989), pp. 853–870 (non vidi).
24
CIL III 6411 (Danilo): Tritus / Germu[l]l / Germani / filius de[c(urio)] h(ic) s(itus) e(st); cf. D. Rendić­
‍‑Miočević, “Neue epigraphische Belege für den Namen Germanus im illyrischen Namengut Dalmatiens,” Ger‑
mania 34 (1956), pp. 237–243.
25
Alföldy, “Notes sur la relation,” pp. 54–55; Idem, “Rider,” pp. 1211–1213; Wilkes, Dalmatia, p. 241.
26
D. Rendić­‍‑Miočević, “Novootkriveni Domicjanov natpis o fulfinskom vodovodu (L’inscription de Do‑
212 Leszek Mrozewicz

the island. The inscription is dated, quite precisely, for the end of Domitian’s reign (95).
Therefore we may assume, with a high degree of probability, that the locality named
Fulfinium (Sepen) on the island of Curictae/Curicum (Krk) obtained municipal rights
from the Flavians (Vespasian most likely), hence the name Flavium Fulfinum.
Two civitates are confirmed for the island, mentioned by Pliny the Elder (III 139):
Curictae or Curici and Fertinates or Foretani. Their municipal centres were Curicum
in the south and Fertinium (Fulfinium) in the north. Pliny did not know the name
Fulfinium, which appears only in Ptolemy (II 16.8), who defined both towns as polis,
in the form Φουλfίνιον. Until the discovery and publication of the inscription from
the year 95, it had been assumed that both civitates obtained the status of Roman mu‑
nicipium ex iure Italici, most probably from Emperor Claudius, and were assigned to
tribus Claudia.27 At present, the notion has to undergo a revision. It has to be assumed
that already before the Flavians, from Claudius onwards at the latest, municipal rights
were granted to civitas Curictarum only,28 or that both civitates gained autonomy si‑
multaneously during the Flavian period.29 The second hypothesis is chiefly supported
by the lack of certainty that civitas Curictarum was given autonomy during the reign of
the Julio­‍‑Claudian dynasty, as well as the extraordinarily consistent policy of Vespasian
and his successors, also with regard to Dalmatia. After all, the Sepeni inscription points
unanimously to the activities of the Flavians on the island. Moreover, Pliny the Elder
reports that ius Italicum habent (…) ex insulis Fertinates, Curictae (NH, III 139), and
hence before 77. This would mean that in both cases municipal autonomy was granted
by Vespasian. This by no means betokens “municipalisation” of the entire island, as at
least civitas Curictarum existed at the same time.30
In granting municipal rights to Scardona, Rider, Curicum and Fulfinium, Flavi‑
ans finalised the course of urbanisation of Dalmatia to date, a process which focused
on the coast.31 Still, their principal merit is seen, as remarked earlier, in embarking on

mitien sur l’acqueduc de Fulfinum, récemment découverte),” Vjesnik Arheološkog Muzeja u Zagrebu, 3. serija,
VIII (1974), pp. 47–55 [from the year 95]: Imp(erator) Caesar divi f(ilius) [Domitia/nus] Aug[ustus] p(ontifex)
m(aximus) tribuniciae / potestatis [XIIII] imp(erator) [XXII] consul [XVI] / censor perpetuus p(ater) p(atriae) /5
aquam Flaviam Augustam novis / fontibus collectis Flavio Fulfi/no induxit L(ucius) Sestius) Dexter / veteranus
coh(ortis) III praetoriae / de sua pecunia faciundum cu/10ravit.
27
G. Alföldy, “Municipes tibériens et claudiens en Liburnie,” Epigraphica XXIII (1961), in particular p. 65;
Idem, BevDalm, pp. 74–75; Wilkes, Dalmatia, pp. 197–199, 487–492.
28
Sanader, op. cit., p. 50 is exceedingly guarded in expressing her views, yet one might have the impression
that she is more in favour of the first solution.
29
Similarly L. Margetić, “Plinio e le comunità della Liburnia,” Atti Centro di Ricerche Storiche Rovigno 9
(1978–1979), pp. 301–358, in particular p. 321 [non vidi, quoted after Starac, op. cit., p. 81, who subscribes to
that point of view (pp. 81–82)].
30
CIL III 3126 (Veglia, Krk): splendidissima civitatis Curictarum (4th cent.).
31
The repeated attempts of the scholars to credit the Flavians with the legal elevation of Tarsatica (Trsat,
Rijeka, northern Liburnia), an oppidum mentioned in Pliny the Elder (NH, III 140), based on inscriptions CIL
III 14579 = P. Petrović, Inscriptions de la Mésie supérieure, vol. III/2 (Beograd, 1995), p. 88, no. 37, should
be considered as misguided; it should rather be assumed that it was Augustus who granted municipal rights
to Tarsatica; for an account of the debate see Pavan, op. cit., pp.  283–284; Alföldy, BevDalm, pp.  75–76
Flavian municipal foundations in Dalmatia 213

the urbanisation of the interior. Just as in the already discussed cases, it consisted in
promoting the existent indigenous settlements by granting them the status of a  Ro‑
man town (municipium). At least ten Flavian cities were established across Dalmatia
(coastline included) in like manner. Beginning with south­‍‑west, the locality to be men‑
tioned in the first place is Doclea (present day Duklja near Podgorica, Montenegro),32
one of Dalmatia’s most important cities.33 It was located on the territory of the tribe of
Docleatae,34 conquered by Octavian in 33 BC,35 who gained civitas status at the time.36
They are quoted by Pliny the Elder (NH, III 143, when describing conventus Naroni‑
tanus) and Ptolemy (II 16). Municipal rights were granted to Doclea by Titus, at the
latest.37 This may be borne out by an inscription in his honour, found in the area of the
antique city and founded by a quatuorvir38 with the nomen gentile of Flavius, assigned
to the Flavian tribus Quirina. The frequent occurrence of the nomen Flavius and tribus
Quirina in Doclea, in particular among the town’s elites, offers an indirect proof that
the locality was promoted in Flavian times.39 In the case of Doclea we are dealing with
one of the few municipia of Titus.

(“die städtische Autonomie von den Flaviern oder von Hadrian stammen zu lassen, haben wir keine Gründe”);
Wilkes, Dalmatia, pp. 195–196 (still, not excluding that Tarsatica received municipal rights from the Flavians
or Hadrian); L. Margetić, “Tarsatica,” Dometi 12 (1988), pp. 731–762 (non vidi); Starac, op. cit., pp. 77–78
(also presenting views of L. Margetić, who admits the possibility of a Flavian municipium); N. Novak, “Prilog
proučavanju municipaliteta antičke Tarsatike (A Contribution to the Study of the Municipality of the Ancient
Tarsatica),” (in:) Umjetnost na istočnoj obali Jadrana u kontekstu europske tradicije (Rijeka, 1993), pp. 53–56 (ana‑
lyzes inscription from Timacum Minus and rejects any kind of connection between the Thracian rider referred
to in the inscription with Tarsatica, and even less with its legal status).
32
Plinius, NH, III 143; RE V 1 (1903), pp.  1251–1252 (C. Patsch); PECS, p.  279; DNP 3 (1997),
pp. 721–722; P. Sticotti, Die römische Stadt Doclea in Montenegro (Wien, 1913) (Schriften der Balkankom‑
mission. Antiquarische Abteilung VI); Alföldy, BevDalm, pp. 50, 144, 177–178; Wilkes, Dalmatia, pp. 235,
259–261; Idem, “The Population,” p. 742; P. Mijović, M. Kovačević, Gradovi i utvrena u Crnoj Gori (Villes
fortifiées et forteresses au Montenegro) (Beograd–Ulicinj, 1975), pp. 42–46.
33
Mijović, Kovačević, op. cit., p. 43.
34
RE V 1 (1903), pp. 1252–1253 (C. Patsch).
35
Appian, Illyr., XVI 46.
36
A. and J. Šašel, Inscriptiones Latinae, quae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCMII et MCMXL repertae et editae
sunt (Ljubljana, 1986) (Situla 25), p. 145, no. 1853: princeps civitatis Docleatium; Alföldy, BevDalm, p. 50.
37
Alföldy, BevDalm, p. 144; Mijović, Kovačević, op. cit., p. 42 are rather inclined to point to Vespasian.
38
CIL III 12680 = 13818 = P. Sticotti, Die römische Stadt Doclea in Montenegro (Wien, 1913) (Schriften
der Balkankommission. Antiquarische Abteilung VI), p.  159, no. 9: Divo Tito / Aug(usto) / L(ucius) Flavius
Quir(ina tribu) / Epidianus / IIIIvir i(ure) d(icundo) q(uin)q(uennalis) ob honor(em); cf. CIL III 12682 = Sti‑
cotti, p.  159, no. 10: Divo / Traiano / d.d.; CIL III 12695 (+ p.  2253; Docleae) = Sticotti, p.  170, no.
26: M(arco) Flavio T(iti) f(ilio) Quir(ina tribu) / Frontoni sacerd(oti) / in coloniis Naron[a] et Epidauro IIviro
i(ure) d(icundo) / Iulio Risinio IIviro / q(uin)q(uennali) pontif(ici) in col(onia) / Scodra IIviro i(ure) d(icundo)
quinq(uennali) / flam(ini) [divi Titi] praef(ecto) fabr(um) / pleps / ex aere conlato.
39
CIL III 13827 = Sticotti, p. 159, no. 11; CIL III 12692 = 8287 + 13819 = Sticotti, p. 164, no. 21;
CIL III 13820 = 12693; 13821 = 12694 = Sticotti, p. 166–169, no. 23 (Monumentum Flaviorum); CIL III
12678 = 8287e = Sticotti, p. 169, no. 24; Sticotti, p. 169, no. 25; CIL III 12712 = Sticotti, p. 179, no.
51; CIL III 13834 = Sticotti, p. 179, no. 52; CIL III 13829 = Sticotti, p. 179, no. 53; CIL III 12696 +
142178 + Sticotti, p. 180, no. 57; CIL III 8287f; 12701 p. 2253 = Sticotti, p. 182, no. 63.
214 Leszek Mrozewicz

The valley of the Rama river, a  tributary of the Neretva, is the supposed locali‑
sation of the antique Bistue Vetus (Varvara near Prozor).40 In the epigraphic sources,
the locality features as municipium Bistuensium, and it has been identified with Bistue
Vetus, following the Tabula Peutingeriana, by Carl Patsch.41 There is no doubt that
Bistue Vetus was elevated to the rank of municipium by the Flavians: this is validated by
the inscriptions from the first half of the 1st century, which mention decurions and the
IIviri bearing the nomen gentile Flavius.42
By the same route from Salona to Argentaria, approximately 78 km north­‍‑west
from Sarajevo, in the area of the present day Zenica one finds the remains of another
town which Carl Patsch identified with Bistue Nova (Zenica on the Bosna), which is
also listed in the Tabula Peutingeriana.43 Its municipal status is confirmed in at least
five inscriptions, including three found in the immediate vicinity.44 They mention of‑
ficials and decurions of Bistue Nova, one from the gentilicium Flavius. A sacerdos Ur‑
bis Romae is also confirmed.45 In the inscription from Salona,46 one of the decurions,
P. Aelius Rastorianus, features also in the function of an IIvir and quinquennial of the
munic(ipiorum) [Bis]tuatium, and therefore both of Bistue Vetus and Nova.47 The con‑
text suggests that both cities — Vetus and Nova — received municipal rights at the
same time, that is from the Flavians.48

40
Pavan, op. cit., pp. 59–60; Alföldy, BevDalm, p. 156; Wilkes, Dalmatia, pp. 277, 290; Idem, “The
Population,” p. 742.
41
C. Patsch, “Archäologisch­‍‑epigraphische Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der römischen Provinz Dal‑
matia. Siebter Teil,” Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und Herzegowina 11 (1909), pp. 105–115, in
particular pp. 109–111: by the road Salona — Argentaria.
42
Šašel (as n. 36) no. 1753 (Prozor): D.M. / Ael(iae) Proc[u]/[l]ae [mat(ri)?] / T. Fl(avius) [……] /5 dec(urio)
m[un(icipii) Bist(uensium)] / IIvi[r……] / [-]; nr 1755 D.M. / T. F[l(avio)] Liciniani / dec(urioni) mun(icipii) /
Bis[t(uensium)] II vir(o) / defu[ncto] / an(norum) [ …..] / [-]; no. 1756 [T.] Fl(avio) [Li]cinio / de[c(urioni) (duo)]
vir(o) Bist(uensium) / [Fla]vii / [Licin]ianus /5 [et ….]ninanus / [pa]tri.
43
Patsch, as n. 41; recently, a notion has emerged that location of Bistue Nova should be sought in the area of
the present day Bugojno; the concept has been suggested by Ivo Bojanovski, see Sanader, op. cit., pp. 80–81.
44
CIL III 12761: D(is) M(anibus) / P. Ael(ius) Iustus / dec(urio) M(unicipii) Bist(uensium) / et Ael(ia) Procula
/ conix vivi sibi / posuerunt; 12765: D(is) M(anibus) / T(ito) Fl(avio) T(iti) f(ilio) Luci/o dec(urioni) mun(icipii)
/ Bis(tuensium) et Aurel(iae) / Proculae / Fl(avius) Procill(us) / av(us) f(ecit) et si/bi et suis; 12760: …ti IIv[iro
munic((ipii) B]ist(uae) sacerd(oti) [provi]nciae De[l]ma[tiae]…
45
CIL III 12767 (Zanica ad Bosnam): sacerdo]ti Urbis Romae…
46
CIL III 8783 (Kaštel Sućurac): D(is) M(anibus) / P(ublio) Ael(io) Rastariano / eq(uo) p(ublico) decur(ioni)
IIviro / et q(uin)q(uennali) munic(ipiorum) [Bis/tuatium dis[p(unctori) ci]/5vitat(is) Naron[ens(ium)] / q(uestori)
municip(ii) Pazina[tium] Splonistarum Ar[upin(orum)?] / et Ael[i]ae Procilli[anae?] defunct(ae) ann[…] / Albia
Crisp[ina coniugi] incompara[bili et fi]liae infelicissim[ae] et sibi; Wilkes, Dalmatia, p. 317, n. 3, line 7. reads as
suggested by W. Kubitschek (“Azinum,” Archäologisch­‍‑Epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Österreich­‍‑Ungarn XIII
(1890), pp. 109–112): municipp(iorum) Azina[tium…].
47
Wilkes, Dalmatia, p. 273.
48
See Pavan, op. cit., pp. 57–59; PECS, p. 999 s.v. “Zenica:” “family names (…) indicate that the inhabitants
received Roman citizenship under the Flavian emperors;” Alföldy, BevDalm, p. 156: “Etwa unter Hadrian be‑
stand also das Munizipium bereits, seine Gründung fand aber wohl eher schon in der Zeit der Flavier statt;” 201,
204; Wilkes, Dalmatia, p. 275: “The city was Flavian municipium and Flavian citizenship is common among
the leading families.”
Flavian municipal foundations in Dalmatia 215

Two Flavian municipia of unknown antique names are localized in eastern Bos‑
nia, in the basin of central Drina. Nowadays, these would be Rogatica and Skelani.
As regards the former,49 the situation is perfectly clear, as any doubt is dispelled by the
inscription which mentions a municipium Flavium, while a decurion to whom it refers
bears a gentilicium Flavius.50 The epigraphic material from Rogatica provides yet an‑
other Flavius, a representative of the urban elite; being an IIvir et q(uin)q(quennalis), he
founded a monument to Jupiter Optimus Maximus.51 Another duovir, this time bear‑
ing the nomen gentile Aelius appears on an inscription from the middle of the 2nd cen‑
tury, also a votive offering in honour of Jupiter.52
The name of ancient Rogatica remains a mystery. The tombstone inscription of
T. Claudius Maximus, where he is described as dec(urio) col(oniae) Ris(-)53 offers little
help. Research ruled out the possibility of reading the above as BIS(-), so the Bistue
municipia are out of the question. Purely theoretically, the abbreviation Ris(-) might
be read as Ris(inii), in which case it would refer to Risinium in southern Dalmatia
(Montenegro). Carl Patsch rejected the option unequivocally arguing, aptly enough,
that such abbreviation in an area so remote from Risinium is completely unwarranted.54
Hence, one is left with the mysterious colonia Ris(-), established, as might be presumed,
due to the elevation of the rank of the municipium in Rogatica;55 consequently, it would
have had to be named municipium Ris(-),56 provided that we are indeed dealing with
a local notable, not an outsider.

49
On Rogatica see Patsch, op. cit., pp. 181–183; E. Pašalić, Antička naselja i komunikacje u Bosni i Herce‑
govini (Sarajevo, 1960), pp. 71–72.
50
D. Sergejevski, “Rimski spomenici iz Bosne,” Spomenik LXVII (1933), p. 16, no. 20 = R. Marić, “Mu‑
niceps Municipii,” Živa Antika VIII 2 (1958), p. 332 = Šašel (as n. 36), p. 85, no. 1558 (Rudo): D(is) M(anibus)
/ T(itus) F(lavius) Silva/nus dec(urio) <m> / munic(ipii) Fl(avii); F. Papazoglou, “Le municipium Malvesa‑
tium et son territoire,” Živa Antika VII 1 (1957), p. 118; Alföldy, BevDalm, pp. 154, 161, notes 29, 204; Idem,
“Municipium Malvesatium,” (in:) RE Suppl. XI (1968), p. 1007; Šašel (as n. 36), pp. 49–50, n. 86; Wilkes,
Dalmatia, p. 281, n. 3; R. Zotović, Population and Economy of the Eastern Part of the Roman Province of Dal‑
matia (Oxford, 2002) (BAR International Series 1060), p. 23.
51
CIL III 8368 = 12747 (Rogatica): I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [?T(itus)] Fl(avius) Alba/[n]us IIvir / q(uin)
q(uennalis) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito); Patsch, op. cit., p. 183, no. 2.
52
CIL III 8366 (cf. p. 2127) = Šašel (as n. 36), p. 87, no. 1566 (Rogatica): I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / P.
Ael(ius) / Clemens / IIvir / v(otum) l(ibens) s(olvit); cf. Patsch, op. cit., p. 183, no. 1; the same in the inscription
CIL III 8376 = Šašel, no. 1567 (also a dedication to I.O.M.).
53
CIL III 2766 = 8369 = 12748 = Šašel (as n. 36), p. 88, no. 1571(Rogatica): D(is) M(anibus) / T(ito)
Cl(audio) Maxi/mo dec(urioni) / c(oloniae) Ris(-) / de( functo?) /5 [an(norum)?] LV t[..] / [-?]; Patsch (as n. 41),
pp. 181–183.
54
As above.
55
It seems the option was adopted by Anna and Jaro Šašel (as n. 36), see p. 87: “COLONIA RIS( ) — Ro‑
gatica.”
56
Cf. J. Wilkes’ suggestion (in:) Gnomon 53 (1981) (review of A. et J. Šašel, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in
Iugoslavia inter annos MCMLX et MCMLXX repertae et editae sunt, Lubljana 1978), p. 573: “a city at Rogatica,
perhaps municipium Ris( ), comprising territory south and west of Drina.”
216 Leszek Mrozewicz

Skelani, located on the Drina below Rogatica, also remains an anonymous city.57
Still, there is no doubt that a municipium was to be found there, which is confirmed in
epigraphic material. The most important text originates from 169. It is an inscription in
honour of T. Flavius Similis, a duovir and quinquennalis, carved in the base of a monu‑
ment erected by a son, T. Flavius Rufinus. Similis was dignified in an exceptional fash‑
ion, as following the resolution of the town council (decreto decurionum) his statue
was placed in a basilica, a greatly honourable site indeed.58 The ordo decurionum is also
confirmed in other inscriptions.59 The fact that the municipal offices were held by the
Flavii, as well as the relatively high number of persons with that gentilicium,60 compel
one to adopt the thesis that the municipium in Skelani was also established during the
Flavian times.61
The municipia in Rogatica and Skelani were found on the territory of the Dindari
tribe.62 An inscription found in Skelani mentions a princeps civitatis Dindariorum, dated
for the latter half of the 2nd century.63 The name of the tribe emerged only in the Roman
period, it is known to Pliny the Elder, who lists it among the civitates conventus Naronit‑
anus (III 143), as well as to Ptolemy (II 16, 5), which would indicate that the civitas was
created only after the Roman conquest. Just as in other cases, the municipia in Rogatica
and Skelani, as well as civitas Dindariorum, functioned as parallel entities.64
The list of the Flavian municipia65 in Dalmatia ends with the Liburnian Arupium66
(near Otočac, Lika polje) in Liburnia, in the area of the Iapydes.67 Among the Iapy‑
des, Arupini were one of the most numerous tribes. They were conquered by Octa‑

57
On Skelani: Patsch (as n. 41), pp. 140–177; Pašalić, op. cit., p. 74; Alföldy, BevDalm, p. 154; Wilkes,
Dalmatia, p. 280.
58
CIL III 1421910 = Patsch (as n. 41), p. 154, no. 20 (Skelani): T. Fl(avio) Simili IIviro / q(uin)q(uennali)
huic primo / ex ordine statuam / in basilicas posuit /5 et dedicavit eam / victima percussa / sportulis datis na/tale
Aug(usti) VI k(alendas) Maias / Q. Sos(io) Prisco P. Coel(io) Apollinare / co(n)s(ulibus) / T. Fl(avius) Rufinus
fil(ius) l(oco) / d(ato) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum); cf. Wilkes, Dalmatia, p. 280.
59
CIL III 142197 = Patsch, op. cit., p. 150, no. 16 (from the year 158); CIL III 12727 = Patsch, op. cit.,
pp. 150–152, no. 18 (from the years 213–217).
60
CIL III 1421912 = Patsch, op. cit., pp. 160–161, no. 29; CIL III 1421913 = Patsch, op. cit., pp. 158–159,
no. 70; CIL III 8350 (vicinity of Skelani).
61
Alföldy, BevDalm, pp. 154, 201; Wilkes, Dalmatia, p. 280; Zotović, op. cit., p. 23.
62
See Alföldy, “Einheimische Stämme,” pp. 194–195.
63
Patsch (as n. 41), p. 156, no. 22 (Skelani): [D(is) M(anibus)] / P. A[el(ius)? ]. / pri[nceps civ(itatis)] /
Dinda[rior(um)] /5 funct[us] / v(ivus) f(ecit) s(ibi) [et s(uis) poste]/ris[que eorum] / h(ic) s(itus) e(st).
64
Alföldy, BevDalm, p. 56; Wilkes, Dalmatia, p. 172.
65
G. Alföldy suggested another location to be considered a Flavian municipium, namely Pasinum, mentioned
in the inscription CIL III 8783 (Kaštel Sućurac) as municipium Pazina[tium], see above n. 46, associating it the
Pliny the Elder’s NH, III 140 civitas Pasini, see Idem, “Municipes tibériens et claudiens,” p. 65; Idem, BevDalm,
pp. 88, 96; leaving aside the question which reading of Rastorianus’ inscription is valid (Kubitschek, as above
n. 46; Wilkes, Dalmatia, p. 317; Starac, op. cit., p. 102), it seems that there is no direct cause to associate mu‑
nicipium Pazinatium with the Flavians as the inscription should be dated for the second half of the 2nd century.
66
Sanader, op. cit., pp. 64–65; not taken into account in A. Starac’s work.
67
RE II 2 (1896), p. 1491 (W. Tomaschek); Pavan, op. cit., pp. 39–41; Alföldy, BevDalm, pp. 160, 201;
Wilkes, Dalmatia, pp. 264–265, 290.
Flavian municipal foundations in Dalmatia 217

vian in 35.68 Bearing in mind the 97 dedicatory inscription in honour of Nerva, made
under a resolution of the decurion council,69 it is assumed that they received munici‑
pal status from the Flavians. Therefore, the municipium must have existed earlier. The
second text which attests to the municipal status of Arupium is the aforementioned
(note 46) inscription from Salona: P. Aelius Rastarianus to whom it refers, apart from
numerous functions in various cities of Dalmatia was also a quaestor of the municipii
Ar[upin(orum)?].
In conclusion, the fact that as many as ten municipia were called into being in
Dalmatia is indicative of the significance attached by the ruling dynasty to the prov‑
ince. Nevertheless, it should be remembered that as the sources go, only three of them
have been determined as indubitably Flavian: Skardona (municipium Flavia Scardona),
Fulfinium (municipium Flavium Fulfinium) and Rogatica (municipium Flavium). The
remaining are associated with the Flavii largely following a comparative examination of
the sources. The reasons which motivated the Flavians to establish municipia in Dalma‑
tia were certainly diverse. Undoubtedly, the foremost need was to meet the demands
of the army (allotment of land), reward the provinces who chose to stand by the new
dynasty, and finally impose taxation evenly on the entire populace. Another, or perhaps
the foremost objective was rational exploitation of the natural resources (metal ores), of
which abundance could be found in Dalmatia.70 The striving to streamline administra‑
tion and thus more effective governance of the province was a significant incentive.
We may assume that by and large, Flavian towns were given the ius Latinum, just as
it happened with Spain. The case of Rider demonstrates that it might have been the ius
Latinum minus. This would mean that Roman citizenship was obtained only by those
inhabitants who held official posts. The grantor intended that rising to the privilege in
that fashion be an incentive to become involved, also economically, for the benefit of
one’s community.
In turn, if we trust Pliny the Elder, then two cities, Curicum and Fulfonium on the
island of Curictae (Krk) in the north of Liburnia, was awarded the highest of privileges,
namely the ius Italicum. There is no telling why it received such a distinction. Perhaps
the proximity of Italy played a crucial role here or else it might have stemmed from
reasons of historical nature.
There is no doubt that the actions of the Flavians across Dalmatia concurred with
the transformations in other parts of the Empire. They combine into a logical whole,
in accordance with the adopted concept whose practical execution was pursued with
great consistency.

68
Appian, Illyr., 16; Strabo, IV 207; VII 314.
69
CIL III 3006 (Otočac): Imp(eratori) Caesar(i) Nerva[e] / Aug(usto) p(atri) p(atriae) [c]o(n)s(uli) III
d(ecreto) d(ecurionum); see Alföldy, BevDalm, p. 160.
70
See M. Zaninović, “The Economy of Roman Dalmatia,” (in:) ANRW II 6 (1977), pp. 767–809; recently
A. Škegro, “The Economy of Roman Dalmatia,” (in:) Dalmatia. Research in the Roman Province 1970–2001.
Papers in honour of J.J. Wilkes, pp. 149–173.
Within the Circle of Ancient Ideas and Virtues
Studies in Honour of Professor Maria Dzielska

List of Bibliographical Abbreviations

AA — Archäologischer Anzeiger
AB — Analecta Bollandiana
ACO — Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum
AÉp, AE — Année Épigraphique
AHB — Ancient History Bulletin = Revue d’histoire ancienne
AHC — Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum
AHR — American Historical Review
AION — Annali di archeologia e storia antica
AJA — American Journal of Archaeology
AJAH — American Jurnal of Ancient History
AMNG — Die antiken Münzen Nord-Griechenlands
AncSoc — Ancient Society
ANRW — Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt
AntAfr. — Antiquités africaines
ARG — Archiv für Religionsgeschichte
BAGB — Bulletin de l’Association Guillaume Budé
BCH — Bulletin de correspondance hellénique. Athènes
BE — Bulletin Épigraphique
BICS — Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
BJ — Bonner Jahrbücher
BMC — British Museum of Coins
BMCRR — Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum
BMGS — Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
BSAA — Bulletin de la Société Royale d’Archéologie d’Alexandrie
ByzSlav — Byzantinoslavica
ByzZ — Byzantinische Zeitschrift
CAH — Cambridge Ancient History
452 List of Bibliographical Abbreviations

CCG — Cahiers du Centre Gustave-Glotz


CFHB — Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae
ChHist — Church History: Studies in Christianity and Culture
CIL — Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
CJ — Classical Journal
C.J. — Codex Iustinianus
C&M — Classica et Mediaevalia
ColbyQ — Colby Quarterly
CQ — Classical Quarterly
CSCO — Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium
CSEL — Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
CSSH — Comparative Studies in Society and History
C.Th. — Codex Theodosianus
DK — Diels H., Gesamtedition der antiken griechischen Aristoteles-Kommentare
DKP, KlP, KP — Der kleine Pauly
DOP — Dumbarton Oaks Papers
EHR — The English Historical Review
EK — Encyklopedia katolicka
Eras — Eras Journal
FIRA — Fontes Iuris Romani ante-Iustiniani
FGH, FGrHist — Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker
GCS — Griechische Christliche Schriftsteller
GIBI (ГИБИ) — Gràcki izvori za bàlgarskata istorija (Fontes Graeci Historiae Bulgarice)
G&R — Greece and Rome
GRBS — Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies
HBE — Histoire du Bas Empire (E. Stein)
HJ — Historisches Jahrbuch
HZ — Historische Zeitschrift
IA — Inscriptiones Aquileiae
ICS — Illinois Classical Studies
IG — Inscriptiones Graecae
IID (ИИД) — Izvestija na Istoričeskoto Družestvo v Sofija
IK — Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien
ILLRP — Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae
ILS — Inscriptiones Latinae selectae
JAOS — Journal of the American Oriental Society
JbAC, JbACh — Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum
JECS — Journal of Early Christian Studies
JESHO — Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient
JHS — Journal of Hellenic Studies
JNES — Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JÖB, JbÖByz — Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik
JR — Journal of Religion
453

JRA — Journal of Roman Archaeology


JRS — Journal of Roman Studies
JThS — Journal of Theological Studies
KP, Kl.P — Der Kleine Pauly
LC — Letras Clássicas
LIBI (ЛИБИ) — Latinski izvori za bàlgarskata istorija (Fontes Latini Historiae
Bulgaricae)
LIMC — Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae
MEFRA — Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Antiquité
MEG — Medioevo greco: Rivista di storia e filologia bizantina
MGH, AA — Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctores Antiquissimi
MH — Museum Helveticum
MUSJ — Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph
NC — Numismatic Chronicle
NP — Der Neue Pauly. Enzyklopädie der Antike
NPNF — Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers
OC — Oriens Christianus
OCA — Orientalia Christiana Analecta
OCP — Orientalia Christiana Periodica
ODB — The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium
OGIS — Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae
PBSR — Papers of the British School of Rome
PCPhS — Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society
PECS — The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites
PG — Patrologia Graeca
PHist — Przegląd Historyczny
PIR — Prosopographia Imperii Romani
PL — Patrologia Latina
PLRE — The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire
PO — Patrologia Orientalis
PP — La parola del passato
P&P — Past and Present
PSRL — (= Полное собрание русских летописей): Polnoe sobranije russkich letopisej
PVL — (=Повесть временных лет): Povest’ vremennych let
QS — Quaderni di storia
RAC — Rivista di archeologia cristiana
RBi — Revue biblique
RbK — Reallexikon der byzantinischen Kunst
RCCM — Rivista di cultura classica e medioevale
RD — Revue historique de droit français et étranger
RDAC — Report of the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus
RE — Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft
REA — Revue des études anciennes
454 List of Bibliographical Abbreviations

REAug — Revue des études augustiniennes et patristiques


REByz — Revue des études byzantines
REG — Revue des études grecques
REJ — Revue des études juives
REL — Revue des études latines
RESE — Revue des études sud-est européennes
RGDA — Res Gestae Divi Augusti
RHL — Revue d’histoire et de littérature religieuses
RhM — Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
RIC — Roman Imperial Coinage
RÖ — Römisches Österreich: Jahresschrift der Österreichischen Gesellschaft für
Archäologie
RPC — Roman Provincial Coinage
RRC — Roman Republican Coinage
RSI — Rivista storica italiana
SAAC — Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization
SDHI — Studia et Documenta Historiae et Iuris
SEG — Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
SHA, HA — Scriptores Historiae Augustae
SIG — Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum
SNG — Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum
SRG — Sofiści i retorzy greccy (wyd. P. Janiszewski et alii)
TAPhA, TAPA — Transactions of the American Philological Association
ThesCRA — Thesaurus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum
ThZ — Theologische Zeitschrift
TIB — Tabula Imperii Byzantini
TM — Travaux et mémoires
T&MByz — Travaux et mémoires du Centre de recherche d’histoire et civilisation
byzantines
VChr — Vigiliae Christianae
VoxP — Vox Patrum
WS — Wiener Studien
YClS — Yale Classical Studies
ZAC — Zeitschrift für antikes Christentum
ZKG — Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte
ZNTW— Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren
Kirche
ZPE — Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik
ZRG RA — Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte — RA =
Romanistische Abteilung; KA = Kanonistische Abteilung
Within the Circle of Ancient Ideas and Virtues
Studies in Honour of Professor Maria Dzielska

CONTENTS

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Tabula Gratulatoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Bibliography of Maria Dzielska . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Jerzy Danielewicz, Mythological Figures and Dead Leaders as Teachers of Public Morals
and Traditional Values in Greek Old Comedy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Krystyna Bartol, Aletheia and Doxa in Pseudo-Hippocrates’ Epistolary Novel on
Democritus’ Laughter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Krzysztof Narecki, Key Concepts in the Thought of Leucippus of Miletus, the Forgotten
Founder of Atomism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Dariusz Słapek, Culture versus Nature. The Character of Roman Discourse on Scents
from Plautus to Pliny the Elder . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Stanisław Stabryła, Problématique de la critique littéraire dans les Satires d’Horace . . . . . . 51
Andrzej Iwo Szoka, The Indian Gymnosophists as the Ideal Cynic Philosophers? A Cynic
Diatribe in the Geneva Papyrus inv. 271 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Joanna Komorowska, Model Text, Model Reading? The Paradigmatic Character
of Proclus’ In Alcibiadem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Andrzej Wypustek, The Sleep of Eros in a Funerary Epigram from Tomis (Peek,
Griechische Vers-Inschriften no. 1942) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
Sławomir Sprawski, A Land Apart: The Description of Thessaly in the Homeric Catalogue
of Ships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .85
Adam Łukaszewicz, Improvised Remarks on Alexander the Great and his Heritage . . . . . 97
Tomasz Grabowski, The Cult of Arsinoe II in the Foreign Policy of the Ptolemies . . . . . . . 117
Marek J. Olbrycht, Parthians, Greek Culture and Beyond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Piotr Berdowski, Pietas Erga Patriam: Ideology and Politics in Rome in the Early First
Century BC. The Evidence From Coins and Glandes Inscriptae . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
Wojciech Boruch, Domitia Longina — The Portrait of a Woman in Ancient Sources . . . 161
Agata A. Kluczek, La patientia d’Hadrien et pietas d’Antonin ou les virtutes dans la
pratique de l’éloge impérial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
456 Contents

Katarzyna Balbuza, Virtutes and Abstract Ideas Propagated by Marcia Otacilia Severa.
Numismatic Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
Maciej Piegdoń, Viam fecei…ponteis…poseivei…forum aedisque poplicas heic fecei.
Political activity of M. Aemilius Lepidus in Northern Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
Leszek Mrozewicz, Flavian Municipal Foundations in Dalmatia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
Danuta Okoń, P. Cornelius Anullinus — amicus certus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
Joachim Śliwa, From the World of Gnostic Spells. The ιαεω-palindrome . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
Szymon Olszaniec, The Two Prefects of 384 — Symmachus and Praetextatus . . . . . . . . . . 233
Edward Watts, Hypatia’s Sisters: Female Philosophers in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries . . 243
Henryk Kowalski, The Impiety (Impietas) of the Christians? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251
Dariusz Spychała, Constantin Ier et ses successeurs à l’égard des religions traditionnelles
et du christianisme. Questions choisies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
Kazimierz Ilski, Gods of Constantine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275
Norbert Widok, Connotazione del lemma „physis” in riferimento al mondo creato negli
scritti di Gregorio Nazianzeno . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
Sławomir Bralewski, La philosophie pratiquée par les actes — une image du philosophe
dans l’Histoire ecclésiastique de Socrate de Constantinople . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297
Kamilla Twardowska, Religious Foundations of Empress Athenais Eudocia
in Palestine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
Michał Stachura, Church Unity, Schism, and Heresy in Late Antiquity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319
Rafał Kosiński, Why Peter the Iberian Could Not Have Been the Author of the Corpus
Dionysiacum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
Stanisław Turlej, Justinian’s Novela XI — A Historical Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341
Dimitar Y. Dimitrov, Thracians and Bessi in Late Antiquity: Questions of Survival,
Identity, and Religious Affiliations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361
Jan Prostko-Prostyński, Haruspices under the Walls of Toulouse in 439: Huns,
Romans or Etruscans? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 377
Małgorzata B. Leszka, Mirosław J. Leszka, Longinus of Cardala. Leader of Isaurian
Revolt (492–497) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391
Marek Wilczyński, Die „Heiden“ am Rande der Welt — die Kirche und die Überreste
des heidnischen Kultus im suewischen Galizien und Lusitanien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399
Teresa Wolińska, A Barbarian as Incarnation of Roman Virtues? Theodoric the Great
in Byzantine and Italian Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 411
Przemysław Marciniak, The Byzantine Performative Turn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 423
Maciej Salamon, Apollonius of Tyana and the Account of the Death of Oleg, the Ruler
of Rus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 431
Przemysław Wojciechowski, Theodor Mommsen: The Ides of March, Caesar
and Caesarism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445
List of Bibliographical Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451

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