FANGYAN GLEANINGS

Author(s): W. South Coblin

Source: Monumenta Serica, Vol. 37 (1986-1987), pp. 113-143
Published by: Monumenta Serica Institute
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 Mon. Ser. 37 (1986-87)

FANGYAN GLEANINGS

W. South Coblin
of Iowa
University

Signs and Abbreviations

* ReconstructedHan and WJ forms
** ReconstructedOC forms
EH EasternHan (A.D. 25-220)
EY Erya Alt (citedaccordingto Harvard-Yenching SinologicalIndexSeries,
Institute
SupplementNo. 8, Index to Erh Ya. Reprint,Ikipei, 1966)
FY Fangyan JjH (citedaccordingto Zhou 1951)
FYSZ Fangyanshuzheng^bBM of Dai Zhen J£S (edition:SBBY)
GS GrommataSerica (Karlgren,1940)
GSR GrommataSerica Recensa (Karlgren,1964)
GY GuangyunffiH
HS Honshu Stir (edition:Zhonghuashuju, Peking,1965)
JY JiyunH«
KGXB Kaogu xuebao #*««
MC Middle Chineseor AncientChinese
QHXB Qinghuaxuebao ?ÄP¥Ä
QY QieyunCöH
SBBY Sibu beiyao HfPiS^
SW Shuowenjiezi ÍftÜt»^
SWGL Shuowenjiezi gulin t£5C»í !È# (Ding 1928)
WH WesternHan (206 B.C.-A.D. 24)
WJ Wei-Jin§|# (264-419 A.D.)

Bibliography

Bodman,NicholasC. 1980. "Proto-Chinese and Sino-Tibetan:data towardsestablishing the

natureof therelationship,"Contributionsto HistoricalLinguistics:Issues and Materi-
als. Frans Van Coetsemand Linda Waugh,eds. Leiden. Pp. 34-199.
Coblin,W. South. 1974-5. "The Initialsof theWei-ChinPeriodas Revealedin the Phono-
logical Glosses of Kuo P'u and Others,"MS 31: 288-318.
. 1977-8. "The Initialsof the EasternHan Period as Reflectedin Phonological
Glosses,"MS 33: 207-247.
. 1978. "The Initialsof Xu Shen's Language as Reflectedin the ShuowenDuruo
Glosses,"JCL 6: 27-75.
. 1982. "Notes on the WesternHan Initials,"QHXB 14: 111-133.
113

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114 W. SOUTH COBLIN

. 1984. "The Finals of Yang Xiong's Language."JCL 12: 1-52.

Ding FubaoTifefö. 1928. Shuowenjiezi gulin Î&XM^IÈW. Shanghai.
Karlgren,Bernhard.1940. GrammataSerica. BMFEA 12: 1-471.
. 1954. "Compendiumof Phoneticsin Ancientand ArchaicChinese, BMFEA 26:
211-367.
. 1964. GrammataSerica Recensa. Stockholm.
Knechtges,D. R. 1977-8. "The Liu Hsin/YangHsiungCorrespondence on theFang Yen,"
MS 33: 309-325.
Li Fang-kuei$^S. 1971. "Shangguyinyanjiu" ±*#W% , QHXB 9: 1-60.
. 1976. "Jigeshanggushengmuwenti"^fl±^S®P^S, Jianggong shishizhounian
jinianlunwenjiWAì&WM^fàikmXm.Taipei.Pp. 1143-1150.
Long Hui fËBft.1975. "Mawangduichutu 'Laozi* yibenqianguyishutanyuan"JizEi#£B±
<^::f>&*SÍÍ*ft«fflS, KGXB 1975.2:23-31.
Luo ChangpeiMSfê and Zhou Zumo MlÜaS. 1958.Han-Wei-Jin Nanbeichaoyunbuyan-
. Peking.
bianyanjiuSt»#iiï:ibîBtiSaWFF3fc
"
Mei, T. L. 1979. "Sino-Tibetan'Year', 'Month',and 'Vulva', QHXB 12: 117-133.
. 1980. "A CommonEtymonfor ¿ chihand Ä ch'i and RelatedProblemsin Old
ChinesePhonology."Paper presentedat the InternationalConferenceon Sinology,
AcademiaSinica, 1980.
Miller,RoyA. 1975. "The Far East," CurrentTrendsin Linguistics,vol. 13, pp. 1213-1264.
Serruys,Paul L-M. 1952. "The Names of the Lizard in the Old ChineseDialects,"Orbis 1:
489-499.
. 1953. "The Name forthe Wildcatin Fang Yen," Oriens6: 354-371.
. 1955. "Prolegomenato the Studyof the ChineseDialectsof Han Time According
to Fang Yen." UnpublishedDoctoralDissertation, Universityof California,Berkeley.
. 1958. "The Wordfor 'Salt' in Shuo Wen,"Oriens 11: 203-223.
. 1959. The ChineseDialects of Han TimeAccordingto Fang Yen. Berkeley.
. lvou, lyoz, lyov. %%Jhive
word studieson tang Yen: Fart i: Mo iy: 114-zu»; Fart
^ S^. ^ ^V ^ ¿1. ^ ^k ^ ^V ^ ÊÊÊM +* W>^ • WWW « ^<M . « • wm w - •• w^. . ^ <M ^ ^m ^ *^ ^ * » ^k. ^V ¿^ '^■^

II: MS 21: 222-319; Part III: MS 26: 255-285.

Ting, Pang-hsin.1975. ChinesePhonologyof the Wei-ChinPeriod: Reconstruction of the
Finals as Reflectedin Poetry.Instituteof Historyand Philology,Academia Sinica,
Special Publication,no. 65. Taipei.
Zhou Zumo iüfiÜ. 1951.Fangyanjiaojian ji tongjian^WR^RSfè [Indexdu Fang-yen
(Texteétablipar TcheouTsou-mo)].Université de Paris,Centred'étudessinologiques
de Pékin.

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 115

I. INTRODUCTION

The FY occupiesa unique positionamong earlyChineselexicographical worksin

thatit specifically and
collects annotatesregionalor words
dialectal and expressions.
The potentialvalue of the textas a sourceof information on late WH Chinese
dialectshas longbeen recognizedand has been exploitedin variouswaysin a num-
ber of traditionaland modernstudies.The possibilitythat the FY may contain
dialectcognateswhichcould be comparedand used to reconstruct earlierancestral
formshas been extensively exploredby Serruysin a book (1959) and a numberof
articles.1The work of Serruyshas been severelycriticisedby Miller (1975:
1222-23), who has arguedthatthe dialectformscomparedby Serruyscannotbe
assumedto be historically cognatesimplybecausetheyare associatedin theFY text.
Many may,he feels,be unrelateddialectsynonyms.
In consideringthe different stancesof Serruysand Millerwe may beginby
noting that the criteriaunderlying the selectionof dialectwordsin FY are nowhere
specifiedin the workitself.My own belief,based on close inspectionof the text,
is that manyor most of the entriesare of the 'bucket'/'pail'type and are not
geneticallyrelated.If thisis so thenit wouldsuggestthattheFY compilerwas pri-
marily interested in assemblingand determining theregionaloriginsof whathe felt
to be "different"wordsforthesamethings.This assumptionwouldseemto support
Miller'sindictment of Serruys'approachto theFY textand discouragefurther com-
parativephonologicalstudies.But thematteris not so easilyresolved,fortherecan
in factbe littledoubtthatthe FY does containa numberof truecognatesets of
thetypeenvisagedby Serruys.A well-known and generallyacceptedexampleis the
pair of words in FY 11/12meaning fly'(see # 37 in sectionV below).Such cases,
'a
fewthoughtheymay be, are worthyof our attention.

It is probablethat everyonewho has workedwithFY has his own list of

putativecognates.What is presentedin sectionV below is mylist. It is, I believe,
fairlyconservative;but at certainpointsI havemade bold to includedoubtfulcases
on the groundthatin futureit maybe easierto excludefalsecognatesetsthanto
retrievelost ones. MC and WH reconstructions are givenforall entriesin section
V, and in sectionVI some rudimentary comparisonsare attempted.Nothingso
ambitiousas an actual reconstruction of proto-forms has been undertaken.It is
hoped that the gleaningsassembledhere may,afterpruningand emendation,in
some way advance our understanding of Han dialectology.

1) A list of thesestudieswill be foundin the bibliography

of the presentpaper.

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116 W. SOUTH COBLIN

II. AUTHORSHIP AND COMPOSITION OF FY

2.1 The FY is traditionallyattributedto Yang Xiong ffl&, whose authorship of

the texthas been convincinglyestablishedby Serruys(1955).2 Yang Xiong (53 B.C.-
18 A.D.; HS biography,HS 87A, B, C: 3513-3587) was a native of Chengdu $c#i$
in Shu So. He was over fortywhen he left this area and went to Chang-an g:$!
(HS 87C: 3583), wherehe spentthe restof his life.Yang must have spoken the dialect
of his native place, and it is probable that he was also familiar with the language
of the capital.

2.2 The nature and content of the FY text have been thoroughlydiscussed by
Serruys(1955, Chap. I).3 Here we need only note that, in addition to those passag-
es which specificallydeal with dialect material, there are others which are "non-
dialectal" in content. Most of these occur in chapters 12 and 13 of the text, but
they occasionally appear in other sections as well.

The primaryevidence regardingthe way in which the FY was compiled comes

fromYang Xiong's famous letterto Liu Xin Sltfc, appended to most currentedi-
tions of the text.4 The passage in question is translated by Knechtges (1977-8:
316-17) as follows:
. . .whenever
Presenters of AnnualAccountsand the "Filial and Incorrupt"fromthe
variouspartsof the empireas wellas the interiorcommandery military officerscon-
venedat thecapital,I alwaystookmythree-inch softbrush,["and" ? WSC] provided5
myselfwitha four-foot piece of oiled whitesilk in orderto ask themabout unusual
expressions.As soon as I returnedhome I used lead to make extracts6 and arrange
themon tablets.It has nowbeentwenty-seven yearsthatI havebeen doingthis.Occa-
sionallyexpressionsand wordsweremixedup or contradicted each other,and thenI
repeatedlydiscussedthem and mulled them over, and collectedall I could in detailto
settleany doubts.

2) The problemhas also been reviewedby Knechtges(1977-8).

3) Thisdiscussiondoes notappearin Serruys(1959)and has unfortunately neverbeenpublished.
4) Considerablecontroversy surrounds theauthenticityof the "appendedletters."Serruys(1955)
and Knechtges(1977-8) argueconvincingly thattheyare genuine.
5) For ji Uf Knechtges(op. cit., note 44) translates"providedmyself"fromthe word'sbasic
sense,'to furnish*.I preferto takeit in thesense'to hold,takealongwith'whichis attestedin various
Han texts.It is of coursepossiblethatthelattersenseis derivedetymologically fromthe formerone.
6) The syllablesqian IB1and zhe fi§ heremaybe identifiablewith theterm qianzhewhichoccurs
in Six Dynastiestextsmeaning'to correctwithlead'. Lead was used as a correctingand erasingmedium
in Han times.On the use of zhe in the sense 'to correct,put in order (< to pluck,prune?)'see SW
(SWGL 5430a-b).

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 117

Fromthisaccountwe mayforma pictureof how YangXiong carriedon his

dialectstudies.Firstof all it is clearthathe workedwith"informants," and we can
concludethatthesepeople wereforthe most part educatedupper-classspeakers.
How he proceededin his inquiriesabout "unusual expressions"is uncertain.It is
entirelypossiblethathe simplyasked"whatcharacter"an informant used fora cer-
tainthingand was shownin replya particulargraph,in some cases a familiarone
and in othersan "unusual" one, perhapsthe informant's own inventionor some
locallycurrentscriptform.It is equallypossiblethatin manycases Yang received
as his answera spokenform,eitherbecausehe had askedhow his informant "said"
a particularthing,or because the informant knewno graphforthe wordhe was
to
attempting convey. The fact that in FY we finda considerablenumberof common
graphsused in senseswhichare elsewhereunattestedstrongly suggeststhatYang's
collectingof dialect words sometimes involved"transcription" of spoken forms,
eitheron his own part or thatof his informants. As an examplewe may citeFY
2/8 (#81 below) wherefe (MC si), usual meaning:'private',is glossedas 'small'
and is probablya westerndialectformof ftfl (MC siei-) 'small, minute'.

A questionof considerableinterest is thatof how YangXiong formulated the

wordlistswhichservedas the basis forhis "survey"of dialectforms.Thereis evi-
dencethatin manycases he tookavailablelexicographical works,commentaries, etc.
as his pointof departure.For example,thereare unmistakably close linksbetween
FY and EY. FY 1/4 £;J ,#f, t&ft--is identicalwithEY IB/103,withthe exception
that,after the basic word equationis given,FY adds dialectnoteson $}' and #P.
An exampleof a more extensivecorrespondence, involvingseveralFY and EY
entries,is the following:
FY EY
1/12 Sfc,M,PI,^,tt, 1A/3 -ßE-i!g-#-£-

$< fà ^iÈ" (The oriêinalEY Passage is

quite long, containingthirty-
nine glossedwords.)
1/13 <§,*&,«,«,£, 1A/5 ìg.SI.S.SJ.JÈb,*,^,
MM , £tì- « , ft,M,.« ,« ,» , Mill
i/h «, as, m,a, am- ia/6 &,»,;£,«,*&, as, ffim
Examplesof thistypesuggestthatYang Xiong's concernwithdialectwordsmay
have been intimatelyconnectedwithhis interestin listsof glossedwordssuch as
thosefoundin EY. He may,at theoutset,havesuspectedthatthesecontainedmany
dialect synonyms.It is possible that he began his work on FY by investigating
passagessuchas E Y IA/3. Havingidentified all dialectmaterialin thelist,he may
then have supplementedhis findingswith furtherdialect synonymswhich were

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118 W. SOUTH COBLIN

not partof theoriginalEY passage.Close correspondences of thetypeexemplified

herecan also be foundbetweenFY and the Mao commentary on Shijing i#IS . It
is highlyprobablethata detailedinvestigation
of therelationshipsbetweenFY and
othertextsof WH or earliertimeswouldyieldmuchof interest regarding the way
in whichtheFY textwas compiled.Such a studyunfortunately lies beyondthescope
of the presentpaper.

HI. PHONOLOGICAL RECONSTRUCTIONS

MC reconstructions used in thispaperfollowKarlgren(1954and GSR) as emended

by Li (1971:4-7), withthe followingfurther revisions:
1. '- will be writtenas 9-.
2. a and S will be writtenas 9.
3. ë will be writtenas e.
4. Medial -u- will be writtenas -w-.
WJ reconstructions followCoblin (1974-5) forthe initialsand Ting (1975) forthe
finals,withtheexception thatall labialized(i.e. hekou ^P ) syllableswillbe written
with*-w-. OC formsare reconstructed accordingto Li (1971 and 1976).
MC reconstructionsare givenforall dialectformslistedin sectionV. However,
it is clearthatwhatis neededfora cogentdiscussionof phonologicalquestionsin
thedata is a Han-timereconstruction. Thisraisesthequestionof whatsortof sound
system the
underlies "transcriptions" in FY. If, as we havehypothesized,
used Yang
Xiong may sometimeshave "transcribed" in charactersthe spokenformselicited
fromhis "informants," thenwhatdid he adoptas the"basic readings"of thesechar-
acters?Did he take the sound systemof his own dialectas basis? Or did he rely
on some sort of WH standardwithwhichall educatedindividualsin the capital
area mightbe expectedto be familiar?These are questionswhichwe cannotnow
answerand whichmayneverbe resolved.But, such uncertainties notwithstanding,
it stillseemsworthwhile to utilizea Han reconstructionin dealingwiththe data in
sectionV. The reconstruction to be used hereis one developedforthe dialectof
YangXionghimself.This system,along withcertaindepartures whichwillbe made
fromit, will now be brieflyoutlined.

Materialsfromtheworksof YangXionghavebeenused,alongwithdata from

manyothersources,to makea provisionalreconstruction of theinitialsof theWH
period (Coblin 1982). The followingsystemof initialscan be reconstructed for
Yang's dialect:

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 119

Labials p ph b m hm
Dentals t th d n 1
Sibilants ts tsh dz s sh z
Gutturals k kh g ng h ?

Due to thepaucityof data on theWH initialsthissystemis necessarily

sketchy.
Severalcommentson it seemnecessaryhere.MC yï- interchanges withsibilantsin
theYangXiongmaterialsand in certainotherlate WH sources.I restoreit forthese
dialectsas WH *z-, followeddirectly by vowelsor by medial*-w-. Where*z-
*
is followedbymedial -j- it yieldsMC z- . In otherWH materialsMCy/- inter-
changesprimarily withdentalstops,and I reconstruct it thereas V-, modelled
on Li's OC **r- , a dentalflappedconsonant.I thinkit possiblethatYangadhered
to his own "sibilantreading"forthisinitialin compilingFY. MC s- interchanges
withsibilantsin theYangXiong data. It was probablya voicelessfricative of some
sortand musthave differed fromWH *s- (> MC s-). My guess is thatit was
an aspirateds- (transcribed hereas *sh~) of the sortfoundin contrastwithplain
s- in variousSoutheastAsian languagesand in certaintypesof Amdo Tibetan.
In otherWH materials,MC s- interchanges withdentalstops;and I have conse-
quentlyrestored it thereas *hrj- (< Li's OC **hrj-). WhetherYangpreferred the
"sibilantreading"or the "stop reading"in his dialectworkseemsuncertainand is
a questionwhichmustbe consideredin dealingwiththe FY data.

A cluster,*sm- (> MC s-)9 can be reconstructed forYang's language.In

otherWH dialectsone can also posit *gl- (> MC /-), but thereis no evidence
forthisclusterin the YangXiong data. Thereis supportforthe reconstruction of
*gl- in a number of EH dialects(Coblin 1977-8; 1978); and I believeit mayhave
been presentin Yang Xiong's language,in spiteof the lack of directevidencefor
it. Wordsforwhichthisclustermightbe reconstructed in otherdialectswillbe writ-
ten with*(g)l- here.Wherethe MC palatals,ts-, etc.,interchange withvelarsin
theWH data I reconstruct theformer as *kfr)j-,etc.Thereare no suchinterchanges
in the YangXiong data. It seemsuncertainwhethersuch earliervelarshad merged
withthe WH dentalsin Yang's languageor werestilldistinctand are simplynot
reflectedin the data.

A generalreconstruction forthe finalsof the WH period,based on the rime

data of Luo and Zhou (1958),has been proposedby Ting (1975). Rime,loan-graph,
and paronomastic data havebeenused to reconstruct thefinalsof YangXiong'slan-
guage (Coblin, 1984). The followingis a summaryof the finalconsonants,vowels,
and mediaisreconstructed for Yang's dialect:

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120 W. SOUTH COBLIN

A. Consonants

Velars k h ng
Labiovelare kw hw ngw
Dental t

B. Vowels

Oral Nasalized
i u
- -

ã ã

C. Mediais

I -j- -w- -r-

Final *-p and *-m are absent from this system. Where MC has -p and
-m, Yang's language may have had ♦-*■ and *-ng. This was a peculiarityof the
Shu Hg dialect which seems to have distinguishedthis language fromother WH dia-
lects including,presumably,the WH standard language. All words reconstructedin
section V with the finals in question are also given alternate*-p and *-m recon-
structionsbased on Ting's WH system.Open nasalized finals are reconstructedhere
for syllables having MC -/i. Preliminarystudies of several other WH dialects
indicate that these probably had final -n in the syllables in question. Whetherwe
should read * - v or * - vn for the FY examples seems uncertain.

The MC tone categories will be representedas follows in the MC, WJ, and
Han reconstructions:

Ping ¿p Shang _t Qu ^ Ru A
no symbol : - no symbol

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 121

IV. THE WH DIALECTS

FY is an invaluablesourceof information on late WH dialects.By analyzingthe

geographicalterminology in thetextit is possibleto ascertainwithsurprising preci-
sion whatthe dialectareas of the earlyfirstcenturywere.Then, on the basis of
sharedvocabularyitems,one can determinewhich areas represented subdialects
withinthemajor dialectgroupings.Luo and Zhou (1958: 72) havebrieflydiscussed
theFY terminology, but thedefinitivetreatment of it is thatof Serruys(1959: 77-
100). We shall now summarizeand slightlymodifyhis proposal(pp. 98-9) fora
six-groupdivisionof FY dialectareas:7
1. WesternDialects: Guanxi |SS8 - Qin ^, Jin#,9 Liang-Yi ^&, Shu-Han

2. CentralDialects: Guandong |S^ in general

(a) WesternGroup: Zhou 1 , Zheng f$, Luo fë, Han ft, Wei IS,10 Zhao
ÍÍ11
(b) EasternGroup: Song-Weih5fcfà,Lu #, Qi ^
3. NorthernDialects: Yan 5$, Dai ft, Bei Yan itM
4. EasternDialects: Dong Qi J|C^, Haidai *t&, Huai <t, (Xu i£)12
5. SoutheasternDialects: Wu ^, Yang J§, Yue &
6. SouthernDialects:
(a) NorthernType:Chen S, northpart of Chu g
(b) EasternType:Jiang-HuaiiLfë
(c) SouthernType:southernpart of Chu, Nan Chu SÎ2É

7) The followingconventionalspellingsare adopted forthe names of two dialectareas: flÇ

Weih, ^c Yanh.
8) Serruys(1959: 80-81) remarksthat the westerndialectsdesignatedby the generalterm
Guanxi,"Westof the(Hangu ¡Si£ ) Pass," forma fairlyuniformblock. On theotherhand,theterm
Guandong,"East of the (Hangu) Pass" does not implya unityof thissort,forit can refereitherto
the non-western dialectsas a groupor to smallerunitslimitedby othereasternareas.
9) Serruys(1959:86-87) notesthatthepositionof Jinin theclassification
is somewhatambigu-
ous. Thoughit had beenalmostcompletely absorbedbytheQin dialect,occasionalcontactsrevealaffin-
itieswiththe northern dialects.For thisreasonhe places it in both the western
and the northeastern
and northern groups.Luo and Zhou assignit exclusively to the westerngroup,and I followthem.
withtheZhou ZhengLuo Han group
10) Serruys(1959:88) remarksthatWeihas close affinities
of centraldialects.
11)Zhao seemsto havebeen a pivotalarea. Serruysgroupsit withthenortheastdialects,while
Luo and Zhou place it withWei. In Serruys'tabulation(1959: 87) it has eighteencontactswithWei
and thecentraldialectsand thirteen withthe northern and northeastern group.For thisreasonI ten-
tativelyplace it withWei among the centraldialects.The pointis problematical.
12) Huai and Xu seemto haveoccupiedverymuchthesame area. See Serruys(1959:206, Map
4; and Endpaper).

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122 W. SOUTH COBLIN

The geographicallocationsof the FY dialectareas can be seen in Map 1, which

is a muchsimplified modifiedversionof Serruys(1959:Endpaper).Map
and slightly
2 showsthe approximateboundariesof the six major dialectgroups.

In additionto the regionalnames discussedabove, the followingtermsalso

appear in the examplescitedin sectionV:
Bin ÔP: A place located approximately 115 kilometers
north-west of Chang-an,in
the Qin area.
Chaoxian H$$: An area corresponding approximately to the northernpart of
modernKorea.
Daye :*J?: A swampyregionin the west-central part of the Song area.
FormerCapitals of Qin and Jin: The areas around FufengìfcJH,Shaanxi and
Taiyuan^H , Shanxi respectively.
He Ji fcfi&: The area betweentheYellowand Jirivers;a stripof territorystretching
fromWeihthroughQi to the Bohai.
Heng $r : The area aroundMt. Heng, approximately 100 kilometers southof mod-
ern Changsha.
Ji X: An area roughlyencompassingZhao and Wei.
JiangMian tCffi : The area betweentheYangtzeand Mian rivers;thelatteris a west-
ern tributary of the Han River and flowsroughlyparallel to the Yangtze
through the southern part of Shaanxi.
JiangXiang 03 : The area betweenthe Yangtzeand Xiang rivers.
JingM : A poorlydefinedarea in Chu, stretching both northand south of the
Yangtzeriver.See Serruys(1959: 93-4).
JiuyifiU : The area aroundthe JiuyiMts., approximately 250 kilometerssouthof
Changsha.
Lieshui $|?k: A riverin Chaoxian.Exact locationdisputed.See Serruys(1959: 83).
Ru itfc:The Ru Riverand its watershed;northernpart of the Chu area.
Ruyingféc£I : The regionbetweentheRu and Ying rivers;northern partof theChu
area.
Tang Sr: A place near modernTaiyuan,Shanxi.
Xi Long g§ßü: WesternLong, an area in the easternpart of modernGansu.
Yanh^¿ : An area encompassingWeih,Song, and perhapsalso Chen.
Yuan Xiang Önjffi : The area betweenthe Yuan and Xiang rivers;centralpart of
Hunan.

V. THE DATA

The examplesin this sectionhave been selectedbecause theymay throwlighton

whichdistinguished
characteristics the variousWH dialects.For this reason,with

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 123

fShuÍ Ha^'~°/7K^"x^cÄng- J^'^^^^É

'^
'o > Liang > AAuai"V
Zí^U ^^^^^

Map 1
Early EH Dialect Areas according to FY
(Based on Serruys 1959: Endpaper)

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124 W. SOUTH COBLIN

'^ / {. / r^Northe^n s (°

Map 2
Major EH Dialect Groupsaccordingto FY

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 125

one exception, only sets containing words from differentdialects are cited. There
are in FY a numberof sets which consist exclusivelyof two or more synonymsfrom
the same dialect area. These are worthyof study in their own rightbut lie beyond
the scope of the present paper.13

As a workinghypothesisit has been assumed that the glossing words in the

various FY entriesare themselvesrepresentative of a "dialect," which may have been
the WH standard language. In a number of cases there is direct evidence for this
in the FY text. The followingtwo occur in our data: #s 41 and 73. In nine cases
(i.e. #s 5, 6, 14, 58, 64, 69, 74, 81, 88) words not mentioned in the FY passage
but known to be currentin WH textsare suggestedas possible "standard" cognates.

Entries in the data are arrangedalphabeticallyby English gloss and numbered

consecutively.Each English gloss is followed by the chapter and section number in
which the passage occurs in Zhou (1951). Notes to the data follow each entry.The
followingabbreviations and conventional spellings are used in the data:
alt. Alternateform.These formsare introducedby the phraseshuo yue äcfEI"some
say...," huo wei zhi acf!;¿ "some call it...," etc.
ChChu Chen Chu fó£
DgQi Dong Qi j^^
G Gloss word.Wordused to gloss otherwordsin a FY entry.
Gndng Guandong ifi^, zi guan er dong ggflffn^,etc.
Gnxi Guanxi |flg§ , zi guan er xi g UffaS , etc.
Guo Guo Pu H$g| (276-324), authorof the earliestextantFY commentary.
HD Haidai ¿gt&
NChu Nan Chu SS
QJin Qin Jin ^#
SgLu Song Lu 5fc#
SgWeih Song Weih %%
St. Standardlanguageform.These formsare referred to as tongyu iifg, tongming
S^i , etc. in the text.

1. 'abundant, luxuriant' 2/2

A. G: Ü phjung < *phjangw
B. Gnxi, QJin: (1) Ü mung, mung: < *muang, muang:; (2) (alt.) M màng
< *mruang
2. 'to aid' 6/7
A. Wu Yue: ^ sjwo < *sjah
B. Bei Yan: È jiau < *zahw

13) One exampleof thistype,#38, is citedin thedata on thegroundsthatit maybe possible

to distinguishareallythe formscitedin it.

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126 W. SOUTH COBLIN

3. 'angry'2/20
A. Chu: m Yäi- < *griat-
B. Chen: *f ya < *gai
4. 'to arrive'1/13
A. Bin Tang Ji Yanh: (1) fë ka: < *krah:;(2) (alt.) fë k*k < *krak
B. Qi and Chu (intermediate area): (alt.) If ywãi < *grwai
C. Song: m käi- < *kn>t-
5. 'basket' 13/142
A. NChu, JiangMian: m btrng< *brang
B. possibleSt. cognate: ft lung,lung: < *(g)luang,(g)luang:
6. 'basketfor silkworms'13/141
A. G: SÌ kjwo: < *kjah:
B. JiangMian: & jiwo1 < *zah
C. Zhao Dai: H thâu < *thahw
D. NChu: m bu:, lju: < *luah:, ljuah:
E. possibleSt. cognate: % kjwo: < *k(l)jah:
in JY.
1) Guo reads WJ *ijo (> MC jiwo), and this readingis also given
7. 'beautiful(sc. physicalappearance)'2/4
A. SgWeih:it jiäp < *zak/WH St. zap
B. ChChu, Ruying: % jiäk < *zak
8. 'bed' 5/36
A. Qi Lu: Ä tsek < *tsriak
B. ChChu: (alt.) % tsï:, tsi: < "tsrjsh:,tsrjisi:
9. 'beverage,liquid' 3/7
A. G, Gnxi: ft tsjap < *tJ9k/WH St. tjap (< *k(r)j-7)
B. Gndng: fS yiep < *giak/WHSt. giap
C. Bei Yan,Chaoxian,Lieshui: U tsjam< *tJ9ng/WH St. tjsm(< *k(r)j-?)
10. 'big' 1/21
A. St.: ^f ju < *gjwah
B. Qi Song: S gjwo: < *gjah:
C. CentralQi, WesternChu: lï xju < *hjwah
11. 'big (sc. humanframe)'1/12
A. QJin:(1) ^ dzâng: < *dzang:;(2) (alt.) ftt tsjang- < *tsrjang-
B. Yan (northern areas): }$ tsjang,tsjang-
part),Qi and Chu (intermediate
< *tsjang,tsjang-
12. 'big, long (sc. humanhead)' 2/2
A. Yan: if djwo:, dzjwo:, dzjwo- < *drjah:,djah:, djak-
B. Chu: if jiwo1 < *zah
WH *zjah:.
1) Guo reads WJ *zjo: (> MC tjwo:) forwhichwe would posit

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 127

13. 'big, to boast (< make big)' 1/21

A. Gnxi, QJin: % ya: < *grah:
B. Zhou Zheng: m ka: < *krah:
14. 'broken,smashed(se. a vessel)' 6/34
A. DgQi: g[ phje, phje- < *phjiai,phjiai-
B. NChu: M phi, bi < *phjiai,bjiai
C. possibleSt. cognate:JRphwâ- < *phai-
15. 'cheerful,pleased' 3/13
A. Gndng:(alt.) Bi xieu: < *hiahw:
B. Song Zheng Zhou Luo Han Wei: i£ khwo: < *khah:
C. DgQi, HD: t£ Yau- < *grakw-
16. 'a chess-likegame' 5/41
A. G, QJin:U pâk < *pak
B. Wu Chu: (alt.) M pjäi- < *pjiat-
17. 'chicken'8/4
A. G: Ü kiei < *kiai
B. ChChu, Song Wei:Ü Iftbiekgjie < *biak gjiai
18. 'cicada' 11/2
A. G: 4P zjän: < *dja:
B. SgWeih:ígíS dâng dieu < *dang diahw
C. Chen Zheng: jfllijgjlâng dieu < *lang diohw
19. 'clever'1/2
A. G: Ü yiwei-< *giwot-
B. Gndng,Zhao Wei: (1) g yãt < *griat;(2) (alt.) % kjwei: < *kjwai:
20. 'to coverup' 6/43
A. JingChu: fê ^m: < *^9ng:/WHSt. ^m:
B. Wu Yang: J$ ?jäm: < *?jiang:/WHSt. ?jiam:
21. 'crupper'9/17
A. Gndng,Zhou Luo Han Zheng,Ruying:(alt.) ^$j) khjwokdâu < khjuak
dahw
B. Gnxi: If djau: < *drj9hw:
22. 'cuckoo' (1) 8/6
A. G, Gnxi: ^S pwo- kuk < *pak- kuak
B. Zhou Wei: *1£ kiek kuk < *kiak kuak
C. Gndng,Liang Chu: jfêfÊkiet kâu- < *kbt kakw-
23. 'cuckoo' (2) 8/9
A. Gndng: $&% toi-ñzjsm < *t9k-njsng/WHSt. njsm
B. DgQi, HD: ^S tsi- nom < *tak-nsng/WHSt. nom
C. DgQi, Wu Yang: % nzjam < *njong/WHSt. njam
24. 'difficulty;
to worryabout (< considerdifficult)'6/6
A. area east and westof theTaihang±fr Mts., JingWu: M tjän: < *trjã:

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128 W. SOUTH COBLIN

B. QJin: If dân- < *dã-

C. Qi Lu: #ptájan:, táhjan: < *tjã:, thjã:
25. 'dove, pigeon' 8/8
A. G: Al kj3u < *kjshw
B. Gndng,outskirts of Zhou and Zheng,capitalsof Han and Wei: II || lang
kâu < *lang kahw
C. Gnxi,area betweenQin and the Han 3t River: 1^11 kjuk~gjukkjsu <
*kj3kw~gjakwkjahw
26. 'to drawout, extend'6/35
A. Qin: ¿g mjen < *mjiã
B. Zhao: U mjiän < *mjiã
27. 'to end, come to an end' 6/47
A. G, QJin(alt.): % kjtmg:< *kjiang:
B. QJin:ÍS kang < *kang
28. 'to exaggerate,brag' 1/21
A. Gnxi,QJin:(alt.) & tshjam< *tshjang/WH St. tshjam(< **skh(l)jam?)
B. DgQi: $IJkJBm-< *kjang-/WHSt. kjam- (< **kljamh)
C. Qi: #Pthjam < *thrjang/WHSt. thrjam(< **hlj3m)
29. 'to expose' 7/15
A. G: H buk < *buak
B. DgQi, Qin (westernborderareas), Yan (outerenvirons),Chaoxian, Lie-
shui: 89 phâk < *phak
30. 'far,distant'7/24
A. Yan (northernoutskirts):$ij kieu, tájau < *kiahw,tjahw (< *k(r)j-?)
B. DgQi: S thjäu < *thrjahw
31. 'to feed,raise' 1/5
A. JinWeihYan Wei: # jï1 < *zah:
B. Qin (alt.): fâ dâu < *dshw
C. Ruying,Liang Song: flêthsi < *thah
1) Reading after Guo: WJ *Éjdï > jï.
32. 'fierce'(1) 2/23
A. G: ffimimg:< *mrang:
B. Qi Jin: ^| çjang: < *smrjang:
33. 'fierce'(2) 2/23
A. JinWei: tflyan: < *grã:
B. Han Zhao: Wtk^ng: < *krang:
34. 'fire' 10/6
A. G: tk xwâ: < *hmai:
B. Chu: jJÄxw9i:, kwân- < *hwsi:,kwã-
C. Qi: ÍS xjwei: < *hmjai:

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 129

35. 'firm,solid' 2/28

A. Gnxi,QJin: ig khäi: < *khr9i:
B. Wu Yang, JiangHuai: iffkhiei: < *khbi:
36. 'flail' 5/29
pjwat < *pj9t
A. Gnxi: (alt.) #fc
B. Qi Chu, JiangHuai: (alt.) W bwat < *bat
37. 'a fly' 11/12
A. DgQi: ^ jiang < *zang
B. Gnxi, QJin,ChChu: il jiang < *zang
38. 'framefor silkworms'5/31
l
Song Wei, ChChu, Jiang Huai: (1) ffikhjwok < *khjuak; (2) (alt.) m
khjuk < *khj9kw
thiswordas the Chu dialectformin his day. It is thuspossible
1) Guo identifies
thatit shouldbe comparedwithform(1).
39. 'to frighten,startle'2/13
A. Gnxi, QJin: iê thàk < *thrakw
B. SgWeih,NChu: (1) m sjak < *shjak;(2) (alt.) 3 sjuk < *shjskw(also
read thau- < *thuak-(?), sense of 'to jump')
40. 'to go' 1/14
A. QJin:$t zjäi- < *djat-
B. SgLu: si sjäk < *shjiak
41. 'good, nice' (1) 1/3
A. G, St.: if xâu: < *hshw:
B. Gndng,He Ji: (alt.) $ kau: < *krshw:
42. 'good, nice' (2) 1/3
A. QJin: $ ngâ < *ngai
B. Gnxi, formercapitalsof Qin and Jin: #fngien < *ngia
43. 'gossip,slander' 10/9
A. St., DgQi, Zhou and Jin(intermediate area): Pi p$ lân lâu < *(g)lã bhw
B. NChu: (alt.) 3Jt ljän bu-bu: < *ljã luah-luah:
44. 'grass,weeds' 3/8
A. Gnxi: (alt.) ft käi- < *kriat-
B. southof the Yuan and Xiang rivers:w yät < *griat
45. 'greedy,covetous'(1) 1/16
A. G: W1 bm < *(g)bng/WHSt. *(g)bm
B. Chu: Ä tham < *thsng(< hbng?)/WH St. thorn(< hbm?)
2 khsm: <
C. NChu, JiangXiang: Jfc *kh9ng/WHSt. khsm:
1) CurrentFY versionswritetffr; here emendedafterFYSZ. Cf. SW (SWGL
4739b) whichstatesthatnorthof Henei f5J^ one said 'f#for J|'
2) CurrentFY versionswrite$fc; hereemendedafterFYSZ.
46. 'greedy,covetous'(2) 10/10
A. G: Ä thorn< *thsng(< hbng?)/WH St. tharn(< hbm?)
B. JingRu, JiangXiang: (alt.) t£ ljen- < *ljis-

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130 W. SOUTH COBLIN

47. 'heavy' 6/9

A. DgQi: m tien: < *tiã:
B. SgLu: SÊ djwe, djwe- < *drjwai,drjwai-
48. 'hook' 5/26
A. G, Gnxi: $6jkau < *kuah
B. Song Chu Chen Wei: (1) Jgft& luk tek < *luak krak;(2) (alt.) $)fè kau
k^k < *kuah krak
49. Ho hurt;pain' 2/21
A. Gnxi, QJin:fä tshek < *tshriak:
B. possibleSt. cognate: M 'to prick' tsje-,tshjäk < *tshjiai-,tshjiak(Cf.
'to prick,stick' below.)
50. 'to jump' 1/27
A. G, Gnxi,QJin:(1) felk dieu < *dtehw;(2) (alt.) fê top < *tek/WHSt. top
B. Chen Zheng: 1%jiäu < *zahw
C. Chu: (1) SS tsjäk < *tjiak; (2) gjffthjäi- < *thrjat-
51. 'kerchief4/42
A. Gnxi, QJin:Ü&SI lâk dau < *(g)lak duah
B. NChu, JiangXiang: |igg| nnzkdau < *mrakduah
52. 'knee covers'4/5
A. JiangHuai: (alt.) it pjwat < *pj9t
B. east and westof the Hangu Pass: MM pjiäi- sjet < *pjiat-sjbt
53. 'licentious,lewd' 10/11
A. Jiuyi,Jingarea: M jiäu < *zahw
B. Yuan Xiang: % dieu: < *diahw:
54. 'locust' 11/7
A. Song Wei: tftdak,1thai-2< *dak, thak-
B. area beyondNChu: (alt.) fê dsng < *dsng
1) This readingis attestedonlyin JY.
2) Guo reads WJ *thsï-(> MC thai-).This readingis also foundin JY.
55. 'long' 1/19
A. Gnxi, QJin,Liang Yi, HD, Daye: m zjam < *zjang/WHSt. zjam
B. SgWeih,JingWu: it jiung < *zangw
56. 'to look at, peek' 10/45
St.
A. northof the YangtzeRiver,NChu (alt.): !£ thjäm < *thrjang-/WH
thrjam-
B. NChu: (alt.) fi tsjäm < *tjang/WHSt. tjam
57. 'to love,pity' 1/6
A. Han Zheng: f$ mjwo:, xwo < *mjah:, hmah
B. SgLu: & mjau < *mj9hw
58. 'many,exaggerate(< make many)' 1/21
A. Qi Song borderarea: ^ ywâ:1 < *gwai:

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 131

B. Gnxi, QJin: JS2 ywâ: < *gwai:

C. possibleSt. cognate:M kwâ- < *kwai-
1) GY also readsMC ywaï:.The readingmayreflecta MC dialectwhichhad pre-
servedWH *-waiin thisword.
2) GY identifiesthisas a northwest
dialectwordforguo 5§ 'to pass, exceed,
exaggerate*.
59. 'mat (bamboo)' 5/35
A. G, Gnxi: ?? fg yângdâng < *gangdang
B. Gndng,Zhou Luo Chu Wei: ## ?je: jiang < *?jai: zang
C. beyondNChu: fë dâng < *dang
60. 'to meet,encounter'1/29
A. Gndng: iË ngjsk < *ngjiak
B. Gnxi: (ait.) gyngjeng,ngjeng-< *ngjiang,ngjiang-
61. 'mound' 13/154
A. QJin:(alt.) ti jiu < zuah
B. Gndng:±t bu: < luah:
62. 'odd, uneven'2/12
A. G: gf gje < *gjai
B. Gnxi, QJin: féf?je: < *?jai:
C. Liang Chu: Strkhje< *khjai
63. 'old' 1/18
A. G: 5g lâu: < *(g)bhw:
B. QJin,Chen Yanh: % fia ksu: thsi < *kuah: thsh
10/40C. NChu, JiangXiang: (1) % kau: < kuah:; (2) $ kek < *krsk;
(3) tttm käi- kj9k sai < *kr3k-~ kjsk ssh
64. 'one, single' 12/111
A. NChu: So zjwok < *djuak
B. possibleSt. cognate:M duk < *duak
65. 'to open' 6/50
A. G: HklKH < khsi
B. Chu: H khai, khsi:, khai- < *khsi,khsi:, khst-
66. 'pained, anxious,sad' 1/9
A. Ru: M niek < *niakw
B. Qin: t# dâu- < *dakw-
67. 'pig' (1) 8/5
A. G: Ü tjwo < *trjah
B. Gndng:(ait.) M djäi- < *drjat-
68. 'pig' (2) 8/5
A. Gndng:(ait.) gc sje: < *shjiai: (< *hrj-?)
B. NChu: # xjei, xjei: < *hjsi, hjsi:

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132 W. SOUTHCOBLIN

69. 'to pity' 1/7

A. Qi Lu: # gjen, kjang < *gjiã, kjang
B. Zhao Wei Yan Dai: ft ljang < *ljsng
C. possibleSt. cognate: {$ ljen < *ljiã
70. 'pole for suspendinga silkwormframe'(1) 5/33
A. G, Gnxi: $1 djwe- < *drjwai-
B. Song Wei, ChChu, JiangHuai: ffizjsk, dï- < *djsk, drjak-
71. 'pole for suspendinga silkwormframe(horizontaltype)' (2) 5/33
A. Song Wei, ChChu, JiangHuai: If tâi- < *tat-
B. Qi: f#tek < *tn>k
72. 'to prick,stick' 3/11
A. G, Gnxi: p' tshje-,tshjäk < *tshjiai-,tshjiak
B. Bei Yan, Chaoxian: M tçhek1< *tshriak(Cf. 'to hurt,pain' above.)
1) Karlgren(GS and GSR 868e) readsMC tshje-,whichhe attributes
to QY. I have
been unable to locate thisreadingin the QY versionsand fragments.
73. 'to reach' 7/13
A. G, St.: al dai- < *dat-
B. Bei Yan: ffizjäi- < *djat-
74. 'to receive,hold, contain'6/10
A. Qi Chu: If yam < *gang/WHSt. gam
B. Yang Yue: H kham < *khang/WHSt. kharn
C. possibleSt. cognate: jg yarn< *gang/WHSt. gam 'to envelop,contain'
75. 'ripe,well-cooked'7/17
A. Gnxi, QJin: H nzï < *njah:
B. Xu Yang: fí nzjsm: < *njang:/WHSt. njam:
76. 'roof coveringof a carriage'(1) 9/11
A. SongWei,ChChu:f~ fïgjwong-khjwong lung-lung:< *gjuang~khjuang
(g)luang~(g)luang:
B. Gnxi, QJin: fàf£kju: bu~lju: < *kjuah: (g)luah:~(g)ljuah:
C. NChu: (alt.) US ljung khjwat< *(g)ljangwkhjwat
77. 'roof coveringof a carriage'(2) 9/11
A. Xi Long: 1#bjwim: < *bja:
B. NChu: % bung < *buang
78. 'to separate,divide' 6/33
A. QJin:M lje < *ljiai
B. Chu: H lje, liei:1 < *ljiai, liai:
as WH *liai-,
1) Guo readsWJ *liei-(> MC liei-),whichwe would reconstruct
79. 'sickle' 5/30
A. G, Gnxi: IO kau < *kuah
B. JiangHuai, EasternChu: í& kwâ:, kwâ- < *kwai:, kwai-

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 133

80. 'skirt,lowergarment'4/4
A. Chen Wei: te phje, phje- < *phjiai,phjiai-
B. Gndng:(alt.) SI phje, phje- < *phjiai,phjiai-
81. 'small' 2/8
A. Gnxi, QJin,Liang Yi: % si < *sjiai
B. possibleSt. cognate:M siei- < *sbi-
82. 'son' 10/4
A. G: Í tsï < *tsj3h:
B. confluenceof the Xiang and Yuan rivers:JËcài1 < *srah
1) Guo reads WJ *sjoï (> MC si':), which I reconstructas WH *sjah:.
83. 'spider' 11/16
A. G, Gnxi, QJin:H Ü tju mjsu < *trjuahmjahw
B. Gndng,Zhao Wei:(1) MM tje tju < *trjiaitrjuah;(2) (alt.) «IS tájwok
jiu~dzju < *tjuak zuah
C. Bei Yan, Chaoxian,Lieshui:AS J&duok jiwo < *dakwzah
84. 'stupid,confused'10/31
A. G: ti xwan < *hmã
B. Chu Yang: té kwan,kwan: < *kwã,kwã:
C. JiangXiang: ©SS twsn-mjwen: < *twã-mjiã:
85. 'surplus,remainder'1/4
A. JinWeih: ^ ljät < *ljat
B. QJin:g£ ji- < *ztet-
86. 'to take' (1) 1/30
A. WeihLu, YangXu, JingHeng: if zjam, dzam < *zjang,dzsng/WHSt.
zjam, dzsm
B. Gnxi, QJin: H dzjwän- < *dzrjwã-
C. Chu: (alt.) M ajän < *shjã
87. 'to take' (2) 10/47
A. G: K tshju: < *tshjuah:
B. NChu: tä tsja:, dzja, zja: < *tsjiah:,dzjiah, zjiah:
88. 'to tremble,shudder'6/8
A. JingWu: ütfftgjwongkjwong:~yung< *gjuangkjuang:~guang
B. possibleSt. cognate:© khjwong:< *khjuang:
89. 'true,believe'1/20
A. G: if sjen- < *sjiã-
B. Qi Lu: it jiwen: < *zwã:
C. SgWeih,Ruying:t&J sjwen < *sjwã
90. 'true,sincere'7/11
A. DgQi, HD: M tjän: < *trjã:
B. Yan: 'W-twsn,tájwen < *twã,tjwã

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134 W. SOUTH COBLIN

91. twins' (1) 3/1

A. G: f|£ sàng $img< *sruangsrang
B. Gndng,Zhao Wei: Hife §wan- sjwän-sBng < *srwa~srjwasrang
92. twins' (2) 3/1
A. ChChu: tt^ ljï dzï- < *ìph dzjak-
B. QJin: ili ljän: tsï: < *ljã: tsjah:
93. <to want' 6/1
A. JingWu: Ä sjwong: < *sjuang:
B. JinZhao: 1&(= §£) tsjang: < *tsjang:
94. 'wildcat' 8/2
A. G: IS bi < *bjbi
B. ChChu, JiangHuai: I* bi < *(g)bh
C. Bei Yan, Chaoxian:S§ phji < *phjbh
D. Gnxi: ® ljï < *(g)lJ3h
95. 'wily,deceitful'2/37
A. G, QJin: fè kwâi-,kwai- < *kwat-,krwat-
B. Chu Zheng: M jwe: < *gjwai:

VI. SOME PRELIMINARY COMPARISONS

6.1 The data presented in thispaper havebeen assembledwiththe hope thatthey

may throw light phonologicalfeatureswhichdistinguished
on the WH dialects.It
is possible,evenprobable,thatindividualexamplesin the corpuscontainevidence
of thistype.However,it is onlywhenwe findgroupsof two or moreexamplesthat
we can begin to identifydialectfeatureswithany degreeof confidence.Isolated
examples,interesting thoughtheymaybe, are of minimalvalue untilsome sortof
corroboration forthemcan be found.It is withthesepointsin mindthatsomepre-
liminarycomparisonsare attemptedin the presentsection.

6.2 In examiningthe FY textit becomesimmediately apparentthat the western

dialectsplay a dominantrole there.In gloss aftergloss, wherewordsfromhither
and yon are broughttogether, thereis moreoftenthan not a westernformgiven
forcomparison.Now, as we have seen in sectionIV (note 8), the westerndialects
seem to have formeda uniformand closelyrelatedgroup;and it is possiblethat
comparisonsbetweenthemand otherdialectsfurther east naturallysuggestedthem-
selvesto people of YangXiong's time.On the otherhand,therecan be littledoubt
thatthepresencein thewestof thecityof Chang-an,capitalof China forovertwo
centuriesand culturalcenterforalmostas long, had a greatdeal to do withthe
prominence givento westerndialectsin YangXiong's work.Indeed,it seemshighly
probable thatthestandardlanguageof lateWH timeswas in factbased on a dialect
of the Qin Jinarea.

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 135

In sectionV the possibilityhas been raisedthatthe FY glossingwordsmay

in manycases represent thestandardlanguageof WH times.If thisis so thenmany
of thesewordsmayreflectcurrent western usage as well.Thereare in facta number
of cases wherethis can be shownto be true(cf., forexample,#s 9, 27, 48, 50,
59, 70, 72, 79, 83, and 95 in thedata). In suchinstancestheglosswordsin question
could,forthesake of argument, be takenas "pseudo-western" formsand compared
withwordsfromnon-western areas.On theotherhand,thereare clearlycases where
glosswords are differentfrom thecurrent westernforms.14 Here one could consider
themto be non-western wordsand comparethemwiththe corresponding western
forms.Bothof theseprocedures willbe used below.In all cases theglosswordswill
of coursebe identifiedas such.

Exampleswillbe identified
by numberand Englishgloss and will be citedin
a somewhatreducedform.MC formsare not givenand WH formsare unstarred.

6.3 InitialCorrespondences.
Westernand "Gloss-Standard"
voicelessconsonantsfrequently
correspondto voiced
consonantsin corresponding
non-Western forms:
Western Central and Southern
9. beverage J+ tjak/tjap(< *k(r)j-?) fö giak/giap
36. flail *ft pj9t W bat
44. grass ^ kriat- U griat
92. twins(2) ■? (ljã) tsjah: $ (ljah) dzjok-
95. wily 1È kwat-,krwat- H gjwai:
Western Northern
83. spider -gg trjuah(mjshw) 4| dskw (zah)
Western Gloss
63. old 5g kuah (thah) 5g (g)bhw:
Gloss Centraland Southern
17. chicken Ü kiai |ft (biak) gjiai
67. pig (1) 3t trjah Ä drjat-
89. true if sjiã- it zwã

Western*z- correspondsto Centraland Eastern*/- in two examples:

14) This need not be viewedas contradictory.It would in factbe odd if the WH standard
envisagedherecontainedno non-westernelements
at in viewof theculturaland political
all, particularly
importanceof easternChina in late Zhou times.

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136 W. SOUTH COBLIN

Western Centraland Eastern

61. mound jjfc zuah ±8 luah:
85. surplus St ziat- M ljat

On the otherhand, Central*z- correspondsto "peripheral"(i.e. Southern,

Western,and Northern)dentalstops:
Central Peripheral
NorthCentraland Northern
6. basket ffi zah Ü thahw
Southern
31. feed £ zah Bô thsh
Western
% dahw
Western
50. jump gg zahw ßfc dishw
Southern
59. mat # (?jai:) zang m dang
Western
S (gang) dang

Gloss-Standard*hm- correspondsto Southernvelar + *-w- initialcon-

figurationsin the followingexamples:
Gloss Southern
34. fire 'X hmai: $| hwsi:
84. stupid tf hmã fi kwã,kwã:

Western and Gloss-Standard to *(g)l- or ♦/- of

*k- sometimescorresponds
otherareas:
Western Centraland Southern
48. hook £6) kuah M luak (krak)
Western Gloss
63. old 5g kuah: (thsh) (g)bhw ^
Gloss Southern
6. basket & kjah:; cf.also possibleStan- % luah:, ljuah:
dard cognate: % k(l)jah:

On the otherhand, Westernand Standard*(g)l- sometimescorrespondsto

non-Western labial stops:
Western Gloss
94. wildcat g (g)ljah ܣ bjiai

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 137

Northern
|g phjbh
Possible StandardCognate Southern
5. basket f| (g)luang Ä brang

6.4 Medial Correspondences.

-0-
Western*-r- correspondsto non-Western in a numberof examples:
Western Central, Southern,
and Northern
9. beverage ft tjak/tjap(< *k(r)j-?) $& giak/giap
11. big }tt tsrjang- f& tsjang,tsjang-
21. crupper M drjahw: $g (khjuah) dshw
35. firm 9S khrai: M khiai:
39. frighten 5i thrakw S thuak-('to jump')
68. pig (2) ^ shjiai: (< *hrj-?) m hjai, hjsi:
83. spider f| trjuah(mjshw) 4S dskw (zah),
ig tjuak (zuah)
Western Possible Standard Cognate
49. hurt m tshriak $ij tshjiai-,tshjiak
'prick'

In recentstudiesMei (1979: 128; 1980)and Bodman(1980: 178) havesuggested

thatthemodernMin dialectscan be suspectedof havinglost OC ♦♦-/•- at a very
earlyperiod.The examplescitedabove may indicatethat "*-r- losing" dialects
alreadyexistedin easternChina duringthe late WH period.

Western*-y- correspondsto non-Western

*-0- in the followingcases:
Western Central and Southern
21. crupper M drjahw: ífâ (khjuak) dahw
25. dove X% kjahw II (lang) kahw
36. flail U pjat W bat
78. separate jf ljiai S liai-15
Western Other
Possible StandardCognate
81. small fc sjbi SB sisi-
Northern
83. spider || trjuah(mjahw) ife| dskw (zah)

15) Guo Pu's reading.

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138 W. SOUTH COBLIN

Herewe maynoteBodman'sobservation
(1980: 178)thatProto-Minlostearlier
*-y- in some cases.

6.5 VowelCorrespondences.
Westernand Standard*5 correspondsto non-Western
*a in a numberof cases:
Western Other
Central
26. drawout IS mjiã g$ mjiã
50. jump £fc diahw Sê zahw
55. long ü zjsng/zjam |i zangw
85. surplus n ziat- $| ljat
Guandong
9. beverage ft- tjsk/tjap(< *k(r)j-?) t& giak/giap
Gloss
27. end |g kang ^ kjiang
37. fly ii zang ¥ zang
Southern
50. jump g§ tak/tap gfc tjiak
Standard Northern
73. reach 3S dst- iffi djat-

On the otherhand, Western*a sometimescorrespondsto non-Western *o:

Western Other
Southernand Central
28. exaggerate & tshjang/tshjam (< **skh(l)-?) #P thrjsng/thrjom(<
**hlj3m)
52. knee covers S pjiat- (sjist) ik pjst
63. old % kuah (thah) % krsk;cf.also Gloss:
^ (g)bhw:
66. pained t4 dakw- % niakw
92. twins ($ ljã: (tsjsh:) fi ljsh (dzjsk-)
Northern
83. spider M trjuah(mjahw) è| dskw (zah)
Possible StandardCognate Southern
14. broken 5$ phai- jfcftpjisi, bjbi

Severalof the Westernformsin thislist have the diphthong*ua ratherthan

simple*a. ExaminingWestern*-ua- in the data, we findthat wordswiththis
diphthong havea numberof correspondences withnon-Western syllableshavingWH
*d or *a followedby finallabio-velarconsonants:

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 139

Western Other
Central
22. cuckoo (1) |x (pak-) kuak f£ (kiat) kakw-
Northern
83. spider M trjuah(mjahw) tS dakw (zah)
Western Gloss
1. abundant ^ muang; fl mruang H phjangw
63. old % kuah: (thah) ^ (g)bhw
Southern* - ua - vowelwordscan also be seento havecorrespondences
with
non-Southern
syllableshaving *a and *o:
Southern Other
Centraland Standard
43. gossip It (ljã) luah-luah: P$ (lã) bhw
93. want Ä sjuang ^ tsjang:
Western
77. roof (2) H buang f# bjã
Gloss
6. basket fi luah:, ljuah: ⣠kjah:; cf. possible
standardcognate:
n k(l)jah:
63. old % kuah: ^ (g)bhw:
On the otherhand, theremaybe a tendencyforSouthern*a-vowelsyllables
to correspondto Westernand Standardwordshaving*ua:
Southern Western
79. sickle US kwai:, kwai- i&I kuah
Southern Gloss
87. take ^ tsjiah:, dzjiah, zjiah: M tshjuah:
Southern Possible StandardCognate
5. basket m brang fï (g)luang,(g)luang:
Here we mayalso mentionthe worddang % {tang: < *tang:)whichis iden-
tifiedin FY 1/1as a Chu dialectwordmeaning*toknow,understand*. This may
be cognateto the moderndialectformdong H *tounderstand'.Dong does not
occur in earlytexts,but hypothetical forit would be: MC
earlierreconstructions
tung:< WH *tuctng: < OC **tungx.Examplessuch as thisbringto mindcertain
Min dialects wherewords with the MC final -ung (< *-uang < **-ung)
regularlyhave unroundedvowelsderivedfromProto-Min*3, e.g.16

16) I am gratefulto ProfessorJerryNormanforsupplyingtheseProto-Minforms.

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140 W. SOUTH COBLIN

MC Proto-Min
íi mung: *mar)-b
iß dung *-daq
£ kung *kar)

6.6 Final ConsonantCorrespondences.

to Centraland Southern* - k in the following
Western* - h corresponds examples:
Western Centraland Southern
48. hook £6] kuah B luak (krak)
63. old % kuah: (thah) £ krak- W krsk-
(sdh)
83. spider % trjuah(mjahw) $1 tjuak (zuah); cf.
also Northern41
ctakw(zah)
92. twins -? (ljã:) tsjah: ¥ (ljsh) dzjsk-
*-/:
In severalcases Westernfinalconsonantscorrespondto non-Western
WesternFinal -t
Western Southern
95. wily 3f kwat-,krwat- M gjwai:
Gloss Central
19. clever M giwat- % kjwai:
WesternFinal Velars
Western Southern
79. sickle É6j kuah: £1 kwai:, kwai-
Western Gloss
94. wildcat g (g)ljah IË bjiai
Western Possible StandardCognate
49. hurt UR tshriak $ij tshjiai-;(n.b. also
read tshjiak)

nasals:
In threeexamplesWesternoral consonantscorrespondto non-Western
Western Other
Northern
9. beverage it tjak/tjap(< *k(r)j-?) U tjang/tjam(<
*k(r)j-?)
Eastern
75. ripe Jgj njsh fi nj9ng:/nj9m:
Central/Southern
76. roof (1) fà* kjuah: (g)luah: g ft khjuang(g)luang

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 141

In thefollowingcases Westernopen, nasalizedfinalscorrespondto non-West-

ern finalsendingin *-ng:
Western Southernand Central
77. roof (2) tf bjã g buang
86. take jt dzrjwã- W zjsng, dzang/zjsm,
dzam
Westernand Northwest Central Mid Central
33. fierce Jflj) grã: W. krang:
Gloss Central
18. cicada íp djã: it dang (dbhw)
Possible StandardCognate Central
69. pity fö ljiã ft ljang
6.7 Tone Correspondences.
in the data:
The followingtendenciesappear among tone correspondences

6.7.1 Westernand Gloss Standardping : Non-Western

shang
Western Southernand Eastern
75. ripe JJI njah f£ njangi/njam:
79. sickle IS kuah £1 kwai:, (kwai-)
Western Gloss
27. end #f ksng m kjiang:
Gloss Southern
65. open H khsi M khsi:, (khsi, khat-)
84. stupid fi hmã ti kwã:, (kwã)
Cf. also,
Central(WesternPart) Central(EasternPart)
57. true fêj sjwã it zwã:
6.7.2 Westernand Gloss-Standard
shang : Non-Westernping
Western Southernand Central
21. crupper fcj* drjahw: fä (khjuak) dshw
62. odd fâ ''jai: Ef khjai
Gloss Southernand Central
18. cicada gg djã: tS dang (dishw)
82. son í tsj9h: H srah
87. take K tshjuah: ÍI dzjiah, (tsjiah:,
zjiah:)
Comparealso,
Central(WesternPart) Central(EasternPart)
57. love jj)K mjah:, (hmah) $. mjshw

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142 W. SOUTH COBLIN

6.7.3 Westernand Gloss Standardping : Non-Westernqu

Western Southern
78. separate g§ ljiai g liai-17
Western Gloss
81. small % sjfoi M siai-
Gloss Centraland Eastern
67. pig n trjah J£ drjat-

6.7.4 Westernand Gloss-Standardqu : Non-Western

shang
Western Southernand Central
24. worryabout <|f da- if tjã:, thjã:
95. wily ijf kwat-,krwat- m gjwai:
Gloss Central
19. clever n giwat- % kjwai:
89. true if sjiã- it zwã:

6.7.5 Westernand Gloss-Standardqu : ru

Non-Western
Western Southern
44. grass jfc kriat- H griat
52. knee covers f£ pjiat- (sjiat) fà pjst
66. pained, sad 1# dakw- íS niakw
Western Central
85. surplus || zbt- M ljat
Gloss Central
19. clever §| giw^t- S griat

VII. CONCLUDING REMARKS

In thispapera numberof suspectedFY cognateshavebeenbroughttogether in what

is hopefully
a convenientformat.The comparisonsin sectionVI are offered as indi-
cationsof thesortsof studieswhichmightbe carriedout on theFY data. Whether
or not suchcomparisonscan ultimately lead to phonologicalreconstructionsseems
uncertain.We mustnot forgetthat (1) the WH reconstructions arrivedat forthe
variousFY examplesare alreadyprojectionsof projections(i.e. projectionsof the
reconstructedMC system)and not "real" dialectforms,and (2) we are unable to
saywithcertaintyfibwthecompilationofFY was done or whatsortof phonological
criteriaYangXiongused in collectingand committing to writingthevariousdialect

17) Guo Pu's reading.

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 FANGYAN GLEANINGS 143

synonyms in the text.On the positiveside,however, we maytake heartin the fact

thatcertainwordsin the data appear severaltimesin the varioustablesin section
VI, providing comparisonsof morethanone of theelementsin thesyllablesin ques-
tion and suggesting thatreal ratherthan imaginedor fortuitous dialectcorrespon-
dencesare involved.The identification of suchcorrespondences, whilenot necessar-
ilyleadingto thereconstruction of proto-forms, mayultimately giveriseto a com-
parativeLautlehre for Han and perhaps even earlierdialects.
Tools of thistypehave
enabledscholarsin otherareas,suchas Indieand Germanicstudies,to identify with
considerableprecisionthe temporaland regionaloriginsof theirtexts.It is to be
hoped thata betterunderstanding of ancientdialectologywill eventually bringto
sinology a similar level of philologicalcontrol over early Chinese sources.18

18) As examplesof theapplicationof suchmethodsto thestudyof earlyChinesetexts,see Luo

and Zhou's discussionof the authorshipof the Yilin Jg#(1958: 89-97) and Long Hui's studyof
previouslyunknowntextsfromMawangdui(Long 1975: 28-31).

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