Peruvian Settlement Pattern Studies and Small Site Methodology

Author(s): M. Edward Moseley and Carol J. Mackey

Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 37, No. 1 (Jan., 1972), pp. 67-81
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/278886
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 PERUVIAN SETTLEMENT PATTERN STUDIES
AND SMALL SITE METHODOLOGY

M. EDWARD MOSELEY
CAROL J. MACKEY

ABSTRACT
Settlement pattern research was introduced to Peruvian archaeology by Gordon R. Willey 2 deca
critical review of this pioneering work points up a basic problem in the structure of analysis. The p
generated by the use of a simple site taxonomy that is insensitive to the range of human activities that
at different settlements. Examination of the subsequent course of settlement pattern research show
fundamental problem has not been recognized or dealt with in a constructive manner. The
methodology is introduced as one possible means of treating sites in terms of the different activity pat
housed.
Department of Anthropology
Harvard University

Department of Anthropology
San Fernando Valley State College
December, 1970

SPATIAL RELATIONSHIPS define the context of all archaeological phenomena. They

constitute the provenience and associations of an item and, thus, supply the physical d
archaeologists translate into temporal, functional, and cultural information. Because spa
relationships hold multi-dimensional types of information, their translation may be pursued
many means down diverse paths. Since the pioneering work of Max Uhle, archaeologists workin
in the Andean area have used artifact context primarily to derive temporal information. Tod
there continues to be a basic, and frequently overriding, concern with stratigraphic superpositi
grave-lot associations, and surface collections ordered by seriational arguments.
A new approach to the study of archaeological phenomena and their spatial relationships w
introduced into Peruvian archaeology in 1946. This came from a member of the Viru Va
Project. The project was an undertaking by 10 scholars to study man's cultural adaptation to
coastal valley through time. The program provided its members with a large pool of coordin
data; this in turn allowed for a number of special studies. Drawing on this pool of informati
Gordon R. Willey investigated the spatial distribution of prehistoric phenomena by a heretofo
novel means of study-the settlement pattern. Settlement patterns were considered to be the w
in which man disperses himself over the landscape on which he lives. The patterns were seen
products of interacting social institutions, technology, and the natural environment. Thus, the
reflect much of man's cultural and physical milieu. Behind Willey's study was the belief that
archaeology could well contribute to the interpretation of nonmaterial and organizational or
functional aspects of prehistoric societies through investigation of the spatial and temp
distributions of sites and their constituent elements.
Because the study aimed at functional interpretation, it was prerequisite that sites be dealt with
in terms of the human activities they housed. Establishing viable site categories sensitive to the
past modes of behavior was primary to the investigation's realizing its full potential. This problem
continues to be a basic one because site categories determine the fineness and sophistication of
settlement pattern reconstruction and synthesis. Willey (1953:6) recognized a 4-fold division of
sites: living sites, community or ceremonial centers, fortified refuges, and cemeteries. These carry
broad behavioral connotations, but at the same time they lack specificity. To Willey's great credit,
he went on to map many of the Viru Valley sites in considerable detail. The maps and their
accompanying descriptions captured a wide range of data. This ran from the composition and
organization of single structures through the layout and arrangement of the buildings composing a
settlement to the distribution of sites within the study area. To a limited degree Willey employed
some of this information to split his 4 major site categories into sub-types. The criteria were,

67

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68 american antiquity [Vol. 37, No. 1, 1972

however, architectural and generally pertained to layout and the manner in which component
structures of a site were ordered with respect to one another. For instance, within the category of
living sites, settlements with regularly arranged and articulated rooms were separated from
settlements composed of scattered individual rooms. Unfortunately, the social factors behind such
differences were not systematically investigated. Therefore, Willey's subdivisions were basically
morphological with little or no functional input so far as his study was concerned.
The result of the situation was such that Willey's 4 general classificatory units formed the
cornerstones for the analysis of Viru Valley settlement patterns. Because the site categories were
quite broad, they set inherent limits on the level to which refined analysis and functional
interpretation could be carried. This is to say, there were only 4 types of building blocks with
which to reconstruct the history of valley residence patterns. Obviously, more blocks would have
made for a finer grained, more detailed synthesis. It is inherent in the nature of settlement pattern
studies that the type and number of site categories used in analysis frame the outcome of the
research. The degree to which these categories capture and reflect past behavior sets the degree to
which analysis can be functional and processual.
In many ways, the use of only 4 site categories made Prehistoric settlement patterns in the Vinr
Valley, Peru more of a chronicle of population growth and movement within the valley than a
functional or processual study. Population shifts could be documented by the change of absolute
numbers of sites in different sections of the study area. This is something that the classificatory
units could document fairly clearly. On the other hand, the units were not particularly reflective
of the factors and reasons behind the demographic shifts or the changing behavior patterns that
must have accompanied them. Sometimes, the population movements could be interpreted against
the backdrop of the natural environment, technological innovation, or outside cultural influences.
Yet, often as not such explanations came from analytic sources other than the site categories.
Thus, looked at critically from a functional view-point, the Viru Valley study has an underlying
structure that resembles a map with thumb-tacks of 4 colors-a color for each site category. The
arrangement of the tacks changes from one chronological period to another as they plot
demographic shifts.
Willey was certainly aware that functional interpretation could be carried on at levels more
refined than his site categories. He frequently spoke in functional terms of architectural features
within a structure, the structure itself, the site that housed it, or the larger community to which
the site belonged. Much of the enduring worth of the Viru Valley study stems from this. Yet, these
remain, to a large degree, digressions from the basic analytic strictures formed by the 4 major site
categories. In fact, Willey's frequent side-stepping of the categories seems to acknowledge their
limitations, and his desire for more for more refined analysis.
Twenty years ago, an attempt at functional interpretation of prehistoric sites and their spatial
relationships was a significant and bold innovation. Willey carried his classificatory units to the
degree of exactness that the Viru Valley data and the scholastic climate of the day allowed. It is
difficult to find serious fault with the general analytical structure of Willey's research, or the
assumptions and logic behind it. The limitations set by the site categories were, in effect,
limitations imposed by the state of north coast archaeology at the time, and by a fear on Willey's
part of pushing functional analysis to the point where its reception by the archaeological
community would be hindered.

REVIEW

With a perspective of 20 years hindsight, it is instructive, to take a general look at

subsequent course of settlement pattern studies in Peru, as reflected in the archaeolo
literature. One of the most striking facts is that a monograph comparable to the Viru Valley r
in either general aims or compilation of data has not appeared. Although similar research has
carried out in other New World areas, it has only been within the past few years that a bas
concern with settlement pattern research has returned to Peru. Thus, there has been a mar
hiatus in this field of inquiry. This resulted from a number of complicated factors. For one th
through an odd twist of events most members of the Viru Valley Project did not return to Pe

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Moseley and Mackey] SMALL SITE METHODOLOGY 69

conduct further studies once the project was over. The few members who did return d
produce students. In effect, the Viru Valley program died without local issue; the field p
the hands of other investigators with different interests and different theoretical bia
change in theoretical orientation was an important one. The Viru Valley Project drew heav
the inspiration of Julian Steward. The monographs resulting from the program were
descriptive, but when staff members subsequently went on to offer broader syntheses, t
on an evolutionary terminology, and organized data by developmental stages. Willey's set
pattern study was, in some ways, an archaeological application of Steward's views on cu
ecology. Finally, the only serious theoretical treatment of Andean irrigation systems
hands of Steward when he was assessing the concept of irrigation civilization. The new t
biases that permeated Peruvian archaeology after the Viru Valley Project were
anti-evolutionary; cultural ecology was considered highly suspect, if not geographical de
in modern guise; and irrigation was believed to be of minor importance. Of course, set
pattern studies do not have to be evolutionary, deterministic, or hydraulically-oriente
was not-but the new theoretical climate had a stifling effect on settlement pattern resea
Another factor contributing to the demise was that following the Viru Valley progr
archaeological projects ceased to be in vogue. Rather than working as members of a siz
for many years scholars tended to be occupied with personal studies of particular arch
problems. This did not lead to the substantial pool of common data for a given valley or
settlement pattern research is predicated upon. Further, many of the specific problem
occupied Peruvianists tended to place settlement pattern studies in rather peripheral pos
best. Until the late 1960's, a majority of North Americans working in the field were p
concerned with establishing local cultural chronologies and investigating the implication
changes in pottery. Other scholars focused on particular prehistoric sites or special prob
which related settlement pattern investigation was not considered germane.
While these and other factors have made a basic concern with settlement patterns s
rekindle in Peruvian archaeology, this does not mean the approach Willey took to spatial
relationships has been completely ignored. Some very instructive work has been done in the last 2
decades. For review purposes, the relevant material can be grouped under 4 headings: (1) area
studies; (2) period studies; (3) phenomena studies; and (4) site studies. These are not mutually
exclusive categories. They are cross-cut by some works, and many scholars have made
contributions to all 4 areas.

Area Studies

The central Peruvian coast received a great deal of study during the 1960's by Lanning,
Patterson, and their students. Most of the work was in the Ancon-Chillon region, and in the Lurin
Valley. There has been a strong emphasis on the early end of the cultural continuum, and much of
the work has been purely chronological in nature (for example, Patterson 1966). With respect to
settlement pattern investigation, there was little concern with mapping individual sites; plotting
was basically limited to showing broad areal distribution of sites (Lanning 1963, 1965). The results
are a general charting of demographic fluctuations through time (Patterson and Lanning 1964).
The survey methods were not geared for functional input and the available information on specific
past activity patterns derives primarily from excavation.
A characteristic feature of this central coast research is a desire to explain the reasons behind
the charted demographic fluctuations, particularly in terms of the physical environment. The
environment is invoked much more than it was by Willey. Lanning (1963, 1965, 1967) argues for
a direct correlation between supposed climatic change and cultural change. A relatively rapid shift
from migratory hunting and gathering to sedentary fishing is reputed to be the product of
post-Pleistocene dessication of the coastal desert. Dessication is believed to have diminished the
local hunting and gathering resources and thereby precipitated full time reliance upon marine
resources. Thus, a very creative role is assigned to the environment, although Lanning's arguments
are not broadly accepted (Parsons 1970). Nonetheless, this is the most conspicuous example of
environmental determinism in settlement pattern related work to come out of Peruvian
archaeology.

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70 ameRican antiquity [Vol. 37, No. 1, 1972

Other research pertaining to the same area and concerned with the problems of the transitions
from hunting and gathering to fishing and from fishing to farming have also made use of the
environment as an important factor, but have not assigned it a causative role. Here there is more of
an economic orientation in which the environment along with technology and labor organization
are but component parts (Patterson and Moseley 1968). Explanation of demographic shifts
recorded in the local settlement patterns is done in terms of a model of deviating, amplifying
interaction between the subsistence economy, technological innovation, and population growth
(Moseley 1970). Invoking population pressure as a mechanism in a positive feedback system
producing cultural change is an example of what might be called "biological determinism" entering
Peruvian settlement pattern research. In this case, however, it is introduced as an alternative to
environmental determinism.
The significance of these differing models-whatever their ultimate utility may prove to be-is
that they point to a basic concern with trying to explain differing settlement pattern
configurations. It is not considered sufficient to simply document changes in site distributions; an
investigator now assumes it to be incumbent upon himself to explain the factors behind different
patterns. Searching for explanations first in the realm of the physical environment and then in
subsistence economics and demography reflects the nature of archaeological data and the state of

then it should also be e posl to look for explanations in the sphere of purely social behavior.
Another approach to site distributions that uses the environment as an important backdrop is
represented by the research of Lathrap and his students in the Ucayali basin of Peru's eastern
montana. Conditions in this lowland jungle are are such that a study comparable to Willey's is
impossible. But, in his reconstructions of the local culture history Lathrap has shown a talent for
using all lines of evidence open to him, including the dispersal of settlements in relation to their
physical habitat. Lathrap (1968a, 1970) explains the scattering of different ethnic groups and
supposed past migrations in terms of the differential distribution of potential resources, along with
technological innovation, and population pressure. At a more basic level, he has critically
examined the impact of the local environmenmpact of the local environment upon the preservation of the archaeological record.
Lathrap (1 968b) has demonstrated that certain physical agencies have completely destroyed many
sites, thereby producing a biased picture of the course and level of cultural development on the
Ucayali and other lowland rivers. The destruction results from a cultural predilection for
establishing settlements on or near certain soil types. These are fluvial, flood-plain deposits, and
Lathrap points out that the river which produces them destroys many of the related sites in the
course of meandering.
Thus, Lathrap does not accept the extant archaeological record at face value. After careful
examination, he has found it wanting. Assessing biases of the archaeological record is a basic step
in any settlement pattern study; yet, it has not been a systematic procedure in Peru. Often, there
has been blithe acceptance of surviving site distributions as accurate relections of past residence
patterns when in fact both natural and prehistoric cultural agents have skewed the evidence. In the
coastal valleys, for example, sites have been lost to changing river courses in addition to burial by
vast tracts of active sand dunes that were mobilized in post-occupation periods. To this may be
added such cultural agents as as irrigation and farming systems. Many early, valley-bottom sites were
buried or destroyed by expanding canal systems as these were pushed out to bring ever-increasing
amounts of land under cultivation. Mechanized farming in recent years has further augmented the
destruction.
There is no area of Peru where it can be easily assumed that the archaeological record survived
intact and unadulterated. Thus, for the sake of accuracy, an investigator must give critical
assessment to the environmental and cultural factors that have affected the local archaeology.
There have been a number of other area studies that relate directly or indirectly to the
settlement pattern research. These include works by Bonavia (1965) in the Lurin Valley, Collier
(1962) and Thompson (1962, 1964) in the Casma Valley, Proulx (1968) in the Nepenfia Valley,
Izumi and Terada (1966) in the Tumbes area, and Engel at Chilca (1966b) and Paracas (1961,
1966a). These area surveys draw, to various degrees, upon Willey's methodology, but none
represent new achievements. For the most part, sites are classified under 4 or 5 categories that

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Moseley and Mackey] SMALL SITE METHODOLOGY 71

tend to duplicate the taxonomic units used in the Viru Valley; thus they carry minimal fu
implications.
Subsequent to Willey's Viru Valley work, the most significant developments in the stu
spatial relationships have been made by Dorothy Menzel and her colleagues at the Univer
California, Berkeley. Menzel's research focuses on ceramics. The basic analytic structure in
variation of attribute analysis in which there is close attention to patterns of associations sh
different attributes. Menzel and her associates go beyond this sstructure and impute speci
meanings to many of the different attributes and their stylistic patterns. Quite often the
under study is viewed as having religios significance, but other types of inferences are als
The important thing here is that by attaching social significance to elements of ceramic
Menzel puts herself in a position to draw broad cultural interpretations.
In terms of area studies, the joint work of Menzel, Rowe, and Dawson (1964) in the Ica
is of particular importance. A finely calibrated ceramic sequence is established for the perio
post-fired resin painting was a common Ica decorative technique. The attribute and
changes that run through the sequence are viewed as products of local innovations and o
influences. A number of the foreign influences are traced to sources far to the north. Th
stylistic expression of these influences in the Ica Valley is seen as a product of their trans
mechanism-a cult-having spent itself on its southward spread. Other changes in style ar
to influences from other areas; but here again cultural inferences are implied. Thus, Menze
colleagues use pottery to measure both the spread and impact of cultural influences
investigate the cultural mechanisms behind these influences.
The significance of this approach is that i ts rigorous ceramic analysis and carries
level where cultural, if not processual, interpretations can be made. As an area study, its
implication for settlement pattern research is not immediately apparent, aside from the obvious
chronological value. The implications are more apparent when period studies are considered.

Period Studies

Menzel's (1964, 1968) work on the Middle horizon is by far the most detailed study of a single
period of relative time in Peruvian prehistory. In many ways it represents a taking of the
methodology worked out in the Ica Valley and applying this on a pan-Peruvian scale to a single
stylistic horizon. The basic procedures remain much the same: attribute analysis, attention to
patterns of attribute association, and interpretation of the meaning of style elements in cultural
terms. In the case of the Middle horizon, Menzel is again concerned with the spread of cultural
influences. Here, however, she is working withn n area of over 1000 km in span and such diverse
cultural factors and mechanisms as missionization, military conquest, trade, and differences in the
socio-economic statuses of individuals.
The limitations of Menzel's work stem from its purely ceramic focus. It operates on the
assumption that significant change in ceramic art styles correlates with significant cultural change.
There is, of course, no necessary correlation; even on a very narrow level such things as pottery,
textiles, metallurgy, stone and wood sculpture, and architecture have their own stylistic canons
and may operate as rather independent variables. Seizing upon just one of these elements as an
invariable reflection of social, economic, or religious change always carries an element of risk.
The great advantage of Menzel's approach is that it is self-contained. It operates for both
specific areas and broad regions. It yields chronological and cultural information. In many ways, it
stands as a basic alternative to settlement pattern studies of the type Willey introduced. These are
predicated on good ceramic chronologies, and they must be restrictive in terms of their areal
scope. When settlement pattern studies outstrip their chronological base or over extend
themselves, the results are disastrous.
There have been a number of other period studies but, with the exception of Engel's work on
the preceramic stage, these are not pertinent to settlement pattern research. Engel (1957a, 1957b)
has conducted a general survey of early fishing settlements along the desert coast. His excavations
at Asia (1963) and El Paraiso (1967) represent investigations of specific sites within the context of
the larger investigation of the preceramic stage. Although Engel's research is interesting the

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72 ameRican antiquity [Vol. 37, No. 1, 1972

underlying methodology is inconsequential. It consists merely of charting the spatial distribution

of sites over a wide area, with little attempt to organize them in time or to systematicall
reconstruct past modes of activity.

Phenomena Studies

There are 4 studies of prehistoric phenomena that require mention. The first is Kosok's (1940,
1960, 1965) investigation of irrigation systems on the north coast. Certainly, the development of
water-management systems was of extreme importance in the course of culture history on the
desert coast. This was recognized by Kosok at an early date, and he set out to study the
phenomenon through a broad, though rapid survey. Unfortunately, the investigator's early death
curtailed publication of his results. However, it is much to Kosok's credit that he made thorough
and sophisticated use of aerial photographs in his research, thereby calling attention to this
important resource. Given the quality of the photographic coverage available for much of the
country, it is surprising that archaeologists working in the Andean area have been slow to follow
Kosok's lead. Certainly, where aerial photos are available there is little excuse for not making
maximum use of this resource in settlement pattern studies or related research.
The only survey to make full use of aerial photogrammetric techniques in recent years has been
Hawkins' (1969) investigation of prehistoric desert markings and figures near Nazca on the south
coast. In this area, early inhabitants of the coast etched giant geometric and zoomorphic motifs on
flat barren land tracts by removing patinated surface stones and rocks. Astronomical correlations
had been postulated for the markings, and Hawkins, an astronomer, rigorously investigated this
contention. The study produced negative results in connection with the supposed correlations, but
it did again demonstrate the relevance of aerial photographic resources. Hawkins also dealt with his
archaeological data in a statistical and quantitative way that was new to a field where qualitative
techniques have been the rule. One useful field technique employed in attempting to date the
desert markings was the "pottery traverse." There are no habitation sites directly associated with
the markings; yet, there is a great deal of surface pottery, a fair amount being sherds from fancy
vessels. What Hawkins did to sample the pottery in the region was to set up a specific traverse area
of approximately 15 by 2000 m in which all surface sherds were collected. Taking this to be a
representative sample, the investigator went on to draw statistic inferences about the coverall
density and dating of the ceramic remains. From this, the age of the desert markings was inferred.
Of course, there is always a possibility that the surface pottery and there is always a possibility that the sures are of
different ages. However, in the absence of conflicting data, the supposed correlation is a reasonable
one to work with. Hawkins' approach is applicable to other archaeological phenomena
encountered in settlement pattern surveys. There are numerous large, residential surface sites
where quantitative sampling techniques would provide useful information. Similar methods could
also be applied to the dating of field systems.
It is noteworthy that Hawkins' work represents something of a reintroduction of quantitative
methods in Peruvian archaeology. Ford (1949) had used related methods in studying the Viru
Valley ceramics, but in the intervening era quantitative methods were considered suspect. They
dropped from favor and were replaced by qualitative methods. Unfortunately, the 2 approaches
have been viewed, to some degree, as mutually exclusive, which is definitely not the case.
Shortly after completion of the Viru Valley Project, Schaedel (1951, 1966a, 1966b) undertook
a reconnaissance of large sites on the north coast. His concern lay in establishing the course of
urban growth and settlement planning in some 9 desert valleys. The investigated sites were
categorized in a 3-fold taxonomic scheme that was based primarily on a few architectural
attributes. Locations dominated by large pyramid or platform mounds were labeled "ceremonial
centers." Settlements with minimal monumental architecture, but large numbers of domestic
structures and abundant cultural refuse were considered "lay centers" or "towns." Sites with a
predominance of large rectilinear compounds containing well-built internal structures were
classified as "urban elite centers." The sites under study were often dated by a technique described
as "architectural seriation." Apparently, the main elements employed in seriating were general

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Moseley and Mackey] SMALL SITE METHODOLOGY 73

settlement layout, and the monumentality of construction. The methodology operated on t

assumption that most all settlements had relatively short occupations. At least, the studied
were assigned to one or another chronological phase or period. The possibility of a l
occupation spanning several chronological units was not systematically investigated, but then
chronological units being used were very vague and thus embrasive. On the basis of his tripar
site classification and seriational techniques Schaedel concluded that the sequence of u
development ran from ceremonial, through lay, to elite centers.
Schaedel's approach is an interesting innovation, although its acceptance has been limited
best. One problem is that the use of only 3 taxonomic units forced the "pigeonholing" of m
settlements with mixed architectural features and layout patterns. This skewed and glossed
much of the basic data. For another thing, many of the larger north coast settlements wer
occupied for very long periods of time, and their structural morphology frequently changed f
one phase to another. Forcing such sites into one or another chronological slot simply on the
of a few of their more conspicuous architectural features can only produce rather gross distor
of the archaeological record. As Schaedel employed "architectural seriation" it would be bro
analogous to setting up Mecca and Los Angeles at the beginning and end of a suppos
developmental sequence, and then ordering a variety of other cities in intermediate positio
the basis of their layout or monumental constructions.
In principle, there is little wrong with the judicial application of a substantially refined ver
of the methodology. Architecture, monumental or otherwise, is a complex phenomenon tha
contains a multitude of attributes of chronological import. These, like ceramic attributes, are
susceptible to charting in time and space. Thus, Schaedel provided a lead useful in settlemen
pattern studies. However, from the point of view of functional interpretation, the approac
Schaedel took was simply one of arranging sites in time and space according to a 3-class settlem
morphology. Only the broadest of behavioral connotations were associated with different s
categories. Therefore, an archaeological reconstruction based only on this approach is devoid
meaningful information about specific past activity patterns.
Drawing upon the literature as well as personal field studies, Rowe (1963) surveyed
information available on prehistoric urban residence in Peru. In this review, sites were organi
and grouped into a number of different settlement categories. A distinction was made betw
ceremonial centers and urban settlements. Cities were separated from towns or "pueblos" on
basis of inferred population size-2000 residents was the dividing line. Rowe also distinguish
between urban settlements where all the supporting population, such as farmers, lived within
confines of the site, and settlements that were supported by scattered rural populations. Th
survey pointed to something of a wavering urban tradition in Peru, with -requent abandonmen
cities and the resurgence of older residential pattems. Because a distinction had been made
between sites with and without adjacent rural populations it was possible for Rowe to advance the
idea that where the sustaining population resided outside the city, there sometimes developed an
alienation between the urban and rural peoples. This could culminate in a revolt with the
sustaining communities withdrawing their support and ultimately bring about abandonment of the
urban center. This is an interesting hypothesis, but one that requires considerable examination
before it can be construed as a widespread process.
The classificatory units Rowe employed did not provide much functional input for the review.
Yet, relatively more site categories were used than was typical of some previous studies, such as
Schaedel's. This allowed for a somewhat more particularistic historical reconstruction than usual,
as well as the drawing of some broadly processual inferences.

Site Studies

Studies of specific sites are quite numerous, and this reflects the tendency of many
archaeologists working in Peru to focus their attention, rather restrictively, on individual
settlements. Some of the more noteworthy and better reported studies include: Izumi and Sono
(1963) at Kotosh, Bonavia (1968) at Abiseo, Lumbreras and Amat (1966) at Chavin, Morris and
Thompson (1970) and Murra (1962, 1966) at Huanuco Viejo, West (1967, 1970) at Chan Chan,

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74 amenican antiquity [Vol. 37, No. 1, 1972

and Rowe (1944, 1967) at Cuzco. The studies of the last 2 individuals carry important
implications.
Chan Chan is among South America's very largest urban monuments, and West (1967, 1970)
undertook a survey of some of the residential areas in and around the civic center. The study
aimed at elucidating certain types of intra-site architectural complexes and defining the activity
patterns these housed. West specifically viewed Chan Chan in terms of a "community settlement
pattern" and attempted to dissect out the various social matrices that gave the community form.
He sought to isolate different residential, ceremonial, industrial and commercial areas and to infer
the types of social interactions that took place in them. Although of somewhat limited scope, the
research served to modify the generally held views that oversimplified the complexity of the
settlement. West pointed up the basic importance of a functional approach to the study of
prehistoric cities, and in so doing underscored one of his main tenets. This was that the true
character of urban life at Chan Chan could not be understood solely by examining the
monumental architecture, or pigeonholing the ancient city in one or another of the site categories
currently in use in settlement pattern studies.
Rowe's work at Inca Cuzco is important, and his 1967 article examining the applicability of the
classificatory rubrics of "ceremonial center" and "city" to the site is particularly significant.
Drawing basically upon ethnohistorical sources, the broad outlines of the types of past activities
that went on in the settlement are set forth in the article. Expectably, the behavioral patterns were
both highly variable and mixed. Cuzco was a place of elite residence, state administration,
industrial storage and redistribution, as well as a focus for religious activities. Given the range of
activities in the imperial capital, Rowe concludes that the usual practice of categorizing Cuzco
simply as a city or ceremonial center is unsatisfactory and misleading. The gist of the article is that
classifying complex sites under simple typological rubrics obfuscates the range of human activities
that went on at such settlements.
The significance of both West's and Rowe's work is that it graphically underscores the
complexity of behavioral patterns embodied in large sites, and pointedly registers the inadequacies
of the site categories in common use. The implication is that these categories are both inefficient
and misrepresentative.

TOWARD A FUNCTIONAL APPROACH

If settlement pattern research is to contribute to an understanding of the organizational and

processual aspects of past societies then, as Willey stipulated, sites must be treated in terms of the
activities they housed. As long as this is not done, settlement pattern studies will remain little
more than maps with a few colored thumbtacks that chronicle population shifts through time.
From the foregoing review it is apparent that there has been little progress toward meeting Willey's
stipulation. The Viru Valley Project classified sites as belonging to one or another of 4 basic types.
The same, or generally similar, site types have come to be accepted as the basic analytical units in
most all subsequent research. This acceptance has developed in spite of the rather obvious fact that
the classificatory units yield very little functional information, and actually tend to conceal, rather
than elucidate, past forms of activity. In effect, the current situation is one in which sites are dealt
with only by the simplest of typological methods. Extremely complex phenomena are forced into
a few taxonomic slots. The functional nature of a settlement is generally not elucidated from its
remains; rather, the site is first "typed" and then broad behavioral characteristics believed to be
associated with the particular site type are ascribed to the settlement in question. This is basically
a technique of imposing meaning upon the data, rather than drawing meaning out of the data. The
methodology, and more specifically the existing classificatory system, would not be tolerated in
most other areas of archaeological investigation. If a ceramicist stated he was going to investigate
function and process, but then ordered his collections on the basis of only 4 or 5 broad pottery
types, the professed research goals could not be achieved, and the resulting reconstruction of the
past would have but limited utility and validity.
If settlement pattern archaeology is to realize its potential it must move away from a simplistic
typological base and toward an approach approximating attribute analysis. It is inadmissible to

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Moseley and Mackey] SMALL SITE METHODOLOGY 75

impose meaning on sites simply on the basis of connotations imputed by typological rub
Rather, an attempt must be made to factor out the major activity components at a site. T
then be weighed and assessed before the settlement is characterized in general terms, or as
one or another taxon. Ths is a complicated process not open to easy solution. Yet, as long
methodological problems involved in developing economic means for arriving at past act
patterns remain unaddressed, settlement pattern archaeology has but a limited future.
Finding solutions to these problems will be complicated for students working in Peru
archaeological preservation insures that most studies will have to contend with substantial
of sites. A majority of the settlements will be products of people living in complex and
urbanized environments. The urban tradition arose early and continued for more than 3
This social milieu demanded multiple roles and multiple activities of its members. As bo
and Rowe have pointedly stressed, the resulting large sites defy easy categorization. Eve
comprehensive excavation programs that lie outside the scope of most settlement pattern
the archaeological intricacies of large sites often make it difficult to identify specific m
behavior or activity components. Simply stated, long occupations by sizable populations
in heterogeneous pursuits have resulted in sites where there are definite problems in corr
particular sets of archaeological remains with specific typess of past activities. Yet, if set
pattern archaeology is to "work" it must ultimately decipher just such sites in terms of
behavior that went on in them.

The Kroeber Methodology

Understanding sites in terms of the activities they held is open to many means of approach. In
light of the current status of settlement pattern research, what is called for now is the development
of a substantial repertoire of distinct techniques useful in factoring out activity components. When
such a repertoire is at hand different sites in different situations and contexts can be approached
from a functional perspective. One of the useful avenues to activity interpretation can come from
adopting a methodology broadly analogous to that A. L. Kroeber (1963) proposed for the study
of ceramic styles. Kroeber observed that large sites often produced pottery collections that were
heterogeneous and mixed. Heterogeneity was introduced by the cosmopolitan nature of
populations at big sites who often drew inspiration and influence from outside the local area and
tradition. Mixing was introduced by stratigraphic complications brought on by such things as
prehistoric construction techniques making use of artificial fill, leveling earlier structures, site
remodeling, and the like. On the other hand, Kroeber noted that small sites of short occupational
duration frequently had ceramics that were relatively straightforward and unmixed. Because they
reflected a relatively clear and unadulterated picture of the local ceramic tradition, Kroeber
referred to assemblages from small sites as being of "pure style." Although a single "pure style"
collection often lacked temporal depth and spatial, or social, breadth, if sufficient assemblages
from different small sites were analyzed they could be ordered by seriational means to form a
large, composite panorama accurately calibrating the development of a local pottery style. In this
argument, small sites were seen as the source for fine-grained building blocks with which detailed
stylistic reconstructions could be made. Kroeber then went on to advocate the use of small sites
with "pure style" assemblages as a backdrop for unraveling the ceramic history of bigger, more
complicated settlements. Speaking of the value of small sites in this context, he said:
The material obtained from them can therefore be used as a touchstone to segregate out the phases
occurring within the material obtained from larger sites, whose populations may have been ethnically mixed,
or may have had wide relations to commerce, or may have persisted through several stages of changing
culture [1963:70].

Kroeber's methodology, or variants thereof, have been employed with considerable success in
Peru. There are limitations, particularly in the realm of controlling ceramic differences introduced
by spatial or social variation. Nonetheless, the approach is straightforward and depends on
relatively few assumptions. In theory, ceramic collections of "pure style" are products of
circumscribing circumstances. These circumstances derive primarily from 2 postulated factors.

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76 ameRican antiquity [Vol. 37, No. 1, 1972

First, sites with short, ephemeral occupations generally do not bridge or record a great amount of
cultural change. Lacking temporal depth they represent an "instant" in archaeological time, rather
than a segment of a prehistoric continuum. This situation generally reduces problems of mixed
assemblages and stratigraphic contamination brought on by long periods of habitation. Second,
settlements with small populations are likely to be "ethnically unmixed" in Kroeber's words. The
implication is that there is less intemal social differentiation between members of a small
community, as well as less outside contact and influence than is typical of large cosmopolitan sites.
When combined, these 2 factors or assumptions provide the milieu of homogeneity upon which
Kroeber's analytic concept was based. If a small, ephemeral population produces pottery of "pure
style" it is because the people are not subject to stylistic variation introduced by time, space, or
social heterogeneity.
Obviously, the size of a settlement, its occupational duration, and its social composition are
independent variables. These demand critical examination with each site investigated. Nonetheless,
the assumptions behind Kroeber's methodology are tenable, manageable, and can be checked when
they are applied. This has contributed to the productivity of the approach.

The Small Site Methodology in Settlement Pattern Research

What makes Kroeber's methodology relevant to settlement pattern research is that the 2 basic
assumptions are operative at levels beyond the ceramic arts. The homogeneity imputed to small,
short-lived occupation s beyond pottery production to include other, more basic activities.
Just as circumstances worked to restrain ceramic variation, so too the type and range of activities
housed in small, ephemeral settlements would be less variegated and less complex than in larger,
long inhabited sites. Phrasing Kroeber's 2 assumptions in terms of general behavior implies that
small populations have rather circumscribed and focused patterns of activity. The focus of activity
derives from the fact that small settlements are not generally full microcosmicrcosmic reflections of the
greater society; rather, they tend to be specialized adaptations geared to particular circumstances.
Granting this, it should be and frequently is easier to work out correlations between specific
configurations of archaeological remains and the behavior that produced them at small settlements
than it is at complex sites. It is here thatat the remains particular to separate enterprises and distinct
patterns of conduc a t in relatively pure form. Of course, not every small site was the
product of focused behavior. Nonetheless, a great many were adaptations to specialized situations
and the seats of restricted activity; these are the settlements that hold considerable potential for
functional interpretation.
In actual practice, the small site methodology may be applied in various ways in the field.
When, in the course of site survey, a particular constellation of prehistoric remains shows up as a
repetitive pattern at a number of settlements, it can be given intensive study at one or more small
sites where the pattern has a clear and uncontaminated expression. Once the behavioral
connotations have been worked out at these sites, the results can be referred back to the other
settlements as one of their activity components. On the other hand, a scholar may be primarily
concerned with a large complex settlement where evidence of a number of different activities is
found in general form. If the full range of archaeological remains associated with each mode of
behavior is not entirely clear, the investigator can turn to small sites. By working at sites exhibiting
a sharp focus on one or another of the different behavioral pattems, it is possible to establish a
closer association of the pattern and its archaeological expression. This can then be used in
interpretation of the larger settlement of primary concern.
Thus, just as Kroeber looked to small settlements for "pure style" assemblages, they can be
looked to with profit in settlement pattern studies. First, at small sites it is possible to
economically work out correlations between specific configurations of prehistoric remains and
specific modes of human activity. Second, with the investigation of sufficient settlements of
focused activity, a repertoire of archaeological attributes characterizing different behavior patterns
can be built up. And, third, this repertoire can be used to help dissect out various functional
components at large, complex settlements.

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Moseley and Mackey] SMALL SITE METHODOLOGY 77

The small site methodology is certainly not a panacea for the anemic state of settleme
studies. It is only a very partial remedy to a general disorder that demands mul
treatments to effect a cure. The small site methodology has some important limitatio
preclude heavy reliance upon the technique. These will be discussed following presenta
examples illustrating the utility of the approach.

Examples of the Approach

The means of applying the small site methodology in the field will depend upon the se
conditions of each settlement pattern study. Two means of approach can be drawn fr
recent research in the Moche Valley on the north coast of Peru. The first example illust
use of small sites to factor out characteristics of certain activity components of larger s
As is typical of Peruvian desert valleys, the prehistoric occupation of the Moche drain
clustered in and along the confines of arable, irrigated lands. Exceptions are outlying lo
sites where resources of seasonal, fog-dependent vegetation were exploited by hunter
and coastal villages where marine resources were of great importance. Villages of
fishermen appeared prior to the development of a fully agricultural economy, and the s
residence pattern continued for 5 millennia. A significant development in the local hi
fishing was the introduction of tortora reed boats, called caballitos. This apparently t
sometime shortly before the beginning of the Christian Era, and it opened to
exploitation deep water marine fauna that had previously been inaccessible to th
population. The development of agriculture was also of considerable importance to sho
residence, because along the valley mouth farming could be easily combined with
marine resources. This resulted in a number of large settlements with diversified sub
patterns. Understanding the archaeological nature and significance of reed boat fishing an
was, therefore, crucial to understanding the valley mouth sites and reconstructing the
of the littoral zone.
The problem was approached in 3 steps. First, 2 small coastal preceramic sites were
Because the middens dated early, their occupation preceeded the use of water-craft, as w
major reliance upon agricultural produce. The excavations, therefore, produced a set of c
which a boatless fishing economy could be recognized and evaluated. Second, a series o
farmsteads were studied. Of variable dates, these yielded information on the basic type
of food remains and artifacts typical of local agricultural activities. The third step in th
was to open a series of excavations at a small outlying coastal village that dated late in t
sequence. The site was situated in an inter-valley stretch of desert well removed from a
The local topography prevented raising food crops, but it did allow for the growing o
reeds. These were cultivated in artificially excavated, brackish water lagoons just b
beach-line. The prehistoric habitation took place along the edges of the cultivation plo
excavation produced a substantial range of material.
From the investigation of inland farmsteads, it was possible to recognize the nature an
of agricultural input brought to the tortora fishing site, as well as to assess some of the
involved in reed cultivation and subsistence farming. Comparing the marine fauna and f
settlement with those of the preceramic middens factored out the foods availab
watercraft. This left a considerable amount of material, both in the form of edible marin
and fishing tackle, that could be correlated with tortora fishing. Obviously, some of t
left over after subtracting farming and boatless fishing could be attributed to the locat
cultural affinities, and other idiosyncrasies of the site. Nevertheless, there was a subs
substratum of material that tied directly to reed watercraft, and this provided a
calibrating the role of tortora fishing at the more complex valley mouth settlements.
The second example of the small site methodology illustrates a means of moving direc
the recognition of a distributional pattern to the establishment of a past activity patt
addition to the outlying fishing stations and lomas camps, there are a substantial num
marginal Moche Valley sites that can not be directly related to natural food resources
adjacent physical environments. These settlements are found in and along the major queb

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78 amelRcan antiquity [Vol. 37, No. 1, 1972

dry tributaries entering the valley. The sites are often far away from arable land, well inland fr
the ocean, and infrequently near stands of fog-dependent vegetation. Thus, they would have m
poor bases for carrying on farming, fishing or lomas exploitation. The individual sites were varia
in terms of size, architecture, layout, and cultural affiliation. Most all were small and would
qualify as "living sites" in the terminology of the Viru Valley. In the course of survey the marg
quebrada settlements proved to be a relatively frequent phenomenon.
Multiple steps were involved in arriving at a general functional understanding of the outlyin
settlements. First, a sufficient number of the marginal quebrada sites had to be surveyed befor
their integrity as a distinct distributional pattern could be recognized. Once the pattern beca
apparent, a search began for cultural or natural phenomena that might correlate with
settlements and perhaps explain their distinctive distribution. Substantial numbers of people
resided in the quebradas through time, and the search was, therefore, directed at attempting
identify the underlying subsistence pattern. The sites could not be correlated with any local fo
resources; yet, the domestic refuse generally contained a mixture of farm produce, marine faun
as well as some lomas products. Thus, although marginal and located in unproductive lo
environments, the settlements evinced a surprisingly broad subsistence base. The search
explanation then focused on cultural phenomena, and here it became apparent that some of th
sites were situated beside well-defined prehistoric roads. This was not unusual; many of
centrally located Moche Valley sites tied into ancient road systems. It did, however, provide a le
Subsequent close examination of the outlying settlements and the drainages in which they we
situated showed that where roads were absent, definite trails or trail systems could be identifie
Walking out sections of the trails produced sufficient surface sherds to confirm their antiquity
to establish temporal as well as physical ties with the marginal sites. Recognition of the roads a
trails led to examination of the quebradas as communication routes. In all cases where a heavy
outlying occupation took place, there were natural passages to adjacent valleys, to the coast, or
the highlands. The communication system that was elucidated was distinct from the one presen
connecting the Moche Valley with other areas, but then it was based on very different modes o
travel.
The next step in the study was to examine the trail- and road-related sites for distinctive
archaeological remains. Although the settlements were variable in terms of dating, layout, an
remains, a number of interesting characteristics came to light. For one thing, there were a num
of conspicuous absences in the artifacts inventory. For example, certain types of very large, hea
walled vessels common in all sites adjacent to arable land were consistently lacking. This generat
the suspicion that the vessels were in some way connected with storage of agricultural
produce-something that could be critically examined at farming sites. The marginal sites also
exhibited 2 interesting features. First, pottery collections from the settlements showed a relativ
high frequency of material made outside the Moche Valley. This provided a clear suggestion o
trade. And, second, at some sites crude masonry bases for brush corrals could be identified. T
size of the structures as well as preserved dung indicates that they were for stabling llamas. Th
points to one of the means by which trade goods were transported.
Establishing the general nature of the small, marginal quebrada settlements yields feed-back f
the interpretation of centrally located valley-bottom sites. Recognizing that the sites w
precipitated by trade commerce provides a category of settlements that approximates, to som
degree, the functional site types Willey called for. The study also led to a means for registering
importance of communication and trade routes. Plotting the time/space distribution of t
settlements will be useful in gauging changes in the direction, amount, and type of trade tha
entered the Moche Valley in different eras.

Limitations of the Approach

The small site methodology is useful only within certain limits. One restriction stems from t
fact that identical archaeological forms or configurations can appear in small and large si
however, the associated behavior can be quite different in each context. When a form or object

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Moseley and Mackey] SMALL SITE METHODOLOGY 79

introduced from an urban to a rural setting, or vice versa, there is often a

reorganization of the associated activity.
Finally, the explanation of certain archaeological phenomena will always lie in la
settlements. Urban centers were foci for a great deal of activity that saw little or n
small communities. Simply stated, as an entity a city is not equivalent to the sum tot
components it may encompass. As a member of the Viru Valley Project, Collier (19
excavated a Chimu settlement that contained a small "U" shaped structure. Well-m
interior wall niches in a special arrangement, the building was highly distinctive.
classified as "ceremonial," a taxonomic limbo. Two decades later, intensive study of
center of Chan Chan in the Moche Valley has isolated numerous examples of identica
Here the "U" shaped buildings appear in repetitive architectural contexts as
particular types of archaeological remains. Studied in this urban setting, a general
interpretation of the structure has developed that was simply unattainable at the sma
site.

CONCLUSION

Settlement pattern studies are predicated upon treating sites in terms of the activities t
housed. Willey made this very clear in his pioneering work. Yet, he did not rigorously pursu
dictum in data analysis for fear of jeopardizing the acceptance of functional interpretation
Viru Valley settlement pattern data were approached much as if they had been a collection of

into 4 broad types-cooking, storage, religious, and mortuary vessels. Because of this inadeq
typological base, analysis did not lead to sophisticated interpretation of the nonmaterial an
organizational aspects of past societies. What the study did produce was a frequency charti
time and space of the 4 different vessel types. Inferences could be made about changing popul
patterns, but these were not, nor could they be functional or processual.
In retrospect, it is apparent that in 20 years' time settlement pattern research in Peru has
moved beyond the original Viru Valley foundations. Willey's work remains the best and m
complete of its kind. It has become something of an archetype around which subsequent st
Iave clustered. This has meant most all continuing research has operated within, and been
confined by the strictures of a narrow and deficient taxonomy that glosses over the range of
activity components found at different settlements.
If settlement pattern research is to progress, then there must be a change in some of its
fundamental techniques. It can no longer pursue a crude typological orientation; nor can it
continue to impose meaning on sites simply on the basis of connotations imputed by classificatory
rubrics. Willey's stipulation must be met-settlements must be treated in terms of the activities
that went on within them. An approach approximating attribute analysis is needed to factor out
the different behavioral components of past sites. Out of careful analysis that is sensitive to the
different modes of activity at a site can grow the legitimate means for characterizing settlements in
broader terms.
A useful approach to functional interpretation is the small site methodology. It is, however, but
one approach to a problem that needs multiple new techniques for solution.

Acknowledgments. Support for field studies in the Moche Valley has been provided by the National
Geographic Society (Grants 742 and 847) and the National Science Foundation (Grant GS-2472). Richard W.
Keatinge junior authored an earlier version of this paper and he deserves special acknowledgment. Gordon R.
Willey and Jeremy A. Sabloff offered valuable comments and information that have been drawn upon. Staff
members of the Chan Chan-Moche Valley Project have also contributed material. To these institutions and
individuals we owe great thanks. Responsibility for the views set forth in the paper is, of course, our own.

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