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XII
.XII
Edited by
TEL-AVIV UNIVERSITY
Forthcoming volumes:
Studies in Medieval Judeo-Arabic Culture
Family and the Status of Women in
Halakha and Aggada
Uriel Rappaport
The Jews of Eretz-Israel and the Jews of the Diaspora
During the Hellenistic and Hasmonean Periods (Hebrew)
Aryeh Kasher
Herod and the Jewish Diaspora (Hebrew) K1
Shmuel Safrai
Contacts between the Leadership of the Land of Israel and the
Hellenistic and Eastern Diasporas in the First and Second
Centuries (Hebrew) in
Asher Ovadiah
Jewish Communities in Macedonia and Thrace in Late Antiquity
(Hebrew)
Summaries I-V
Martin Goodman
Sacred Space in Diaspora Judaism
Tessa Rajak
Jews as Benefactors 7
Isaiah M. Gafni
Talmudic Babylonia and the Land of Israel:
Between Subservience and Assertiveness 97
Nicholas de Lange
The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora 111
Lee I. Levine
Diaspora Judaism of Late Antiquity and its Relationship
to Palestine: Evidence from the Ancient Synagogue 139
Alfredo M. Rabello
The Situation of the Jews in Roman Spain 160
Arie Kindler
Numismatic Evidence of a Possible Early Jewish Settlement
in North-Eastern Spain 191
Foreword
MARTIN GOODMAN
Many if not all diaspora Jews in the Hellenistic and Roman periods
shared the reverence felt by their Palestinian co-religionists for the
Temple in Jerusalem.1 It is highly likely, though not strictly provable,
that they also espoused explicitly or implicitly the belief to be found in a
variety of Palestinian Jewish texts that the world is divided into a series
of concentric circles in which the sanctity of places diminished with
distance from the Temple. The most sacred place on earth according to
this view was the Holy of Holies, into which no-one could enter except
the High Priest, whose own access was permitted only once a year after
elaborate precautions to avoid sacrilegious pollution. Next in sanctity
came the court of the priests, then the courts of Israel, of women, and
of gentiles. Even less sacred than any of these courts were the regions
of Jerusalem which lay outside the Temple precincts. Jerusalem, the
holy city, was more sacred than the rest of the land of Israel, but Israel
had greater sanctity than the diaspora.2 The theological explanation of
this preeminence of the Jerusalem Temple as sacred place was
straightforward. It was in the Holy of Holies that the divinity specially
dwelt: the emptiness of the innermost shrine signified not the absence of
the deity but the inability of humans to portray him. When the Romans
succeeded in capturing the Temple they did so only because its divine
1. See E.P. Sanders, Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah (1990), 283-308.
2. See J.N. Lightstone, Society, the Sacred and Scripture in Ancient Judaism: a
sociology of knowledge (1988), 36. On the protection of sacred space from
pollution, note Acts 21. 28-29 and CIJ 11 1400 on the prevention of gentiles
penetrating too far into the Temple.
Martin Goodman
resident left the building to its fate. A voice was heard in the sky above
Jerusalem proclaiming "We are departing from this place" (Jos. B.J. 6.
300).
Whether diaspora Jews who espoused such notions might be
expected to feel constantly or even occasionally concerned at their
distance from the centre of holiness is dubious,3 but it does seem hard
to imagine such Jews positing with conviction that any place in their
own vicinity could be holy in the same way that the Temple was. I
intend in this paper to discuss how it came about that, despite this
strong disincentive, some Jews in some places at some times apparently
came to see their synagogues in precisely this way.4
The main function of synagogues in antiquity was as a meeting place
where Jews could be taught the Torah: as Philo put it (Leg. 156), Jews
have "houses of prayer for training themselves on the sabbath in their
ancestral philosophy". Josephus believed that regular weekly reading of
the Law was so integral a part of Judaism that it must have been
instituted by Moses (C.Ap. 2. 175). But neither writer implied that such
a role rendered the site of this activity sacred. The Torah could be read
almost anywhere. So, for example, Ezra's legendary public reading of
the Law to all the people is said by Nehemiah to have taken place "in the
street before the water-gate" (Nehemiah 8. 1-2).
The second main function of synagogues, as the site of communal
prayer, might seem more likely to cast a holy aura upon the building or
place where it occurred. That such communal worship was a central
feature of synagogue ritual, at least in parts of the diaspora, seems fairly
certain from the standard term proseuche used for synagogues in Egypt
in the Hellenistic period. But in Israel certainly, and in the diaspora
probably, prayer did not require a designated building to be efficacious,
2
Sacred Space in Diaspora Judaism
3
Martin Goodman
4
Sacred Space in Diaspora Judaism
5
Martin Goodman
a safe place some distance away. Their actions implied that for them it
was not to the place but to the object of public liturgy that prime sanctity
should be ascribed.
The evidence for the period after 70 C.E. is more extensive but
differs little in its ambiguous import. A straightforward attribution to
synagogues of the sanctity that the now defunct Jerusalem Temple had
once had might have been possible but does not seem to have happened
despite the celebrated comparison of synagogues to the "small
sanctuary" of Ezekiel 11.16 found in b. Megillah 29a. Some rites
previously confined to the Temple, such as the priestly blessing, were
now practised outside the Jerusalem sanctuary, but the rabbinic texts
which report this transfer do not presuppose any special building or
place for such practices.? The most important elements of the Temple
liturgy, libation and sacrifice, ceased altogether. It is worth recalling
that Jewish hopes that the Temple would be rebuilt were by no means
unreasonable before Constantine. Restoration of destroyed sanctuaries
was normal custom in the pagan world and it was quite possible that
later emperors might drop the special hostility to the Jewish cult which
had been adopted by the Flavian dynasty for the purposes of Roman
political propaganda.
Thus rabbinic texts are ambivalent about the sanctity of synagogues.
On the one hand synagogues are definitely not temples - so, for
instance, there is no evidence that there was ever a dedication ceremony
to mark the erection of new synagogue buildings. On the other hand
there are preserved in the Tosefta (t. Megillah 3 (2): 7) quite strict rules
for correct conduct in synagogues, and Mishnaic injunctions in the
names of R. Meir and R. Judah about the permitted uses of money
raised by selling a synagogue site presupposed that such sites are at any
rate special (m. Megillah 3: 2-3); but it is of course significant that
such a site could be sold. Such texts might in theory apply only to
rabbinic attitudes in the land of Israel, but the anonymous baraita
7. See J. Neusner, A Life of Yohanan hen Zakkai, 2nd ed. (1970), 205-210.
6
Sacred Space in Diaspora Judaism
7
Martin Goodman
8
Sacred Space in Diaspora Judaism
and all the more so, it may be surmised, non-rabbinic Jews; thus
whatever prompted the reverence revealed in the inscriptions was
probably not legislation by any central authority. There is more
evidence of attributions of sanctity in the period after 70 C.E. than in
the Hellenistic and early Roman periods, but that may reflect only the
greater survival of diaspora inscriptions from the later era than from the
earlier; thus it may be unwarranted to try to explain Jewish attitudes as a
reaction to the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple. The causes of the
phenomena I have described are likely to lie elsewhere, in more general,
ill-defined religious instincts which by their very nature allowed for the
ambiguity I have noted but also, precisely because such instincts often
remained unstated, cannot be proven.
A number of such religious instincts, such as a human desire to
designate as sacred some place close enough to the locus of secular
activity for ordinary people to feel that sanctity is accessible to them,
can reasonably be postulated. But in this paper I want to pursue just one
of these possible explanations, both because it is generally overlooked
and because, if I am right, the type of explanation offered may throw
some light on the history of other aspects of diaspora Judaism. The
factor on which I shall concentrate is the likely effect on diaspora Jews
of the attitude to their synagogues espoused by their gentile neighbours.
Comments about synagogues in extant Greek and Latin pagan
writings are rather sparse - a fact which, as will become clear, I think
may be significant.15 Pagans were fascinated by such Jewish
peculiarities as the sabbath and dietary laws, but Jewish houses of
worship apparently did not strike them as anything out of the ordinary.
In some cases this may have been because synagogues were just seen
15. For a collection of the evidence and many interesting suggestions, see S.J.D.
Cohen, 'Pagan and Christian evidence on the ancient synagogue', in L.I.
Levine, ed., The Synagogue in Late Antiquity (1987), pp. 159-181. My
arguments were formulated separately, but they may be seen as following on
logically from the ideas on pages 163-165 of his article.
9
Martin Goodman
10
Sacred Space in Diaspora Judaism
16. See R.L. Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews (1983), 79-80.
11
Martin Goodman
search for lodging (hospitium) that they were required to vacate such
premises. The emperors argued that such hospitality should be enjoyed
in the houses of private people, not in "places of religions" (religionum
loca). This law, found in the Theodosian Code (C.Th 7.8.2) but
repeated, therefore presumably still reckoned valid, in the sixth-century
Justinianic Code (C.J. 1.9.4), presupposed that the state had a duty to
protect synagogues as places sacred to Jews.17 Evidence of intermittent
state hostility to synagogues, from the instructions issued by
Theodosius II to the patriarch Gamaliel to destroy all synagogues in
unoccupied places (C. Th. 16.8.22) to Justinian's demand that all
synagogues be changed into churches (see above), does not show that
this assumption was not genuinely held, only that Christian emperors
wavered in their willingness to appease or provoke Jewish religious
susceptibilities.
The attitude of gentiles in the Roman empire to Jewish religious
buildings revealed a tendency I have noted elsewhere to understand
other societies and cultures in terms of their own.18 Sacred space was a
concept of great power and importance in the religious life of most
inhabitants of the Roman world. The landscape was littered with altars
to divinities. Each altar was reckoned more or less sacrosanct and most
public religious activity consisted in processions to a sacred place or a
dramatic ritual by a priest at such a place. Gentiles who came to
Jerusalem found it quite natural to offer sacrifices to the Jewish God in
the Temple, and the obvious way to express respect for Judaism in
Rome in 139 B.C.E. was, according to Valerius Maximus (1.3.2), to
17. On this text see A.M. Rabello, "The legal condition of the Jews in the Roman
empire', ANRW II 13 (1980), 723; A. Linder, The Jews in Roman Imperial
Legislation (1987), no. 14.
18. M. Goodman, The Ruling Class of Judaea: the origins of the Jewish revolt
against Rome, A.D. 66-70 (1987), 35.
12
Sacred Space in Diaspora Judaism
19. See E. Bickerman, 'The altars of gentiles', in Studies in Jewish and Christian
History, Vol. II (1980), 324-346. Note the story reported in y. Megillah
1.13, 72b about the Roman emperor "Antoninus" being helped by R. Judah
haNasi to build an altar.
20. Apart from the Jewish uses of the collocation hagios topos, the phrase
appears very occasionally in Christian inscriptions in reference to a church
(e.g. R. Merkelbach, ed., Die Inschriften von Asses (1976), number 33), but
nowhere (so far as I can discover) in pagan inscriptions. But note the use of
the phrase in the story recounted by Plutarch (Camillus 31.3.7) about the
attempts made by Roman senators to mollify the people by pointing out the
chorion hieron kai topon hagion which Romulus or Numa had consecrated.
13
Martin Goodman
21. See now L.M. White, Building God's House in the Roman World: architectural
adaptation among pagans, Jews and Christians (1990).
22. On pagan views of Christianity in general, see R.L. Wilken, The Christians
as the Romans Saw Them (1984).
14
Sacred Space in Diaspora Judaism
23. See now White, Building God's House, chapter 2 and passim. White argues (p.
136) that the church at Tyre was not a basilica but an elaborate hall with
basilica-type features.
15
Martin Goodman
16
JEWS AS BENEFACTORS'
TESSA RAJAK
Philo opens his tract On the Decalogue by asking why Moses gave
the laws in the desert rather than in a polis. The answer is concerned
with the evils of city-life "In cities there arises that most insidious of
foes, pride (Tt4 os), and some people admire it and bow down to empty
appearances of distinction and make it important by means of golden
crowns and purple robes." He declares that "pride is the creator of
many other evils: boastfulness, haughtiness, inequality2; and these are
the sources of war, both foreign and civil". He also makes the
fundamental claim that "pride brings divine things into contempt,
although these ought to receive the highest honour (T1In )." (de Decal.
1,4-7).
Josephus writes in similar vein in Against Apion, belittling the
award of crowns and public announcements of honours: "for those who
live by our laws, the reward is not silver or gold or a crown of olive or
of parsley or any such proclamation." (CA II, 217-8). The allusion is
surely not just to the time-honoured way of treating victors in the
Olympic and other great games of Greece, as Thackeray's note
suggests3, but rather to the modes of recognition of the powerful and
1. For the data-base and breakdowns on which this paper is based and for help of
every kind, I am indebted to Dr David Noy of the Cambridge Jewish
Inscriptions Project and Reading University.
2. Or perhaps "impiety", depending on the manuscript reading adopted (Colson
prefers dvLvoTr1Tos as in R to avoau trltoc: see Loeb Philo VII, n. ad de
Decal. I, 5.
3. Loeb Josephus, I. n. ad loc.
Tessa Rajak
the munificent in the Greek civic milieu of Josephus' own day and age.
The writer is making an ideological point, sharpening a distinction
between Jews and pagans to establish an ethical contrast between two
world views. He would not have needed, in this moralizing context, to
take account of an awkward case like that of a man from Leontopolis in
Egypt, perhaps a near contemporary of the historian. This was the most
blessed Abraham ('' A(3paµos o µaKapLaTOTaToc), who was "not
without honour" (agerastos) in his city but, in the interesting metaphor
of his verse epitaph, "wore the wreath of magistracy for the whole
people, in his wisdom. "4
Once more in Against Apion, Josephus reminds readers that Jews,
unlike Greeks, do not believe in making statues of those they like or
admire (CA II, 74). Here, of course, the second commandment is at
least as much a consideration as distrust of honours. And finally, at yet
another point in that work, in a discussion of death, it is asserted by
Josephus that "the Jewish law does not allow for expensive funerals or
the erection of conspicuous monuments." (CA II, 205). This is another
way in which the display values of the late Greek polis are undercut, at
least in theory. In fact, we may be inclined to think that the tombs of the
high priests in Jerusalem, still visible in the Kidron valley, told another
story; but it might then be suggested that, in Jerusalem, Jewish self-
differentiation from Greco-Roman values was less necessary. In any
case, we need not be wholly surprised to find practice diverging from
principle.
Visible abstention from social competition and from its various
manifestations was a way of marking out a community from its civic
environment and binding it together. This at least partly explains the
stress laid upon such ideas by another diaspora Jew, Paul of Tarsus, as
he sought to define a place in society for the developing Christian
church.5 The Epistle to the Romans (12.3) offers, appropriately
18
Jews as Benefactors
19
Tessa Rajak
generosity to one's city, see C.P. Jones, The Roman World of Dio Chrysostom
(Cambridge, 1978), 110 ff.
7. For an excellent discussion of the system of benefaction in relation to
synagogue construction, see now L. Michael White, Building God's House in
the Roman World: Architectural Adaptation among Pagans, Jews and
Christians (Baltimore and London, 1990), chap. 4.
20
Jews as Benefactors
21
Tessa Rajak
10. The inscription is published by Rene Hodot in Journal of the J. Paul Getty
22
Jews as Benefactors
To get the honours right was vital in order to secure future services,
from the donor in question or from others, and sometimes the gifts
expected in the future are even spelled out in an inscription. Also, we
find a number of formulae in which the donor is described as an
example to others; and the actual inscription itself may also be explained
as being intended to inspire emulation. Indeed, it is in this light that the
various terms of praise for the generosity and the moral qualities of the
donor should be seen, especially the stress on the virtues of uko-tLµia
or fit? love of honour of glory - precisely those attributes
which Jews professed to disregard.11
An additional feature to be observed in certain inscriptions is that
there exists an opportunity for self-congratulation even for the givers-
of-thanks: to pay due acknowledgement is itself an act within the sphere
of public morality.12
It is clear that in the civic context and even more widely, on. the
regional and imperial levels, euergetism played a major economic role,
though how far it is right to analyse it ultimately in those terms is a
matter of disagreement: Paul Veyne would say rather little, stressing
that the self-gratification of the donor, and the accumulation of honour
and of power, are basic commodities in this kind of transaction, which
needs therefore to be analysed in terms of social relationships and not of
economic rationality. I shall not enter into these theoretical questions
here. What is more to the point is to notice that the same patterns of
language and behaviour operated also on a smaller scale, within the
23
Tessa Rajak
clubs and associations with which the cities proliferated. These too had
their patrons, their notables and their benefactors, and they too
honoured them in a variety of ways.13 We recall Polybius'
unforgettable remarks about those wealthy families in Boeotia who had
distributed the greater part of their fortunes among the clubs, so that
many Boeotians had more dinners in the month than there were days in
the calendar (XX, 6-7). In such a context, we quite often see
individuals of moderate means acting out the roles of the good and the
great.
Thus two major questions arise, when we come to consider the
Jews. First, did they have any role to play in the civic euergetism of
their environments, or rather was their reluctance to accept its principles
a factor which contributed to marginalizing them? Second, did they take
on board any aspect of these practices within their own organizations,
and if they did, are there any signs of limits being set to their adoption?
The protests of Philo and Josephus offer a background against which to
ask these questions.
The foreground, as with the study of pagan euergetism, is
necessarily epigraphic. Diaspora Jews, and in due course those in
Palestine too, participated in the "epigraphic habit" and, as is well
known, we have a body of inscriptions concerning benefactions within
a Jewish or Judaizing context. Baruch Lifshitz14 collected the majority
of them, a total of 102. His valuable collection with its commentary is
the basis for this study and, indeed, a stimulus to it. Those rare cases
where the benefaction is not synagogue-related, or ones where the
benefactor appears not to be a Jew, as well as those in languages other
than Greek, and of course those surfacing since 1967, are not included
in the volume. In contrast to Lifshitz, I shall take into account the small
number of relevant Latin inscriptions along with the Greek, though it is
hard sometimes to avoid the shorthand "Greek inscriptions", because
24
Jews as Benefactors
that is what the bulk of them are. Aramaic and Hebrew material will
appear here only peripherally.
Our theme is the Jewish Diaspora. This delimitation introduces a
certain arbitrary element when it comes to inscriptions, and indeed, to
Jewish communities, since there is no hard-and-fast distinction between
a Diaspora Greek city, a city within Palestine but with a cosmopolitan
population, like Caesarea, one on the fringes of Palestine such as
Gadara, and one a little further afield but still within the same cultural
world, for example, Beirut. One might adopt the Talmudic definitions
of what was a Jewish city, but that would not advance matters very far.
If we stop for a moment to consider Jerusalem itself, we recall that it is
the provenance of one of our most important donor inscriptions, the text
about the refurbishment by Theodotus son of Vettenus of the
synagogue founded by his forbears (Lifshitz 79; CIJ II, 1404). We also
recall that the apparently Roman name "Vettenus" has encouraged a
communis opinio that this was a family of returnees from Rome; that,
then, is where the father and grandfather will have been
archisynagogoi. It becomes arbitrary to exclude even the Theodotus
inscription. Then again, in terms of cultural patterns, Syria seems to be
closer to Palestine sometimes than to what is regarded as the Diaspora.
We shall see an example of this later. A further complication is that,
when it comes to synagogue building within Palestine, donors are
recorded in the Galilean villages of the later Roman empire, and not
only in cities and towns, so we are no longer dealing with a civic
phenomenon; these inscriptions are more often in Hebrew or Aramaic
than in Greek.
These are very real problems and I do not pretend that I can see
exactly how they should be dealt with. They affect discussion of the
Greco-Roman Diaspora over a wide range of issues, and they suggest
that the Diaspora-Palestine distinction may not always be the most
useful one with which to operate, in writing the Jewish history of this
period. Now, however, I shall better stick to my brief and keep my
subject within limits, if I not only restrict the main discussion to texts in
25
Tessa Rajak
Greek or Latin, but also direct the focus onto those which technically
originate from outside Palestine.
There survive four reasonably extended texts concerning individual
benefactions in a Jewish context, apart from the Theodotus inscription.
One (from Berenice in Cyrenaica) in fact involves a non-Jewish patron
of the Jewish community. The Aphrodisias inscription, which is the
longest known Jewish inscription, concerns two groups of contributors
to a foundation, including both Jews (among them proselytes) and
sympathizers. Significant groups of benefactors are listed in the fourth
major text, once again from Berenice. Groups also appear in a series of
small inscriptions, as contributors to a mosaic floor in late fourth
century Apamea in Syria, and at Sardis where they contribute to the
wall-paintings of the synagogue, in much the same period. In the
synagogue of Naro (Hamman Lif), the mosaic was also paved
collectively. 15 The group at Hammath Tiberias does not concern us.
A few middle-length inscriptions are of enormous interest,
especially, perhaps, that concerning a woman called Tation in Phocaea,
Ionia -- whose Jewishness has also been doubted; that of the
refurbishers of Julia Severa's synagogue at Akmonia, Phrygia, where
the builder herself had been a pagan priestess; and that of Polycharmus,
the archisynagogos at Stobi, Macedonia.
Short texts are occasionally of special note, as is the dedication of
Publius Rutilius Ioses (thus disentangled by L. Robert, from the letters
PROUTIOSES), an dpXLQVVayu yos in Teos in Ionia
(Lifshitz 16; CIJ II, 744). Often enough, we are just dealing with
scraps, perhaps a name or a couple of names and a formula. All this is,
in fact, very far from the verbose world of pagan epigraphic benefaction
and honour. It may seem surprising, then, that I should claim the
possibility of drawing any conclusions at all about Jews and
euergetism. Yet a careful study, in which the dossier is considered as a
26
Jews as Benefactors
27
Tessa Rajak
16. For arguments against the Jewishness of this inscription, see William
Horbury and David Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt
(Cambridge, 1992), no. 20, where it is now newly edited. Cf. no. 26, for an
even more dubious case of what may have been a statue connected with a
possibly judaizing association.
17. G. Luderitz, Corpus jiidischer Zeugnisse aus der Cyrenaika, mit einem Anhang
von Joyce M. Reynolds (Beihefte zum Tubinger Atlas des vorderen Orients
Reihe B, 53, Wiesbaden 1983), no. 71.
28
Jews as Benefactors
18. The identification of the dating era remains uncertain. For the early dating,
see Martha W. Baldwin Bowsky, W. Tittius Sex. F. Aem. and the Jews of
Berenice (Cyrenaica)", AJPh 108 (1987), 495-510.
19. Shimon Applebaum, Jews and Greeks in Ancient Cyrene (Leiden, 1979), 164-
7.
20. CJZC 70, with bibliography.
29
Tessa Rajak
21. I am grateful to Joyce Reynolds for discussing this problem with me.
22. On this environment, see A.R.R. Sheppard, "Jews, Christians and Heretics in
Acmonia and Eumeneia", Anatolian Studies 29 (1979), 169-80; P. Trebilco,
Jewish Communities in Asia Minor (Cambridge, 1991), 58-84. There is much
that is still of value in W.M. Ramsay, The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia
vol. 1, part 2 (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1897), who perhaps over-estimates
actual Jewish involvement in the society.
23. On the significance of this title, see T. Rajak and D. Noy, "Archisynagogoi:
Office, Title and Social 'Status in the Greco-Jewish Synagogue", JRS 83
(1993), 80-98.
30
Jews as Benefactors
24. See Trebilco, op. cit. (n. 19), 230, n. 34. On Tation, see also Bernadette J.
Brooten, Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue (Brown Judaic Studies 36
Chico, California, 1982), 143-4.
25. See Philo, Legatio 133, with discussion in E. Mary Smallwood Philonis
Alexandrini Legatio ad Gaium (Leiden, 1961), n. ad. loc., 220-1. To
Smallwood's list of Jewish honours to rulers from the Roman period, add
Alexander Scheiber, Jewish Inscriptions in Hungary (Budapest, 1983), no. 3:
a soldier who seems to be an archisynagogos, for the safety of Alexander
Severus.
31
Tessa Rajak
26. ETLpJ Yav TrdaEs bb q[S] For the inscription see B. Lifshitz in
CIJ I, ed. 2, Prolegomenon, 89 (731f).
32
Jews as Benefactors
one individual without office and twenty five from each of two others.
Further names are missing. The great new Aphrodisias inscription,
which lists those responsible for a mysterious memorial, gives a large
number of names, perhaps the entire roster of the equally opaque
dekania, which may or may not have included also the sympathizers on
the second face of the stone.27
It is tempting to argue that these and other group donations are
nothing less than another strategy to minimize the impact of the donor
and his or her wealth within the Jewish community, by asserting the act
of giving as a communal and equalizing activity, not a field for display,
for the exercise of power or the accumulation of privilege. The identity
of the sums given by each and every one of the listed Berenice archons
might support this case. Office-holding in that society carried its
obligations, but was scarcely a route to outshining others. Lists of
group donations are not unique to Jewish communities,28 but they do
seem to have taken root in the Jewish environment.
Our last major inscription, a 32-line text known since 1931, suggests
another strategy for taking the donor out of the limelight, and that is to
link the donation into the sphere of religious obligation. Claudius
Tiberius Polycharmus of Stobi in Macedonia could have been no mean
donor. This is suggested both by his Roman citizenship, evidently
predating A.D. 212 and by what he owned: a property with a courtyard
in the city large enough for him to hand over a major part of it, so that
its downstairs could serve as a synagogue and a communal facility. He
has the respected position of being father of the synagogue. But he
makes over the gift EvEKa, in fulfilment of a vow. That being
so, self-advertisement is not in order, and we do not find any in the
33
Tessa Rajak
34
Jews as Benefactors
appears in Lifshitz 20, where the editor adduces later Christian material;
we now know, from circulated but unpublished texts, that it was
widespread in the city. There is one parallel from Aegina (CIJ 722),
Sardian variants are, EK T63v Tfs Trpovoias BoµtTwv and EK TCi)v
8opE6v TOV TravTOKpaTOpos OEou and, more concisely, just ek ton
tes pronoias. Tom Kraabel has in this symposium associated the
formula with the cultured neo-Platonist milieu of late Roman Sardis; but
the term npbvoLa for the deity is rooted in Greek-Jewish thought,
being quite at home in Josephus.31
The ultimate strategy comes in a late inscription from Scythopolis
(Beth She'an).32 This might be thought to represent a more extreme
self-effacement than anything from the Greco-Roman Diaspora,
because here the contributors to a sixth-century mosaic floor are
anonymous and we are explicity informed that their names are known to
God. Perhaps those names were not entirely unknown to friends and
neighbours either! Such a formula has affiliations, on the one hand,
with Palestinian Aramaic synagogue dedications, with their
characteristic Semitic request that the donor be remembered for good:
there is obvious mutual influence between the Aramaic and Greek styles
in Palestinian dedications, but the directions of influence are not easy to
35
Tessa Rajak
36
Jews as Benefactors
37
Tessa Rajak
38
JEWISH RIGHTS IN THE ROMAN WORLD:
NEW PERSPECTIVES
The subject of the rights enjoyed by the Jews in the Roman world
has been dealt with thoroughly by contemporary scholars. Most of
these rights are mentioned by Josephus, mainly in his Antiquitates;
they included the right to observe the Sabbath (Ant. XIV 227, 242;
245-6; 258; 262-4; XVI 168); the right to observe Jewish festivals
(Ant. XIV 257-8, 263; XVI 167-8); the corollary right not to have to
appear in court on Sabbath, or on the day of preparation for it (Sabbath
Eve) after the ninth hour (Ant. XVI 27 and 163; 168); the right to build
synagogues (Ant. XIV 258 and perhaps 261); the right of assembling
together in order to perform Jewish rites (Ant. XIV 241-3; 260); the
right to hold communal banquets for religious purposes (Ant. XIV
214- 216); the right to contribute annually the half shekel to the Temple
in Jerusalem (Ant. XIV 112-3; 235; 259-261; XVI 163; 166-172); the
right to follow special dietary regulations, with the corollary right of
having the oil-tax refunded to them, so that they could use their own oil
instead of that distributed by the gymnasiarchs (Ant. XII 119-120);
permission to hold a special market (Ant. XIV 259-261); exemption
from military service (Ant. XIV 223-234; 236-240; indirectly XVI 27-
57). In Judea, Jews enjoyed exemption from taxation every seven years
so as to enable them to observe the sabbatical year (Ant. XIV 200-
202).
Some of these rights are also mentioned in the Bellum (11,591) and
in the Vita (74), as well as by Philo: for example, the right to observe
* My thanks to Prof. David Asheri for reading this work and to Fay Lipshitz for
her assistance in tidying my English
Miriam Pucci Ben-Zeev
1. R.K.Sherk, Roman Documents from the Greek East, Baltimore 1969, note 7,
p.6; M.Stern, "Nicolaus of Damascus as a Source for Jewish History in the
Herodian and Hasmonean Periods", Studies in Bible and Jewish History
Dedicated to the Memory of Jacob Liver, Tel Aviv 1971, 375-94 and in Greek
and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, I, Jerusalem 1974, 227-33 and T.
Rajak, "Was There a Roman Charter for the Jews?", JRS 74, 1984, note 12,
p.110.
2. Against Moehering's negative view on this point [H. Moehering, "The Acta
pro Judaeis in the Antiquitates of Flavius Josephus", Christianity, Judaism,
and other Greco-Roman Cults, ed. J. Neusner, Leiden 1975,124-158] see the
works of Saulnier, who thinks that Josephus could have used the documents
restored by Vespasianus [Chr. Saulnier, "Lois romaines sur les Juifs selon
Flavius Josephe", Rev.Bib.,88,1981,n.4, p.163] and those of Tessa Rajak,
Jewish Rights in the Roman World
Josephus could also have used local archives. Rajak stresses the
importance of the natural ties between Diaspora communities, which
facilitated the effective diffusion of texts and encouraged appeal to
precedent. Josephus may well have visited Jews around the Greek
world during the time when he was writing his Antiquitates, for his
life in Rome spanned some twenty years: therefore local archives could
also have assisted him.3
It seems that a kind of consensus has been reached in these last ten
years: a mixed origin is the most likely explanation.
A similar consensus seems to have been reached about Josephus'
apologetic purposes in citing his documents, purposes which are to be
held responsible not only for the fact that he cites only documents
favourable to the Jews, omitting all documents directed against them,
but also for the fact that he concentrates on the public aspect, ignoring
evidence which might establish the details of private life among Jews in
the sphere of private law-4
Clearly, Josephus is more concerned with the general theme of
esteem for the Jews than with the details of Jewish status (Ant. XIV
187-8); he is interested in the use of the documents in political
arguments, and much less in their exact legal content.5 His political
aims were intended for a broad public, and were relevant for the period
in which he was writing. To the Roman reader, he wanted to show the
old tradition on which the Jewish rights were based. To the Greeks, he
who admits the possibility that parts of the archives somehow survived
[art.cit. 1984 in note[1], note 13, p.111; T. Rajak, "Jewish Rights in the
Greek Cities under Roman Rule: a New Approach", Approaches to Ancient
Judaism, ed.W.S.Green, vol. 5, Studies in Judaism and Its Greco-Roman
Context, Brown Judaic Studies, 32, Atlanta 1985, note 11, p.33].
3. Art.cit.1984 in n.[1] ,p.118; art.cit.1985 in n.[2], n.11,p.33.
4. A.M.Rabello, "The Legal Condition of the Jews in the Roman Empire",
ANR W, II, 13, 1980, p.682.
5. Rajak, art.cit. 1984 in n.[1], p.121.
41
Miriam Pucci Ben-Zeev
wished to emphasize that the Jews throughout the Roman world stood
under the special protection of the Roman senate. As Rajak rightly
perceives, his work was a tool to foster peace between Jews and
Greeks, through the acceptance by pagans of the practice of the Jewish
religion among Greeks and that of paganism by Jews, as Josephus
himself states: "It was necessary for me to cite these facts, because this
version of our history is meant to go chiefly to Greeks, so as to show
them that in earlier times we were treated with every respect and were
not prevented by those in power from practising any of our ancestral
customs, but were even assisted by them in our cult and in honouring
God. And if I often mention these texts it is in order to reconcile the
nations and to eliminate the causes of hatred which have taken root in
the thoughtless among us and among them" (Ant. XVI 174-175). The
same ideas appear also in Ant. XIV 186.
To the Jews, both Judean and Diaspora Jews,6 the message was
clear: if the Romans, as the source of the Jewish freedom to follow the
law of Moses, did not revoke these rights even after they had crushed
the Judean rebellion of 66-70 CE, then clearly it would be criminal
madness ever again to endanger the peaceful relations between Rome
and the Jews.7
The insertion of documents in Josephus' narrative is not, in any
case, something new: it belongs to an established literary tradition,
which we already find in Ezra and in the first and second book of the
Maccabees; this fact, and the political aims which lay behind Josephus'
extensive use of documents, have nothing to do with the main question
which has always been asked by scholars, namely, whether or not
Josephus quotes from real existing documents. As Efron did dealing
with the revolt of the Maccabees, we, too, could write a survey of the
42
Jewish Rights in the Roman World
attitude of scholars over the last two centuries towards the authenticity
of the documents cited by Josephus. In the nineteen-thirties, the well-
known article of Bikermann constituted a turning point.8 Since then, in
spite of the corruptions in the text, the order in which the documents are
arranged, and the sometimes uncertain dates, contemporary research
tends to consider the documents cited by Josephus as genuine. The
frequent errors and displacements of names and dates, some strange
intrusions and the somewhat haphazard order of the material only show
the various vicissitudes of the process of transmission. Nor does the
burning of the archives of the Capitol in Rome in 69 CE constitute
proof against the authenticity of the documents, as Rajak rightly
shows.9 Even if Josephus' claim that he himself consulted the original
documents in the Capitol is a literary device, this does not prove that the
documents he cites are not authentic. Sherk has shown also that most
Latin authors who refer to Roman decrees, such as Livy, Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, Appian and Diodorus, may never have consulted the
originals at all. They were usually content with the second-hand
information they found in the works of their predecessors.10 To-day,
most scholars seem to agree that in spite of their mistakes, faults and
imprecisions, the documents mentioned by Josephus are apparently
authentic: every new investigation serves to confirm that their formal
features are correct for genre and period. It seems that Josephus does
quote real, existing documents.11 Of course, a comparison between the
documents quoted by Josephus and the Romans' grants to other
43
Miriam Pucci Ben-Zeev
M.Hadas-Lebel, "L'image de Rome aupres des Juifs 164-70", ANRW II, 20,
1987, 789.
12. See the doubts expressed by Moehering, art.cit. in n.[2].
13. See J.S.Richardson, Roman Provincial Administration 227 BC to AD 117,
Basingstoke, Hampshire 1976, repr. 1984, p. 140 and D. Braund,
"Introduction: the Growth of the Roman Empire", in: The Administration of
the Roman Empire 241 BC- AD 193, ed. D. Braund, Exeter 1988, p.3.
14. E.S. Gruen, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome, vol.II,1984, 746.
Jewish Rights in the Roman World
known about Romans' foedera with other minor states and cities: the
summakia with Rhodes, for example, did not in practice give Rhodes
any concrete claims on the Romans. It had a symbolic rather than a
pragmatic purpose: a gesture of Roman indulgence toward an inferior
power. The Romans' relations with Judean Jews were similar: polite
nods in the direction of their interests. Gruen calls Roman-Jewish
treaties in the IInd century BCE "ceremonial pacts".15 In the first
century BCE, the situation was very similar. Roman decrees in favour
of the Jews were sometimes not effective at all, and often had to be
issued repeatedly. This does not constitute an unicum. In the case of
Mitylene too, Rome's amicitia and societas had to be issued a number
of times during the first century BCE: similarly, the privileges granted
to Stratoniceia had also to be confirmed.16 I do not intend to deal here
either with the problem of the Greek-Jewish-Roman relationship in the
Greek cities of the Roman Diaspora, which has been thoroughly
examined by Arie Kasher and by Tessa Rajak.17
The basic question which I mean to focus upon is that of the meaning
of the Jewish rights mentioned by Josephus in the Roman legal sphere.
The commonly accepted traditional interpretation is that Josephus'
decrees testify to the existence, in Rome, of legislation regarding the
Jews, which was formulated by Caesar and came to replace the ad hoc
resolutions taken till then. This legislation, which was later confirmed
by Augustus and the emperors who came after him, had a permanent
and general character: it applied to all Jews in every part of the Roman
45
Miriam Pucci Ben-Zeev
empire, from the times of Caesar till Christian times. According to this
interpretation, Roman decrees testify to the privilegia enjoyed by the
Jews, privilegia which formed a kind of a 'Magna Carta'. Since
Niese's and Juster's times, and even more so after Bikermann
convinced contemporary scholarship of the necessity of believing in
Josephus and his decrees, virtually every scholar who has dealt with the
subject, has accepted this picture.18
And then, in the eighties, came the work of Tessa Rajak, which
brought about a revolution in the field. Tessa Rajak thought to
invalidate this theory in its entirety. In two articles which already
constitute a 'must' in scholarship, and which every university student
will have to learn by heart, Tessa Rajak showed that the grants given by
the Romans to the Jews had in fact a very narrow and limited
significance. Not only did these decrees arise from personal
connections (which imparts to them a degree of potential impermanence
or instability), and not only were they always issued on Jewish request,
but they were always, and this is the main point, geographically local
and chronologically limited. This means that every decree had value
only in a certain place and at a certain time. The fact that their
significance was extremely limited in space and time means that the
Jews were not protected by a special legal status, and no permanent and
general legislation existed for the Jews in Rome.19 This new approach
to Roman decrees in favour of the Jews, which has already been
18. E.M. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule, Leiden 1976, 128; Rabello,
art. cit. 1980 in n[4], 662-762; Saulnier, art.cit. n[2], 161; M. Reinhold,
Diaspora - The Jews among the Greeks and Romans, Sarasota and Toronto
1983, 74; F. Blanchetiere, "Les Juifs et l'autre: la Diaspora asiate" Etudes sur
le JudaIsme hellenistique. Congres de Strasbourg (1983), ed. R. Kuntzmann -
J. Schlosser, Lectio Divina 119, Paris 1984,50-51; Hadas-Lebel, art. cit. in
n.[11], 789-93; A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, ebrei e samaritani alla luce delle
fonti storico-letterarie, ecclesiastiche e giuridiche, I, Milano 1987, 46.
19. See bibliographical details in n.[1] and n.[2].
Jewish Rights in the Roman World
47
Miriam Pucci Ben-Zeev
Jerusalem 1976, 220; by the same author see also art. cit.1980 in n.[4], 692
and op.cit. in n.[18], 46; Moehering, art.cit.1984 in n.[7], 896-7.
24. Sherk, op.cit. in n.[1], 193. For a later period see F.Millar, The Emperor in
the Roman World, (31 BC- AD 337) London 1977, 420-434.
25. A.J. Marshall, "Flaccus and the Jews of Asia (Cicero, ProFlacco, 28,67-69)",
Phoenix, 29, 1975, 139-154.
48
Jewish Rights in the Roman World
49
Miriam Pucci Ben-Zeev
population groups, which had special requirements and needs and with
whom the Roman empire had to cope. The Roman empire was large. It
is not necessary to assume that in each case the Romans had to grant
privilegia.
The problem of the Roman legislation about the Jews is, however,
not easily resolved. Let us take Josephus' testimony. No doubt, most
decrees in favour of the Jews mentioned in the Antiquitates were
chronologically and geographically limited. But a few of them display a
general character. There is a diatagma, for example, sent by Augustus
to Norbanus Flaccus, insisting that the Jews may follow their own
customs by transmitting money to Jerusalem (Ant. XVI 160-166).
Here, as Tessa Rajak rightly stresses, the Jews are mentioned in a
general way. Josephus' words find confirmation in Philo, whose
version of the document, though different, also speaks unambiguously
of Jews everywhere (Leg. 311-317). Similarly unambiguous is
Claudius' edict in Ant. XIX 289 reinstating the rights granted by
Augustus to the Jews, which finds confirmation in CPJ, 11,153, col.I,
1.83. Tens of times Josephus mentions, in different chronological and
geographical contexts, the fact that the Jews were allowed to follow
their ancestral laws and customs (nomoi and ethe) and if we take into
account all the edicts, rescripts, senatorial decrees, letters of provincial
governors and council resolutions mentioned by Josephus, we see that,
taken all together, and in spite of the local character of each of them,
they show consistency both in time and space. We find no
contradiction, no deviation, no innovation. The decrees are local
because the circumstances which required their issue were local. But the
Roman decisions appear always in favour of the status quo, namely in
favour of the conservation of rights traditionally enjoyed by the Jews.
From what we can judge from this material, we see that the basic rights
enjoyed by the Jews were never questioned nor withdrawn by Roman
authorities. The right to have freedom of religious practice, to build new
synagogues, to assemble for prayer and for common meals, the right to
send the holy money to Jerusalem, seem never to have been revoked by
50
Jewish Rights in the Roman World
the Romans. What happened in Asia Minor in the days of Flaccus, and
in Jerusalem and Alexandria at the time of Caligula seems to have been
exceptional. We get an impression of consistency in time (from the age
of Caesar to Josephus' time at least) and in space (Egypt, Asia Minor,
Syria, Rome itself). This consistency gives rise to an impression of
stability; the impression that somehow the Jewish cult was permitted by
the Roman laws.
The picture is apparently a contradictory one. On the one hand,
decrees about the Jews display a "here and now" character only. On the
other hand, we find patterns of constancy and consistency.
Actually, no contradiction is involved if we take into consideration a
basic distinction which existed in the Roman empire between situations
recognized de iure, by official laws, and situations recognized de
facto, which never found expression in written laws, and sometimes
not even in written sources. From the recent research cited above28 it
emerges that this distinction is of fundamental importance for the
understanding of the Romans' dealings with the peoples who lived
under their rule. A distinction of this kind between legal rights and
situations recognized de facto can also be useful for the understanding
of the Jews' legal condition in the Roman world, as Marshall's work
shows.
It is not altogether impossible, therefore, against the background of a
generally accepted de facto situation, namely, Jewish freedom of cult
and a kind of jurisdictional autonomy, that from time to time, on special
occasions and always on Jewish initiative, the Romans could specify
and give public recognition to particular rights traditionally enjoyed by
the Jews. These rights could have been engraved, on Jewish request,
on bronze tablets, both in the Capitol, as Josephus claims (Ant. XIV
188, 265-7) and in Eastern Greek cities. In other words, we could have
a situation fluctuating between a general de facto recognition of
freedom of cult - in accordance with the Romans' general granting of
28. Burton's, Baldwin Bowsky's and Braund's works cited in n.[13] and n.[26].
51
Miriam Pucci Ben-Zeev
freedom to local cultures and traditions - and specific rights legally and
officially granted to the Jews of a certain place at a certain time. An
undefined situation of this kind could give, both to the Greek cities and
to the Jews (and to Josephus) the possibility of playing things as they
wanted.
But it is not impossible that general legislation did exist. A brief
investigation of the local charters given by the Romans to other
population groups suggests the necessity of further research. In the case
of other such local charters, for example, doubts have been cast upon
their legal value. Frederiksen was one of the first scholars to express a
different view, showing that often local charters, in spite of their faults
and mistakes, do in fact reflect acts of legislation in Rome. Local
charters were often engraved on bronze tablets, which have survived.
The wooden copy deposited in the aerarium in Rome did not survive.
That is why in many cases only the copies sent to the provinces are
extant to-day.29 Galsterer seems to be of the same opinion. One copy
of the law, he writes, given by the Romans to a specific population
group, either on papyrus or wax, remained in the archives of that city.
Maybe another copy was made. Then the law was engraved on bronze
tablets in the same city. If another copy arrived at Rome, it is not
known to us and can only be hypothetical. The fact that the original
copy in Rome did not survive should not therefore be considered as
proof that the so-called local charters, like the Lex Tarentina and the
Spanish inscriptions, had no legal value.30
It also happened that decrees were issued by Roman governors and
only later were ratified by the senate. In the case of the grants given by
Caesar, for instance, Frederiksen maintains that the lex Antonia de
actis Caesaris confirmandis, issued in June 44 BCE and mentioned by
Cicero (quae statuisset, decrevisset, egisset: Att.16, 16 c, 11) could
29. M.W. Frederiksen, "The Republican Municipal Laws: Errors and Drafts" JRS,
55, 1965, 183-198.
30. Galsterer, art.cit. in n.[21].
52
Jewish Rights in the Roman World
have included some decisions whose final ratification was still wanting,
like the senatusconsultum on the Jews mentioned by Josephus (Ant.
XIV 221).31 Thus we can not completely rule out the possibility that
Jewish rights were not only recognized de facto, but also by a Roman
legislation whose records did not survive: the matter surely requires
further investigation.
53
JEWS AND JEWISH NAMES IN THE
BOSPORAN KINGDOM
IRINA A. LEVINSKAYA
and SERGEI R. TOKHTAS'YEV
1 CIRB 70, 71, 72 (= CU I2, N 683, 683a, 683b), cf. CIRB 985 (= CIJ I2 N
691) with the unconvincing restoration 'Anoa[hwvL).
2 M. Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks in South Russia (Oxford, 1922) 150.
3 B.I. Nadel, Bosporskiye manumissii (Diss. Leningrad, 1947), 146f.
Irina A. Levinskaya and Sergei R. Tokhtas'yev
56
Jews and Jewish Names in the Bosporan Kingdom
5 For connections of the cult of the Most High God with Judaism see, for
instance, E. Schiirer, "Die Juden im Bosporanischen Reiche and die
Genossenschaften der aePf LEvoL OEdv l5 L(TOV ebendaselbst", SAW, XII-XIII
(1897), 220-225; F. Cumont,"YJLaTOS, RE IX, 444-450; E.R. Goodenough,
"The Bosporus Inscriptions to the Most High God", JQR 47 (1957), 221-
245; B. Nadel, op. cit, Idem, Vestnik drevnei istorii 4 (1948), 203-206;
Idem, Archiv Orientalni 28, 1 (1960), 55-66; Idem, Listy Filologicke 89, 1
(1966), 13-24; I. A. Levinskaya, Kul't Theos Hypsistos kak istochnik po
etnokul'turnoj istorii Bospora v I-IV vv. n.e. Diss. (Leningrad, 1988); Idem,
Avtoreferat dissertatsii (Leningrad, 1988).
6 M.P. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion, Bd. II (Miinchen,
1961), 572.
57
Irina A. Levinskaya and Sergei R. Tokhtas'yev
58
Jews and Jewish Names in the Bosporan Kingdom
8 Here and below the numbers of the inscriptions are given according to CIRB.
9 M. Ohana, M. Heltzer, The Extra-Biblical Tradition of Hebrew Personal
Names (Haifa, 1978), 62 (in Hebrew); W. Kornfeld, Onomastica aramaica aus
Agypten (Wien, 1978), 66; H. Wuthnow, Die semitischen Menschennamen
in griechischen Inschriften and Papyrus des Vorderen Orients (Leipzig,
1930), 13.
10 On this form see: D. Foraboschi, Onomasticon alterum papyrologicum
(Milano-Varese, 1971), 20: PapOslo III 113, belongs to a Christian. V.
Tcherikover seems to consider that the element - yahu hides itself under -Lwv:
The Jews in Egypt in the Hellenistic-Roman Age in the Light of the Papyri
(Jerusalem, 1963), 199 (in Hebrew). It is possible that here and elsewhere
c _
Greek and semitic suffixes can coincide; for example: Azari-on, cf. Noth, 38.
11 E. Schurer, op. cit. (see n. 5), 218.
12 V.F. Miller, "Epigraficheskie sledy iranstva na yuge Rossii", Zhurnal
Ministerstva narodnogo prosvesheniya, Otd. klass. filologii (1886,
Octyabr'), 245; M. Vasmer, Untersuchungen fiber die altesten Wohnsitze der
Slaven, I (Leipzig, 1923), 30; V.I. Abaev, Osetinsky yazyk i fol'klor, I
(Moskva-Leningrad, 1949), 168; Zgusta, Pers, §44.
13 F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch (Marburg, 1985), 127f.; the date of fixation
of the name Xalapos (CPJ I N 36, 4, 240 B.C.: Justi, ibid.) makes the
Iranian etymology rather doubtful.
59
Irina A. Levinskaya and Sergei R. Tokhtas'yev
60
Jews and Jewish Names in the Bosporan Kingdom
61
Irina A. Levinskaya and Sergei R. Tokhtas'yev
24 CIRB Index, 896; V. Yajlenko, op. cit., 120-123 (N 179), 141f. (N 219, 4).
25 See Zgusta. Pers. § 740, who adds also XaPety, N 407 (so Zgusta), cf.,
however, Eaptc, fem., Zgusta, KPN § 1341-1, Phrygia. W. Schulze
("Samstag", Kleine Schriften (Gottingen, 19662), 289, n. 10) and after him
G. Klaffenbach (Die Grabstelen der einstigen Sammlung Roma in Zakynthos
(Berlin, 1964), 15 N 25) erroneously ascribe the name Ea j 3iwv to the tribes
living along the North Coast of the Black Sea; it is registered from the In d
century B.C. in the Mediterranean (Klaffenbach, ibid.; J. and L. Robert, Bull.
ep. (1953) N 205) and also as a Jewish personal name (Josephus, Ant. XV.
47). According to 0. Masson (who in his turn refers to A. Caquot and M.
Sznycer ("Quelques noms semitiques en transcription grecque", Hommages a
A. Dupont-Sommer (Paris, 1971), 71) the assertion that Ea43iwv and XaPPsts
are hypocoristic forms of Eal313azaioc "ne nous semble pas recevable, car elle
ne rend pas compte de la disparition du t radical". But similar hypokoristika
are well known in the Jewish onomastikon (see M. Noth, Die Israelitischen
Personennamen, 38). The father of a certain EaPPd6tov was called Eap(3aios
(CPJ I, 47, 7, mentioned by 0. Masson), which means that both names have
the same root. The Hebrew go-bay, with which Caquot (ibid.) compares
XctppLwv is not to the point.
26 These forms are witnessed even earlier than Xaj3a-tLwv (for instance, N 316,
416, Panticapaeum) in the Ist century B.C.E.-Ist century A.D. They could
either have been acquired from another part of the Mediterranean or taken
directly from the local pct t atLwv.
27 V. Tcherikover, The Sambathions, 98, n. 39; CPJ III, 55.
62
Jews and Jewish Names in the Bosporan Kingdom
l'ArsinoIte au IIe siecle apres J.C. (a propos du nom Sambas). Chr. d'Egypte,
49 N98 (1974), 356-365. He came to the conclusion that the fate of both
names was the same: "ils coexistent, puis ils declinent a peu pres a la meme
epoque". His objections are based on the statistical analysis of the frequency
of the name Ea 43ds in the papyri from 130 A.D. to 230 A.D., which shows a
certain reduction in the numbers of the bearers of this name from the year 180
to the year 230. Only by the end of the Vth century did the name Sambas
again become popular, but as Nagel stresses 'dans un autre contexte
onomastique" The fact that Nagel does not mention the total quantity of
documents surviving from each decade and the number of names in each
document detracts from the value of his statistical analysis. The absence of
dated papyri between 221 and 487 (p 362, n. 1) makes his conclusions
unreliable.
29 Cf. V. Tcherikover (CPJ III, 53): "The Sambathions of Tanais were influenced
by Judaism, and their name, derived from Sabbath, demonstrates obviously
their veneration for the Sabbath"; cf. also: E. Schiirer, op. cit. (see n. 7), 625,
n. 183.
30 V.V. Shkorpil, Izvestiya Archeologicheskoj Komissii, 27 (1908), 48f. N6.
63
Irina A. Levinskaya and Sergei R. Tokhtas'yev
64
Jews and Jewish Names in the Bosporan Kingdom
38 N 777 was found on the site of the ancient Jewish cemetery, cf. CIRB, comm.
ad loc.
39 Personal names of Aramaic origin were widespread among Jews from a very
early period: Noth, IPN, 63; M.H. Silverman, "Aramaean Name Types in the
Elephantine Documents", JAOS, LXXXIX (1969), 691-709; idem, "Hebrew
Name Types in the Elephantine Documents", Orientalia, XXXIX (1970), 485.
40 Noth, op. cit. (see n. 9), 253.
41 See, for instance, Murtonen, op. cit., 304f.; AµµLa, AµµLas; Lidzbarski,
Ephemeris II, 195f.; CIJ I N 296, 297, 537.
42 ESvaas, LXX; 'ESvatos, Josephus; < `adna; E. Bronno, Studien fiber
hebraische Morphologic and Vokalismus auf Grundlage der Mercatischen
Fragmente der 2. Kol. der Hexapla des Origenes (Leipzig, 1943), 269, 296f.
43 Th. Noldeke, Beitrage zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft (Strassburg,
1904), 93, 95; for Aramaic personal names with 'emm: Eµµa f3ou, Ap-
65
Irina A. Levinskaya and Sergei R. Tokhtas'yev
EµµIc etc. see: Milik, op. cit., 66, 324-327, 331. Hebrew i>e: E86L, LXX,
"E6rs, Josephus: < 'lttay; Bronno, op. cit., 262ff.
44 Zgusta, KPN §57 (especially §57-17, n. 128; §57-19; 57-23, 24; for a:E cf.
§ 333-4.
45 M. Vasmer, op. cit., 36; Zgusta, Pers. § 91 (his comparison with Old Persian
Fabazas cannot possibly be correct, cf. M. Mayrhofer, Onomastica
Persepolitana (Wien, 1973), 282.
46 Of the Biblical type Gaddi`el, see Noth, op. cit., 240; Ohana, Heltzer, op. cit.
(see n. 9), 38f; Silverman, Aramaean Name Types, 698; A. Caquot, "Sur
l'onomastique religieuse de Palmyre", Syria, 39/2 (1962), 242; J. K. Stark,
Personal Names in Palmyrene Inscriptions (Oxford, 1971), 13, 81; F.
Vattioni, Inscrizioni di Hatra (Napoli, 1981), N 13, 2; 229b, 2; J. Cantineau,
Le nabatden, 2 (Paris, 1932), 76f. For conservation of such pagan names
among Jews, see: G. Kerber, Die religionsgeschichtliche Bedeutung der
hebraischen Eigennamen des Alten Testaments (Freiburg i. Br., 1897), 67.
47 Gd', as a Jewish name see: J. Levy, Worterbuch fiber die Talmudim and
Midraschim (Berlin-Wien, 1924), 299, s.v. gad cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris II,
9; Ohana, Heltzer, op. cit., 39, 180, cf. also p. 38 s.v. gd' (?); in Aramaic
(Palmyra, Hatra) see Caquot, op. cit., 252; Vattioni, Iscrizioni, N 240, 1;
246, 1; Aramaic (?) I'aSou (see Lidzbarski, Ephemeris II, 337), if the
nominative was f abac, cf. below; Ulp. Gaddas (Romische Inschriften
66
Jews and Jewish Names in the Bosporan Kingdom
67
Irina A. Levinskaya and Sergei R. Tokhtas'yev
68
Jews and Jewish Names in the Bosporan Kingdom
suits N 11 better.
11. Fd&ELg, masc., Gorgippia, 59 A.D., N 1124, 4, in the form of
patronymic 17aoELOs. For -ELS < Hebr. - i cf. 'HXE'Lg A ouE'Ls,
ILµovELg, bapELS (Schalit, NWB s. vv.), Palmyra MapELS, 9by57 etc.
We do not know any example of -ELg <e, but in view of itacism (-r': -
L5: - E LS) such an interpretation is not impossible. Rendering of §awa
mobile in the first syllable by a is quite normal.58 The name can
represent either Hebrew Gaddi 59 or Hebrew or Aramaic
*Gad(d)e.60 Ta8ELg in the form of patronymic (raBEL) is also
witnessed in Olbia in the dedication to 'AXLXXEf,s Ilovrd pxIj5.61 This
fact does not contradict the interpretation of the name as Semitic: 1) the
name belongs not to the dedicator but to his father, 2) the Jewish
presence in O1bia is testified by the erection in the city of a Jewish
prayer house (npoorEux1l).62
12. BoXopou, Gorgippia, IInd cent. A.D., N77, 1136, probably also
in two other inscriptions from Gorgippia of the same time.63 The name
was identified with a Semitic name from the root bkr by Segert, who
correctly added that the name is not necessarily Jewish, referring to the
Syriac Boxopos.64
13. Ias, masculine, Gorgippia, IInd-IIIrd century A.D., N 1140, 3;
1179, 57; 25 (also la4atas, see N4); 1180 (the inscriptions of
thiasoi?). A strange interpretation was given by L. Zgusta (Pers. §
1030), who considered this name to be Greek. This puzzled him,
though the only reason was his own interpretation! "Was uns an dem
Namen iiberraschen muss, ist der Umstand, dass eine feminine Form
fur einen Mannsnamen gebraucht wird".65 With the exception of the
Bosporan kingdom, the name is known only in the Near East and
Egypt, but it is too short for trustworthy etymology and even
ethno-linguistic attribution (Arabic or Northern Semitic?).66 The
following forms are undeniably Jewish: ELas (due to itacism67), hyy'
(*Hiyya);68 Ias, LXX (Masoretic Yaho'ag)69 < Yo'ag is probably
possible to compare our lag with ELas from Phrygia, Bithynia and
64 Zgusta, Pers. § 754. Bibl. -Masor. Bakar, LXX BoXop; Bikri, LXX
BoXop(E)L, Josephus Boxop'as; Lidzbarski, Ephemeris III, 30; Noth, IPN,
239; Murtonen, op. cit., 227. Aramaic (Palmyrene, Syriac, Nabatean) bkrw:
Noldeke, op. cit., 82; Stark, op. cit., 9; Canteneau, op. cit., II, 71; Teixidor,
Bull. ep. sem. (1970), N 92.
65 ' I av and 'Ids as personal names: F. Bechtel, Die historischen
Personennamen des Griechischen (Halle a.d.S., 1977), 539, 545.
66 Wuthnow, op. cit., 151; E. Littmann in Preisigke, Namenbuch
F.
(Heidelberg, 1922), 509, 522. Indisputably Arabic (*Ilyas): Excavations at
Nessana, 3 Non-Literary Papyri, ed. by C.J. Kraemer (Princeton, 1958) N98.
8 (?), 18, 39; cf. 352.
67 Or graphical substitution for -iyy group?
68 Greek-Hebrew bilingual 'inscription: Lidzbarski, Ephemeris I, 189, 350,
interpretation of T. Noldeke (differently - Ephemeris II, 8); cf. hyh: Kornfeld,
op. cit., 50; Late Hebrew hyyh: Holscher, op. cit., 154; Murtonen, op. cit.,
249.
69 IV Reg. 14. 8 (A); Hatch, Redpath, op. cit., 75; cf. "Iaa-os Schalit, NWB,
57: Yo) as.
70
Jews and Jewish Names in the Bosporan Kingdom
71
Irina A. Levinskaya and Sergei R. Tokhtas'yev
72
Jews and Jewish Names in the Bosporan Kingdom
84 85% of all the dedications to the gods found in Tanais were made to the Most
High God, while if we take into consideration private dedications only, the
figure is even more impressive - 100%. The number of members of thiasoi in
Tanais shows that nearly all the male population of the city in the 111rd
73
PRONOIA AT SARDIS
A. THOMAS KRAABEL
time these Jews never lost track of their tradition and identity as Jews.
Their synagogue above all bears witness to a marvellous mixture of the
heritage of Judaism and the urban life and culture of the gentile world
under the Roman Empire.3
The architecture and the art of the synagogue, and the professions
and other self-designations of its donors as revealed in their dedicatory
inscriptions, all are evidence of this integration. Specific examples
abound, such as the largest of some nineteen menoroth discovered in
the excavations; made of marble and intended to be free-standing, it
bears the name of its donor in large letters: Ec2KPATHE.4
But in my judgment the most fascinating example of the kind of
Diaspora Judaism Sardis represents is the utilization of the term
pronoia, which is attested or is the most likely restoration in eleven of
the synagogue donor inscriptions.5 These are printed next, with
explanatory notes following and a full translation of no. 20 exempli
gratia. The texts are as numbered by epigrapher John H. Kroll, who is
responsible for their final publication.6
76
Pronoia at Sardis
24 [ - - - - - -E)apb. 0o11A.]
[EK TWV Ilpov]oias Tb [bta-]
[Xaipov EolcouTX]WOa.
77
A. Thomas Kraabel
Aup.
66
Eppoye-
vql EapS.
Btoge
Oic 6K
TwV Ti
TlpovoiaS
Evapc
VOS TO E-
1rTaµir-
7tov E'-
70 1r1 va.
78
Pronoia at Sardis
79
A. Thomas Kraabel
17. ND 1.18.7; 20.8; 22.2; 2.58.12; 73.8; 160.7. Rep 4.14.3 Att. 173.2.15;
313.1.6. Providentia appears some 29 times, and in ND 2.58.11 is glossed
Graece... Trp6voia dicitur.
18. This is not the place to demonstrate the importance and the many-sidedness
of pronoia and of the idea of "Providence" generally in Hellenistic and later
philosophy; that would be to prove the obvious, as a review of the standard
reference works would make clear. Indeed it sometimes appears that idea is so
firmly embedded that it often need not be explicated in detail unless perhaps it
is central to a particular debate, e.g. the question of theodicy or the
understanding of history. And the next two examples in the text are clear
evidence that familiarity with the conception was not restricted to the
intellectual stratosphere. For general background I have found the following
helpful: J. Dillon, The Middle Platonists: A Study of Platonism, 80 B.C. to A.D.
220 (London: Duckworth, 1977), hereafter Dillon, Middle Platonists: R.T.
Wallis, Neoplatonism (London: Duckworth, 1972); E.V. Arnold, Roman
Stoicism (New York: Humanities Press, 1958 [1911]); and the indices in C. de
Vogel, Greek Philosophy III, The Hellenistic-Roman Period (2nd ed; Leiden:
Brill, 1964) and E. Zeller, Die Philosophic der Griechen, index volume
(Leipzig: O.R. Reisland, 1882).
81
A. Thomas Kraabel
in agricultural advice; but then he realizes that he has a chance to get the
vegetables without paying cash for them, and so he agrees. The farmer
continues:" Sir, you'll be doing me a great favor [if you can answer this
question]...I keep puzzling and asking myself why it is that when I put
plants in the ground and then hoe and water them and give them all
kinds of attention, the weeds still show up before the things I've
planted."
Xanthus is stumped by the question! He can't come up with a direct
answer. But he is a philosopher, and he has made an agreement! -- and
so he gives a ponderous and philosophical response: TravTa -r OEia
Trpovoia &LOLKEITat --" All things are ordered by divine providence."
(The same vague dative construction without a preposition). Aesop
begins to laugh at him, and in the dialogue which follows it becomes
clear that such exalted language about pronoia is a commonplace. That
much is evident even to farmers and slaves.19
The other example is from the next century, from the satirist Lucian.
In Jupiter Tragoedus Lucian has the gods planning to "rig" a debate
between two philosophers, the Epicurean -Damis and the Stoic
Timocles. At the opening Zeus declares that all the gods' interests are
staked on Timocles; there will be no sacrifices for them to enjoy if
Damis proves his case and calls their existence into question. They
hope to bring about the victory of the Stoic, who is arguing for the
existence of divine pronoia.20
The link with Stoicism is still present in many instances, but the idea
has clearly gone beyond the boundaries of the debates of the
philosophers and is becoming an item of popular vocabulary.
At the same time, the academic discussion continued and broadened.
Actual treatises TrEpi Trpovoias or de providentia were written by
Seneca and Philo in the first century, in the second by Epictetus and
19. Vita Aesopi 35.12, in B.E. Perry, Aesopica, vol. 1 (Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1952), 48.
20. J.Tr. § 4, cf. 20.17; 21.10; 37.7; 38.15, 25; 39.5; 43.3.
82
Pronoia at Sardis
83
A. Thomas Kraabel
2. Alexander, De fato, cf. quaestiones I, ch. 25; II, ch. 21, ed. I. Bruns
(Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, suppl. 2.2; Berlin: Reimer, 1892).
Plotinus, TrEp( Trpovo(ac = Enneades 2.2-3. Hierocles, TrEpi Trp6voias,
fragments in Photius, Bibl. 214, 251. Proclus, De decem dubitationibus circa
providentiam and De providentia et fato, fragments of the Greek text and
William of Moerbeke's Latin translation in H. Boese, Procli Diadochi tria
opiscula (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1960). This list and the next include non-
philosophers in order to show the broad interest in or acquaintance with this
idea; they omit some obvious Stoic sources for the same reason. Parma,
defining terms more narrowly, argues that before Plotinus there are no
monographs in Greek or Latin on this idea, Ch. Parma, Pronoia and
Providentia: Der Vorsehungsbegriff Plotins and Augustins (Leiden: Brill,
1971) 14.
22. Aratus, see the Proem (lines 1-18) with the comments of M. Erren, Die
Phainomena des Aratos von Soloi (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1967) 9-31, and his
final statement, 300. Plutarch, from many examples see De fac. 927A-928D,
cf Dillon, Middle Platonists 208-11. Marcus Aurelius, see 2.11.3 P.A. Brunt,
"Marcus Aurelius in His Meditations,: JRS 64 (1974) 14-18. Josephus, see
among others G. Delling, "Josephus and das Wunderbare," NT 2 (1958) 291-
309. Apuleius, see De Plat. 12, De mundo 24, cf. Dillon 320-326. Maximus
of Tyre, Orat. 13 ed H. Hobein (Maximi Tyrii Philosophumena. Leipzig:
Teubner, 1910), cf. Dillon 399f. Arrian is included on the basis of G.
Schepens, "Arrian's View of His Task as Alexander Historian," AncSoc 2
(1971) 154-168, espically 267 and his frequent reference to Arrian 7.30.3
Galen, De usu partium 3.10 and all of book 17, cf. the notes in the
translation of M.T. May (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1968). Atticus,
84
Pronoia at Sardis
that those nine instances are found only in LXX passages composed
originally in Greek.23 Greco-Roman "Providence" was too abstract and
impersonal an idea to translate the Israelite conception of Yahweh.
With the philosopher Philo the situation was different. He uses
pronoia some 67 times in the corpus represented in TLG,24 which does
not include fragmentary works. In addition it occurs five times, for
example, in the preserved Greek sections of De Providentia. Philo
shows the same range of meanings we have already observed in other
sources. For example, the word appears just twice in De Opificio
Mundi. Once it indicates God's care and oversight which, when
manifested in the world, acts as a powerful stimulus to true piety (Opif.
9); and once it means human "(malice) aforethought" (Opif. 128).
There are also just two occurrences in De Decalogo. In Decal. 58 it is
again in that ambiguous construction, the dative singular without a
preposition: the pronoia of the Creator. Decal. 141 describes a
human action EK Trpovo'as, a common phrase with adverbial meaning:
intentionally, deliberately. Similarly, of two occurrences in De
Virtutibus, in the one instance it is God's pronoia (Virt.215). In the
other (Virt. 135), Trpovoia TLV( (the same vague dative without a
preposition) is close to "with the proviso that..."
Philo was fully aware of the philosophical debates on the existence
or non-existence of Providence (see, e.g. Ebr. 1.99 and Conf. 114-15)
and toward the end of his life he wrote his own TIEpi HpovoLas,
known by its Latin title De providentia. But apparently he felt no need
to restrict this particular word to a single meaning, religious-
philosophical or otherwise.
The historian Josephus uses the noun some 160 times, in the same
23. Wis 14:3; 17:2. Dan 6:18 (19) LXX. 2 Macc 4:6. 3 Macc 4:21; 5:30. 4 Macc
9:24; 13 :19; 17: 22.
24. For access to the resources of Thesaurus Linguae Graecae on CD-Rom, with
the requisite hardware, I am indebted to Oxford's Faculty of Classics and the
staff of the Classics Reading Room, Bodleian Library.
85
A. Thomas Kraabel
86
Pronoia at Sardis
Sardis. In CIJ 682 = Lifshitz no. 11,25 from O1bia on the Black Sea,
it indicates the "prudent foresight" of the donors themselves.26 In the
three instances from the recently discovered synagogue at Philippopolis
(Plovdiv) in Bulgaria the formula is similar to that at Sardis: EK T63V
Tr rrpovolas.27 In the other major group of Jewish inscriptions, the
epitaphs, it is found only once, in CIJ 123, from the Via Appia
catacomb in Rome; there it means human prudence or thoughtfulness.28
I conclude that the sources behind the use of this term in the Sardis
synagogue were probably not Jewish. The reasoning here needs to be
made very clear. There are essentially two arguments against assuming
that Jewish texts such as the LXX, Philo, Josephus are behind this use
of pronoia by the Jews of this city. The first is that in none of the
Jewish sources does the word carry the singleness of meaning which it
has in these inscriptions. Sardis uses pronoia narrowly and
formulaicly; the earlier Jewish texts offer a wide range of meanings.
To that argument from specificity add the other, that from frequency.
If, say, the LXX, Philo or Josephus - or all of them together - are
where the Sardis term originates, then the influence of these texts
should have been seen in other synagogues besides Sardis. If the word
in the Sardis inscriptions is taken from texts supposedly available to all
87
A. Thomas Kraabel
Jews, then some other synagogue community should also have picked
it up. Other Jews should have taken up this idea which Sardis is so
enthusiastic about, if its source is Jewish. But that did not happen.
.
Sardis and Plovdiv are the only two examples known.
As the examples given at the beginning of this paper make clear, the
term was both familiar and popular in the Sardis synagogue. And it may
have an absolute meaning in the Sardis inscriptions which is not evident
elsewhere, in Jewish or gentile sources, in inscriptions or in written
texts. Where did it come from, and what does its presence tell us about
this Jewish community? Is Christianity a possibility?
It is well known that Christians in the post-apostolic period rapidly
took over a conceptual vocabulary from the non-Christian world. They
did this first for missionary purposes, but then also to be able to
express themselves to new Christians whose thought world was not at
all that of the Hebrew Bible, and at times far from the New Testament
as well. Christian theology in these times uses pronoia frequently.29
According to TLG, there are some 910 occurances just in John
Chrysostom. (But then he is TLG's most voluminous author, with
450,000 words in his sermons on the Gospel of Matthew alone.)
One Christian whose usage of pronoia is close to that of the Sardis
inscriptions is the Emperor Constantine. He had sound political reasons
for utilizing abstract terms at times in his writings and speeches, rather
than specific divine names. He found pronoia a particularly congenial
idea and employed the idea frequently.30 It is tempting to see in the
synagogue inscriptions a reflection of Constantinian vocabulary, but
given the dynamics of the religious situation at Sardis, Christians are a
most unlikely source.
In other Greco-Roman religions, Greco-Roman paganism if you
29. Note the references e.g. in one recent study, A. Scott, Origen and the Life of
the Stars. A History of an Idea (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991).
30. Dorries, Das Selbstzeugnis Kaiser Konstantins Abhandlungen der Akadamie
der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Phil. Hst. Klasse, 3 Folge 34 (Gottingen,
88
Pronoia at Sardis
1954) 352-56, cf. R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (New York: Knopf,
1987) 627-62.
31. IDB s.v. "Providence."
32. RL s.v. pronoia (1907), cf. RE Supp. 14 (1974) s.v. providentia. In the
second-century Dreambook of Artemidorus it is assumed that the figures of
Pronoia, Physis and Heimarmene could appear in one's dreams, see
Artemidori Daldiani Onirocriticon Libri V., ed. R. Pack (Leipzig: Teubner,
1963) 176.8.
33. See RE s.v. pronoia (1957) 747, and M. Charlesworth, "Providentia and
Aeternitas." HTR 29 (1936) 106-22.
89
A. Thomas Kraabel
90
Pronoia at Sardis
not only when the latter was "in school," but right to the end of his life.
39. The importance of education as a conveyor of Hellenism, and the
transformation of Hellenism itself into a syllabus, a subject for teaching, are
themes important in Julian's writings and in his political program, see P.
Athanassiadi-Fowden, Julian and Hellenism. An Intellectual Biography
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), hereafter Julian.
40. SPRT 208.
41. On Sallustius, see Athanassiadi-Fowden, Julian, 68-70, cf. 154-60.
42. Julian can use the word as an epithet on occasion, for Athena (Helios 149B-
150A) or the Mother of the Gods (Mother of the Gods 166B); elsewhere it is
the pronoia of Helios, e.g. Helios 132C, Letter 11 (425B) He can also use
pronoia interchangeably with prometheia on occasion, in Letter 11 contrast
425B with 425C; both nouns appear in Mother of the Gods 166B. But
91
A. Thomas Kraabel
92
Pronoia at Sardis
45. Translation revised from W. Kaegi, Byzantium and the Decline of Rome
(Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1968) 111], hereafter Kaegi, Byzantium.
46. Kaegi, Byzantium 111.
93
A. Thomas Kraabel
47. In the second century BCE another Alexandrian Jew, called Ezekiel, had turned
the central story of Jewish history, the Passover/Exodus, into a drama in the
style of Euripides, see H. Jacobson, The Exagoge of Ezekiel (Cambridge:
Cambridge Univ. Press, 1983); P.W. van der Horst, "Some Notes on the
Exagoge of Ezekiel," Mnemosyne 37 (1984) 354-75; and E. Schurer, The
History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ, revised and edited by G.
Vermes, F. Millar et al. [hereafter Schurer-Vermes-Miller] III (Edinburgh: T. &
T. Clark, 1986) 563-66. Both he and Philo had written as committed Jews.
Both had been trying to express central Jewish stories and ideas in the
language and conceptions which their Hellenistic educations had provided
them. Both had thus already done, much more elaborately, something like
what the Sardis Jews were attempting in these inscriptions.
94
Pronoia at Sardis
48. I have Cilliers Breytenbach to thank for the ideas in this paragraph. Both
inrip and several variations of the "from the gifts of God" formula
will occur in Christian inscriptions later. Studies in DACL attribute both
concepts to Judaism, citing Jewish inscriptions and tracing the original idea
back to I Chron 29:14, DACL 4:1507-10, 7:689, see also R. van Bremen,
"Women and Wealth," in Images of Women in Antiquity, edd. A. Cameron and
95
A. Thomas Kraabel
96
This paragraph which follows the inscription quoted on page 96
(footnote 49) has been erroneously ommitted:
ISAIAH M. GAFNI
The status of the Jewish diaspora and its ongoing relationship with
the center in Eretz Israel during the Second Temple and post-Temple
period has yet to be systematically examined.1 It is a complex issue, for
it encompasses the self-perception of the various golah communities on
the one hand, while on the other hand it must take into consideration
the attitudes expressed in Eretz Israel not only towards specific
communities, but in general towards the very phenomenon of a
diaspora. Did diaspora communities really maintain a feeling of
subservience towards the Judaean center, and if so - was this a constant
factor? Conversely, did the Jews of Israel attach a certain stigma to the
very existence of Jews in the diaspora in the face of a thriving center in
1. For surveys of the Jewish diaspora in the Second Temple period see: M. Stern,
"The Jewish Diaspora", in: S. Safrai and M. Stern, eds., The Jewish People in
the First Century, vol. 1, Assen 1974, pp. 117-183; E. Schiirer, The History
of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C. - A.D. 135), vol. III
pt. 1, ed. G. Vermes, F. Millar and M. Goodman, Edinburgh 1986, pp. 1-176;
see also E. M. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule, Leiden 19812, pp.
120-143, 220-255, 356-388, 507-525; on the relations between Eretz Israel
and the diaspora cf. S. Safrai, "Relations between the Diaspora and the Land
of Israel", in: S. Safrai and M. Stern, eds., The Jewish People in the First
Century, vol. 1, Assen 1974, pp. 184-215.
Isaiah M. Gafni
2. Needless to say, the stigma could derive from the basic Biblical perception of
dispersion as a consequence of Israel's sins, and indeed as divine punishment
for those transgressions (e.g. Deut. 28:64-68; Jer. 9:16; Ezek. 20:23-24).
While the members of Jewish diaspora communities during the Second
Temple period were obviously not responsible for the misdeeds of their
ancestors, the perpetuation of the diaspora might nevertheless serve as a
constant reminder of past sins. Elsewhere I have posited that the formulation
and expressions of anti-diaspora sentiment on the part of the sages of Eretz
Israel can be identified only in the aftermath of the Bar-Kokhba debacle, cf. I.
Gafni. "The Status of Eretz Israel in Reality and in Jewish Consciousness
following the Bar-Kokhva Uprising", in: A. Oppenheimer and U. Rappaport,
eds., The Bar-Kokhva Revolt, Jerusalem 1984, pp. 224-232.
Talmudic Babylonia and the Land of Israel
"When Rabbah b. bar Hannah came (to Babylonia) he ate the fat of
the stomach." (An animal's stomach, in rabbinic eyes, was considered
to be partly curved like a bow, and the fat of the straight part - the
bow's string - was deemed permissible by the sages of Eretz Israel but
forbidden in Babylonia). Whereupon the Talmud asks: "Does Rabbah
b. bar Hannah dispute the principle we have learnt, that a person should
assume both the restrictions of the place whence he departed as well as
those of the place to which he has gone? Said Abaye: This applies only
when travelling from one place to another within Babylonia or within
Eretz Israel, or from Babylonia to Eretz Israel, but from Eretz Israel to
Babylonia it does not apply - for since we (i.e. in Babylonia)
are subservient to them (in Israel) we behave as they do"
Ow"rni 13.,aray th 13a.7 1"D).3
Interestingly, the Tosafists (ad loc.) already noted that this principle
would appear to clash with the thrust of a lengthy discussion in BT
Sanhedrin 5a regarding the relative power of court systems in the two
lands, and which suggests that those judges recognized by the
Babylonian Exilarch took precedence over the appointees of the
Patriarch in Eretz Israel. Rabbenu Tam's answer, however, correctly
distinguishes between the discussion in Sanhedrin, which alludes to a
superior practical strength of the Babylonian court system in monetary
3. The concluding statement does not quite fit our story, which describes a man
coming to Babylonia from Eretz Israel and nevertheless retaining his
Palestinian custom, and not the opposite, i.e. a Babylonian conforming to
Palestinian custom (1;iv'n11Z The tosafists (ad loc.) note that the
particular phrase has its origins in a parallel story unfolding in the opposite
direction, wherein R. Zera goes from Babylonia to Eretz Israel and embraces
the custom of the latter, foregoing the restrictions of his Babylonian
homeland (BT Hullin 18b). More interesting, however, is the fact that the
phrase "1,5 p1v,1Y" is employed elsewhere in BT (Horayot 11b) in just the
opposite sense, alluding to the primacy of the Babylonian Exilarch over the
Palestinian Patriarch.
99
Isaiah M. Gafni
100
Talmudic Babylonia and the Land of Israel
101
Isaiah M. Gafni
(see below), and even God himself acceding to rabbinic authority8. The
famous Hananiah incident, wherein a sage in Babylonia unsuccessfully
attempts usurpation of the exclusively Palestinian function of
intercalation, is couched in terms that suggest Palestinian supremacy
not based on superior knowledge, but rather on an accepted - and even
scripturally imposed - hierarchy: "For out of Zion shall come forth
Torah" (Isaiah 2:3) - declare the Israeli messengers, and not out of
Babylonia; otherwise the feasts will be "the feasts of Hananiah nephew
of R. Joshua" and not the feasts of God (PT Sanhedrin 1,19a).
Interestingly, this unassailable hierarchy is the main argument in the PT
version of the story, whereas in the BT Hananiah tries to argue - for
one slight moment - that there is no equivalent to him in the Land
of Israel, only to be rebuffed on that point as well (1 7i nnrv ovi"m
o'm" ?1).9 But there too the story reverts back to the underlying theme,
that usurpation of Palestinian authority is tantamount to heresy; 'and
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Talmudic Babylonia and the Land of Israel
why so extreme, because it is written "For out of Zion shall come forth
Torah, and the word of God from Jerusalem"' (BT Berakhot 63b).
The precedence and authority of Palestinian Torah, of course, was
made implicit by the very fact that it was Judah the Patriarch's Mishnah
that served, in the final analysis, as the basis for all amoraic activity,
including that of the Babylonians. Not only could this enhance the
perception of Palestinian centrality, but it would also explain the
recurring allusions to sages arriving in Babylonia from Eretz Israel with
some authoritative information, seemingly closer to the source, on some
aspect of the halakhah (17 K 4315D ' 1,nN 'n; "when Rabbi X arrived- in
Babylonia - he said..."). As noted by Gedaliah Alon,10 this flow of
information is predominantly projected as one directional, from Eretz
Israel to Babylonia, as are the various letters, xrri K, sent from the Land
of Israel to Babylonia, and this notwithstanding the fact that rabbis were
obviously going back and forth on their journeys between the two
communities.
Nowhere does the Bavli attempt to deny the legitimacy, per se, of
this Palestinian superiority, but this in itself could not prevent the
raising of questions regarding not only the relative state of learning and
knowledge within the two rabbinic societies, but more importantly - the
growing need that must have been felt in Babylonia to establish a
viable, self-sufficient community, capable of dealing with all aspects of
communal life, including an all-embracing judicial system. Indeed, for
such a system to perform its duties while prevented from dealing with a
broad spectrum of legal sanctions such as the penalization of offenders
is unthinkable, and thus the Babylonians found themselves in the
difficult position of adhering - in principle - to the idea of subservience
to Eretz Israel, while concurrently creating an independent communal
structure that might assert itself to its fullest potential.
This process, it appears, followed several directions. While in certain
10. G. Alon, The Jews in their Land in the Talmudic Age, vol. 1, Jerusalem 1980,
pp. 10-12.
103
Isaiah M. Gafni
11. PT Kila'im 9, 32b; PT Ketubot 12, 35a; Gen. Rabbah 33:3 (ed. Theodor-
104
Talmudic Babylonia and the Land of Israel
appointment of judges and the like, one fact is not disputed: The
Babylonians have in their midst a direct descendant of the House of
David, who derives his authority in no small measure from that fact,
rather than from any pretensions at halakhic erudition, the latter clearly
being the case regarding at least the origins of the Palestinian
patriachate.12 In later, Geonic times, attempts will be made to
reconstruct the lineage linking the Exilarchs with the last kings of
Judah,13 but in the talmudic period such a list was not even necessary,
for the Exilarch's pedigree was above reproach. Moreover, at least one
source claims that his Davidic pedigree is even superior to that of the
Patriarch, coming at it does via the patrilineal route rather than the
matrilineal one. 14
The Babylonians also developed the idea of continuity with the
ancient Land of Israel through the phenomenon of synagogues, as has
been noted by A. Oppenheimer.15 It was in the ancient synagogues of
Huzal and Shaf ve-Yativ that the Shekhinah resided, after being exiled
Albeck p. 305); BT Horayot 11b; BT Sanhedrin 5a; see also BT Hulin 92a; BT
Sanhedrin 38a. For a comparison of the two offices as models of Jewish
leadership cf. I. Gafni, "'Shevet u-Mehokek" - On New Models of Leadership
in the Talmudic Period in Eretz Israel and Babylonia' (Hebrew), in: I. Gafni
and G. Motzkin, eds., Priesthood and Monarchy, Jerusalem 1987, pp. 79-92.
12. Hence the distinction between the Babylonian Exilarchs who "rule Israel with
a staff", and the Patriarchs - "the descendents of Hillel who teach Torah in
public"; BT Sanhedrin 5a; BT Horayot 11b; Gen Rabbah 97 (p. 1219; cf.
Gafni (prey. note) p. 80 n. 10.
13. The famous attempt is that of the 9th century Babylonian chronicle Seder
Olam Zuta, cf. A. Neubauer, Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles, vol. 2, Oxford
1895, pp. 73-75; cf. also Iggeret Rav Sherira Gaon, ed. Lewin, p. 73-74
14. PT Kil'aim 9, 32b; PT Ketubot 12, 35a; Gen. Rabbah 33:3 (p. 305).
15. A. Oppenheimer, "Synagogues with a Historic Association in Talmudic
Babylonia" (Hebrew), in: A. Kasher et al., eds, Synagogues in Antiquity,
Jerusalem 1987, pp. 147-154.
105
Isaiah M. Gafni
106
Talmudic Babylonia and the Land of Israel
20. Avot de-Rabbi Nathan chap. 26 (ed. Schechter, p. 82; Eng. ed., J. Goldin, p.
111); On burial in Babylonia cf. A. Oppenheimer and M. Lecker, 'Burial West
of the Euphrates and its Significance' (Hebrew), in: Milet vol. 1 (Tel-Aviv
1983), ed. S. Ettinger et. at., pp. 157-163.
21. The prominence of Babylonia in Jewish eyes would also be enhanced by the
possible links between sites existing in Talmudic times and various locations
mentioned in the Bible; indeed, the sages of Babylonia would even claim that
the earth of Babylonia was a major component in the creation of Adam (BT
Sanhedrin 38a-b); for all this, and in general for expressions of Jewish
attachment to Babylonia, cf. I. Gafni, "Expressions and Types of 'Local
Patriotism' among the Jews of Sasanian Babylonia", in: S. Shaked and A.
Netzer, eds., Irano-Judaica vol. 2 (Jerusalem 1990) pp. 63-71.
107
Isaiah M. Gafni
that Rav came to Babylonia" (BT Gitin 6a, BK 80a)22 - takes on a new
and more radical meaning than just equality in the knowledge of laws of
divorce. In fact, "from the day Rav came to Babylonia" was deemed
such a watershed in the history of Jewish Babylonia, that the date of his
arrival was one of the only dates of Talmudic history preserved in
Babylonia and recorded by Rav Sherira that was not linked to the death
of a rabbi or some persecution.23 If indeed Babylonian Jews
considered themselves the agents, shelihim, of the sages of Eretz
Israel, what we seem to see before us is a very literal rendering of the
well known halakhic principle: inns o o7K 5m in*v; that is the agent has
rendered himself literally a clone or exact copy of the original Land of
Israel. In thus asserting its own independence from the Land of Israel,
the Babylonian community did not propose a re-evaluation of the
historical role of that land in Jewish communal life. It was, instead,
Babylonia itself that underwent a reappraisal, and the consequences of
that examination would be to render Babylonia on a par with Eretz
Israel, inasmuch as all the criteria for the historical centrality of the Holy
Land could now be located in Jewish Babylonia as well. The process,
of course, would repeat itself time and again in subsequent Jewish
history. New communities would rise up and assert themselves vis-a-
vis their mother communities, and this 'breaking away' would be
22. cf. H.N. Strickman, "A Note on the Text of Babylonian Talmud Git. 6a", JQR
66(1975-1976) pp. 173-175.
23. Iggeret, p. 78; cf. I. Gafni, "On the Talmudic Chronology in Iggeret Rav
Sherira Gaon"; Zion 52 (1987) pp. 15-16 (= idem, The Jews of Babylonia in
the Talmudic Era, Jerusalem 1990, pp. 255-256) for a discussion on this date
in Sherira's Iggeret.
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Talmudic Babylonia and the Land of Israel
24. This ongoing process, wherein new communities assume the attributes of the
mother community as part of the process of self-assertion, may be akin to the
translatio scientiae that R. Bonfil identifies in the transmission of modes of
learning and culture from Babylonia to Italy; cf. R. Bonfil, "Myth, Rhetoric,
History? A Study in the Chronicle of Ahima'az", in: M. Ben-Sasson et al.,
eds., Culture and Society in Medieval Jewry, Studies Dedicated in the Memory
of Haim Hillel Ben-Sasson, Jerusalem 1989, p. 103. See also R. Bonfil,
"Between Eretz Israel and Babylonia" Shalem 5 (1987) pp. 1-30; on p. 11
Bonfil discusses the motif of the hero who is forced to leave the old center,
removes to the new one, and creates a new reality there. Interestingly,
Hananiah also conforms to this motif. He too was advised by his uncle R.
Joshua to leave Eretz Israel after unfortunate circumstances (the minnim of
Capernaum cast a spell on him and he was discovered riding a donkey on the
Sabbath), cf. Koheleth Rabbah 1:8, and see: M. Hirshman, Midrash Qohelet
Rabbah (Dissertation, JTS) New York 1983, part 2, commentaries, pp. 60-
61; Gafni, The Jews of Babylonia (above, n. 23) p. 80 and notes 111-112.
109
THE HEBREW LANGUAGE IN THE
EUROPEAN DIASPORA
NICHOLAS DE LANGE
INTRODUCTORY
The early history of the Hebrew language in Europe is a tantalisingly
difficult subject of investigation, on account of an acute shortage of
evidence. A complete picture can certainly not be painted. Yet it is such
an important aspect of Jewish cultural history that it cannot be simply
brushed to one side. It is a fundamental factor in questions concerning
the character of Jewish society and culture, as well as relations between
Jews and gentiles and relations between Jews in different countries.
Consequently even a partial or fragmentary account can be of value.
The purpose of this essay is to survey the current state of our
knowledge of the question, and to try to map out the limits of what can
be known about it.
The history of Hebrew is of course an integral part of the broader
question of Jewish linguistic history. The scarcity of sources does not
only affect our understanding of the history of Hebrew; we know far
too little also about the use of other languages by Jews, notably Greek
and Latin. Indeed, the questions about the different languages are inter-
related. To give just one obvious example, in places where the liturgical
language of the Jews was Greek, there would be a relatively limited
scope for the use of Hebrew. But were there such places, and can we
identify them? And what happened in such places if the decision was
taken to replace the use of Greek in the liturgy by the use of Hebrew, or
to employ both languages side by side? Or again, where we find a
Jewish epitaph inscribed in all three languages, Hebrew, Greek and
Latin, is it possible for us to draw any inferences about the use of the
Nicholas de Lange
various languages: the purposes for which each was used, the place of
each in Jewish education, the social implications of each? If we knew
more about the use of Greek or Latin among the Jews of Europe, we
would certainly know more about their use of Hebrew; unfortunately a
similar darkness surrounds all three questions.
It is perhaps worth emphasising from the outset one point which
ought to be obvious: in the very fragmentary state of the evidence,
nothing is to be taken for granted. No general assumptions are possible
about the use of various languages for various purposes. The
discussion must begin from the evidence, and it is only with the utmost
caution that we can advance beyond it. We cannot assume, for
example, that the situation prevailing in one place also prevailed
elsewhere. Nor can we assume that the history we are concerned with
is a history of gradual development or evolution in one direction or
another. Still less can we assume that there is a 'natural' situation from
which any deviation is abnormal, for example that Jews naturally speak
Hebrew, or that they naturally pray in Hebrew, or that they naturally
use two or more languages side by side. Such unwarranted
assumptions are more likely to lead to a deformation than to a correct
understanding of the facts.
With this preamble in mind, we may proceed cautiously to the
formulation of a few uncontroversial generalisations which will serve
as a preliminary sketch-map of the terrain, and which will also help us
to define the main problems.
First of all, there is no hard evidence for the use of Hebrew as a
spoken language in normal use in Europe at any time.1 Whether in the
very earliest days of the European diaspora (whenever that may have
been) there were some Jews who had Hebrew as their mother tongue is
a question that lies far beyond the scope of the surviving evidence. By
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The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
2 On vernacular worship in the middle ages see the intereting article of H. Peri
(Pflaum) in Tarbiz 24 (5715 A.M.) 426-440.
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Nicholas de Lange
Labrat in the later tenth century) and to southern Italy (where against a
mixed Greek and Latin background we find a wide range of Hebrew
writing, including the medical works of Shabbetai Donnolo in the tenth
century, the historical text know as the Josephon, which dates from the
tenth or perhaps the ninth century, and Hebrew hymns by various
liturgical poets of the tenth and ninth centuries, such as Zevadia and
Silano). How should this interesting but limited evidence be
interpreted? Should we adopt a 'minimalist' interpretation, ascribing
this Hebrew-writing activity to strictly local factors, or is it legitimate to
extrapolate to other, less well-documented, periods and places? In the
case of Spain we may well feel that the Muslim conquest in the early
eighth century marks a crucial watershed in the history of Jewish
culture (although there is some evidence for a knowledge of Hebrew
before this time); in the case of Byzantine south Italy there is no such
obvious external factor, and the claims of a continuous tradition may
seem to be stronger.
In surveying the evidence we shall endeavour to respect the
following principles, the neglect of which has led to confusion or error
in the past:
1. Sweeping generalisations are to be avoided; the severe limitations
of the available evidence are to be respected.
2. Care must be taken to eliminate anachronistic assumptions (for
example about the extent of Jewish literacy, about the use of
Hebrew in the synagogue service, or about its use as a spoken
language).
3. Evidence from the eastern diaspora, including the Babylonian
Talmud, is not directly relevant; evidence fron the eastern
Mediterranean area (mainly Israel and Egypt) must be used with
extreme care, as the circumstances there are very different from
those prevailing in Europe.
4. It is important to keep in mind the different uses to which a
language may be put: it may be a mother-tongue or a second
spoken language, written but not spoken, confined to an educated
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The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
115
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116
The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
117
Nicholas de Lange
'literary cliche'.11
So far as homilies in the synagogue are concerned, we have no
indication that they were delivered in any other language than the local
vernacular. Indeed we have some direct evidence of this as late as the
early ninth century, in the accusation that some ignorant Christians
claim that Jewish sermons are superior to Christian ones.12 Surely such
sermons must have been in a language they could understand.
What of Jewish literacy and literature: is there any indication of the
languages Jews could read and write? We have already seen evidence
that some Jews could write in Hebrew from as early as the ninth
century in the specific and very localised milieu of Byzantine South
Italy, although the earliest extant Hebrew sources, such as the
Josephon and the medical writings of Shabbetai Donnolo, testify also to
a reading knowledge of Latin and Greek. Elsewhere in Europe such
direct evidence is lacking, but there are some hints in Christian sources.
Interestingly, nothing of any substance is found before the beginning of
the ninth century: a reference in the epistle of Severus of Minorca to a
Spanish Jew who was 'educated not only in Latin but also in Greek
literature'13 is too isolated and too uncertain to be of much help to us.14
It is only in the first half of the ninth century, the period of the
Carolingian renaissance with its revival of interest in the Hebrew Bible,
that we do at last find scattered but substantial references to Jewish
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The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
119
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120
The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
has made a close study of all the available material, the author of the
Hebrew Questions was a man brought up as a Jew, but not in one of
the great centres of Jewish scholarship. (Saltman suggests he may have
come from Narbonne.) 'Obviously he knew Hebrew and he had
probably absorbed a fair amount of Rabbinic exegesis naturally current
in the local Jewish community.20
Cautiously surveying these disparate items of evidence we can
surely conclude that there is some confirmation from the Carolingian
empire of the phenomenon directly attested in South Italy at this time,
namely a use of Hebrew by Jews for scholarly purposes. We might add
that it is also at this period that a biographer of St Amandus the Apostle
of Flanders (d. c.675) attributes to him a knowledge of Hebrew. The
claim itself rests on very flimsy foundations,21 but the biographer's
interest in Hebrew reflects a preoccupation of the period in which he
was writing. Looking further afield, we have an interesting Byzantine
reference in the Life of Constantine, the apostle of the Slavs (better
known by his later religious name, Cyril): it reports that in 860 he
studied Hebrew at Cherson in the Crimea in preparation for his mission
to the Jewish Khazars, and that he even debated in Hebrew with Jewish
scholars in the presence of the Khazar ruler. Is this a mere literary
conceit, or was Hebrew really, as is sometimes claimed, the official
language of the Khazar court? At any rate, the reference to Hebrew fits
chronologically into the pattern we have discerned in western Europe. It
remains to be seen whether we can carry the story of Hebrew in Europe
back any earlier than the ninth century, and whether we can discern any
further details, whether by distinguishing different uses of the language
or by drawing any geographical distinctions. For this we must turn
now to the epigraphic evidence.
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JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS
In surveying the inscriptions of the Jews of Europe in the period that
interests us we are fortunate in having at our disposal the Corpus of
Jean-Baptiste Frey, containing well over seven hundred inscriptions,
ably brought up to date by Baruch Lifshitz.22 Some new discoveries
have been made in the years since Lifshitz's Prolegomenon was
published, but the Corpus provides us with an excellent basis for
reviewing the epigraphical evidence.
Three fundamental points stand out clearly from even a superficial
glance at the Corpus. One is the acute shortage of dated inscriptions.
Another is the very limited amount of Hebrew: only a handful of the
inscriptions are in Hebrew, and a number more include a stereotyped
Hebrew word or phrase, such as shalom or shalom 'al yisrael. The
vast majority of the inscriptions are in Greek or Latin. And thirdly a
considerable majority - well over two-thirds -- of the inscriptions are
from Rome, and Europe outside Italy is very poorly represented
indeed.
Bearing in mind this last point, we shall begin by looking at the
evidence from Rome, which has been subjected to a careful analysis by
Harry J. Leon.23 Out of 534 inscriptions from Rome, Leon counted
only three as being in Hebrew. Two of them, from the Monteverde
catacomb, consist of the conventional formula shalom or shalom 'al
yisrael, and Leon considers (p. 76 n.1) that they are 'probably in each
case the concluding formulas of an inscription in Greek or Latin'. The
third, from the Nomentana catacomb, is only two lines long; it is
indistinctly scratched in stucco, but the second line is almost certainly
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The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
123
Nicholas de Lange
Looking now beyond the confines of Rome, we find that the picture
is essentially similar. Where Hebrew occurs, it is generally confined to
a conventional formula. Interestingly, we have three dated inscriptions
which help to provide a valuable chronological framework. They are all
Latin epitaphs with a short Hebrew formula. The first, found in Catania
in Sicily, records the acquisition of a tomb by Aurelius Samuel for
himself and his wife, Lassia Irena.26 The date of the wife's death is
stated with great precision: Friday the twelfth day of the Kalends of
November, the eighth day of the lunar month, in the consular year
corresponding to 383 A.D. Above the Latin text is a roughly incised
line of Hebrew: shalom 'al yisrael amen amen shalom shemuel. It is
by no means certain that this line of Hebrew forms part of the original
inscription: it could as well have been added at a later date. But even if
it is original, it hardly testifies to an active knowledge or use of
Hebrew. The second dated inscription comes from Venosa, ancient
Venusia in south Italy. It is the epitaph of Augusta, the wife of Bonus,
and it bears a consular date corresponding to 521.27 After the formal
Latin epitaph comes the Hebrew phrase 'Peace be upon Augusta's rest,
Amen!' The third inscription comes from Narbonne, in Septimania, and
is dated to the second year of the Visigothic king Egica, who came to
the throne in November 687.28 It records the death of three children of
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The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
Paragorius son of Sapaudus, who all died in that year. (The cause of
death is not given; the ages of the deceased range from nine to thirty
years.) Just after the names of the children and before the date is carved
the Hebrew formula shalom 'al [yi]srael. Taken together, these three
dated inscriptions from very different localities testify to a trend which,
while not common, is widespread both in place and in time. We may
safely assume that many of the other similar inscriptions were carved
during these three centuries; some are no doubt earlier or later. They are
found mainly in various parts of Italy, and also in neighbouring
regions-29
The remaining Hebrew inscriptions reproduced by Frey are undated,
and all attempts to date them even approximately must be regarded with
the deepest suspicion, suspicion which is borne out by the fact that
expert opinions often range over a century or more for the same
inscription.30 However, some of the inscriptions are bilingual, or even
trilingual, and it is often argued31 that the presence of Latin or Greek
on an inscription is a guarantee of a relatively early date (assuming we
can be certain that the Hebrew was not added later). But how early?
The problem is that we simply do not know when the use of Latin was
abandoned. Frey's statement32 that there is no example of a Jewish
inscription in Latin from southern Italy later than the seventh century
must be regarded as purely subjective.
Let us now survey briefly the small minority of inscriptions in the
Corpus that contain more than a conventional word or phrase of
Hebrew. From a geographical point of view, the evidence is notably
29 In addition to those from Rome, cf. Frey nos 552 (Fondi), 558 (Naples), 635
(Oria), 644 (Milan), and 671 (Auch).
30 E.g. no. 666 (Vienne): 6th century or late 6th century (Blumenkranz, Baron
Jubilee Vol. I. p. 231, puts it in the 10th century); no. 668 (Arles): 7th, 8th or
early 9th century.
31 E.g. Frey p. 453.
32 Ibid.
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126
The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
dedication in Greek.
As has been remarked already, however, most of the Hebrew
material comes from the West, and more specifically from north-eastern
Spain, southern France and southern Italy.
From Spain we have in fact two intriguing trilingual inscriptions in
Greek, Latin and Hebrew. One is an epitaph from Tortosa, in memory
of Meliosa daughter of Judah and Maria or Miriam.39 The content of
the three inscriptions is essentially the same, and all the languages are
used with equal fluency. The only clue to the spoken language of the
author is that the mother is referred to with the Greek title Kyra, a
usage which, according to Katz, 'seems to show that this woman was
originally from a country where Greek was commonly spoken, and
where such a surname would usually be attached to the name'. He
suggests she may have come from Sicily or Constantinople, 'or more
likely, from the cosmopolitan Marseilles' (p. 144). The inscription has
been generally dated in the late 6th century, although it has been placed
by some as early as the first or second.40 The other trilingual
inscription is on a hollowed out block of marble found in Tarragona,
which may have served as an ablution basin.41 The Hebrew
inscription, which is the longest, reads shalom 'al Yisrael/ ve'aleinu
ve'al baneinu amen (Peace be upon Israel and upon us and upon our
children, amen); the Latin reads simply PAX FIDES (Peace, faith);
while the Greek consists of a series of letters of unknown meaning.
This inscription, too, has generally been dated in the sixth century.
From Arles we have two of the very rare epitaphs in the Corpus that
39 Frey no. 661, cf. Prolegomenon p. 57. Add to the biblography Katz, The
Jews, pp. 141-144, Rabello, 'Iscrizoni ebraiche', pp. 656-659.
40 See Rabello, ibid., p. 659. Rabello himself gives some weight to H. Beinart's
view that this inscription is to be dated to the late fourth or early fifth
century.
41 Corpus, no. 660c, Prolegomenon pp. 55 f.; Rabello, ibid., pp. 651-653.
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Nicholas de Lange
are entirely in Hebrew.42 Both commence with the formula 'This is the
tomb of...'. The same opening fornula is reported on three more
Hebrew epitaphs from Arles, now lost.43 Frey mentions various
datings in the late 7th, 8th or early 9th century for one of the
inscriptions. In truth there is no evidence that any of these inscriptions
is older than the ninth century.
The richest area for early Hebrew inscriptions is southern Italy. This
is a significant region because, as we have already emphasised, it is the
home of the earliest European Hebrew literature, in the 9th and 10th
centuries. Frey publishes (No. 634) an interesting bilingual inscription
from Oria, comprising a brief and functional epitaph in Latin, and a
rhyming epitaph in Hebrew. Now, we have a number of all-Hebrew
inscriptions from various sites in southern Italy, and some of them are
in verse (piyyut) form; many of them are dated, and they belong clearly
to the early ninth century,44 which is the period when the earliest
surviving European Hebrew poems were written.45 Frey, however,
insists that this bilingual inscription must be dated earlier than the 8th
century, because of the presence of Latin. In the present state of our
evidence such a sweeping generalisation, based on an unprovable
negative proposition, must seem somewhat reckless.
From Taranto Frey gives no fewer than seven all-Hebrew
42 Nos 668, 669. Cf. Nahon, Inscriptions hebraiques nos 305, 306.
43 See Nahon, ibid, pp. 370-375 (nos 307-313) for the lost inscriptions.
44 See the documentation given in S. Simonsohn, 'The Hebrew revival among
early medieval European Jews', in Salo Wittmayer Baron Jubilee Volume,
English Section, Vol. II (Jerusalem 1974), p. 853. See also Colafemmina,
'Insediamenti', passim, and especially p. 220, an epitaph from Brindisi
bearing a contemporary dirge by the poet Amittai of Oria.
45 See for example the poems of Zevadiah of Oria in J. Schirmann, New Poems
from the Genizah [Hebrew] (Jerusalem 5727 A.M.), pp. 421-424; Iona David,
'Iozer lehatan, inno di R. Zevadia', Michael 1 (1972) 214-222.
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46 Nos. 620-626; 629 and 630. See also C. Colafemmina, 'Gli ebrei a Taranto
nella documentazione epigrafica', in C.D. Fonseca, ed., La Chiesa di Taranto,
vol. 1 (Galatina 1977) 109-127, and the brief summary in his 'Insediamenti',
pp. 198-202. Colafemmina dates the Hebrew inscriptions to the 6th to 10th
centuries.
47 Frey pp. 420-443. Much has been published subsequently about the Jewish
inscriptions of Venosa. See, for example, Harry J. Leon, 'The Jews of
Venusia', JQR NS 44 (1953-54) 267-284; Gian Piero Bognetti, 'Les
Inscriptions juives de Venosa et he problime des rapports entre les Lombards
et l'orient', Comptes Rendus de l Acaddmie des Inscriptions 1954, pp. 193-
203, and note the corrections by B. Lifshitz, 'Les Juifs A Venosa' in Rivista di
Filologia e di Istruzione Classica NS 40 (1962) 367-371; Colafemmina,
'Insediamenti', pp. 202-216 and his other articles quoted there.
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Nicholas de Lange
bar one of our dated inscriptions from Venosa.48 They are all in
Hebrew, and testify to a sound knowledge of the language, and the
dates all fall within the first half the ninth century (more precisely
between 808 and 848). This important series of inscriptions provides
valuable epigraphic confirmation of the phenomenon we have already
seen attested in the literary sources, both in southern Italy and in other
places: an established use of Hebrew among Jews from the ninth
century.
The catacomb inscriptions, by contrast, are undated (with one
exception, already mentioned), and they are written in a variety of
languages: Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and various combinations thereof.
Theodor Mommsen, who visited Venosa, was of the opinion that these
inscriptions were from the sixth century; in fact it would seem that
some of the Venosa inscriptions are much earlier, perhaps from the late
fourth century, while others have been dated to the seventh or eighth
century.49
The Hebrew component in the Venosa inscriptions ranges
from a simple formula, most commonly shalom, to an
epitaph exclusively in Hebrew (Frey no. 569):
n' iy / ('}'n' / inbmi / m9] / / nrt O11m / In / nn' gym / 1Z7V
T1
(Resting place of Vita son of Faustina. May the repose of his spirit-soul
be for everlasting life). This inscription is a particularly interesting
one, as (leaving aside the Latin names of the deceased and his mother or
father) it seems to suggest a fully Hebraised background. And yet the
immediately adjoining epitaph (no. 570), which appears to be that of
130
The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
this same Vita's daughter, is in both Hebrew and Latin, and the
daughter bears the Latin name of Pretiosa. Further along the same side-
gallery of the catacomb we find the epitaphs of Vita's son, Faustinus,
and granddaughter, Faustina (nos 613, 611). Both epitaphs are in
Latin, with a conventional appendage in Hebrew. Another Faustinus
has a short inscription entirely in Latin (no. 612). Clearly, then, we
cannot speak of a linear progression from one language to another,
even within successive generations of a single family.
The family in question is evidently a leading one. Both the Faustini
bear the title Pater, and the epitaph of the young Faustina (she was
fourteen when she died) describes her grandparents and perhaps also
her great-grandfather Faustinus as MAIVRES CIBITATIS, 'elders of
the city'. We are told that the whole city wept at her death. Also present
at her burial were two emissaries (APOSTVLI) and two rabbis
(REBBITES), who recited dirges (TRHNVS) in her memory. This
may have been regarded as a signal honour: at any rate no similar detail
is found on the epitaphs of any of the other grandees buried in the
catacomb. It is interesting to note the use of the Greek word threnos,
'dirge', an indication probably that Greek is still the liturgical language
of the Jews of Venosa. The date of the inscription cannot be fixed
definitely: opinions have ranges from the 4th to the 8th century.50
One more inscription from the Venosa catacombs deserves particular
mention (Frey no. 595). It was found in a small side-gallery on its
own, and it is in a mixture of Hebrew and Greek. The Hebrew is a
conventional formula (Innnv / in "v oft, 'Peace be upon his resting
place'). The Greek text text has been read, not entirely convincingly, as
taphos sekoundinou presbyterou kai materina(s) eton ogdoenta,
'Tomb of Secundinus the Presbyter and of Materina, (aged) eighty
years'. What is remarkable about this Greek inscription is that it is
written in Hebrew characters. In fact it is the only European inscription
50 See Bognetti, ibid., pp. 198f. Cf. Colafemmina, 'Insediamenti', pp. 211-
214. An early 6th century date seems most likely.
131
Nicholas de Lange
A LEGAL TEXT
One more piece of evidence must detain us before we proceed to a final
discussion. It is the celebrated Novella 146 'On the Jews' of Justinian,
132
The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
There is a good deal more to the Novella than this section, which is
only a preamble. But it contains the essence of what concerns the use of
Hebrew, and in particular it records, what we do not know from any
other source, a long-drawn-out and acrimonious dispute about the
language of scriptural readings. Where did this dispute take place?
Presumably Constantinople, although the text does not specify. The
52 The most important recent discussions of this document and its implications
are: V. Colorni, 'L'uso del greco nella liturgia del giudaismo ellenistico e la
Novella 146 di Giustiniano', Annali di Storia del Diritto 8 (1964) 19-80;
A.M. Rabello, Giustiniano, Ebrei e Samaritani alla luce delle fonti storico-
letterarie, eccesiastiche e giuridiche vol. 2 (Milan 1988), pp. 814-828; A.
Linder, The Jews in Roman Imperial Legislation (Detroit/Jerusalem 1987), pp.
402-411.
133
Nicholas de Lange
wording of the Greek suggests that one side in the dispute wanted to
use Hebrew alone for the reading, while the other side wanted to insert
a reading in Greek as well. Historically, however, this is highly
implausible: as we have seen, there is no evidence whatever to support
the idea of scriptural readings in Hebrew in Constantinople or any other
European centre at this time, and even in Israel, where it is natural to
suppose that there was most support for Hebrew, there is little evidence
of its use in synagogues at this date. Moreover, in everything that
follows, the text of the Novella speaks of Greek and other languages,
without mentioning a reading in Hebrew. Consequently, it seems best
to take kai as strengthening ten hellenida (meaning something like
'indeed'), rather than as meaning 'also'. One side, then, wanted the
reading to be in Hebrew (alone), whole the other side wanted it to be in
Greek.
It is also clear from the other evidence we have considered that,
whether such was his intention or not, the emperor came down on the
side of tradition. The partisans of Hebrew in attempting to supplant the
Greek reading (based on Aquila or some other version) were
endeavouring to overturn ancient custom. Eventually, as we know,
they succeeded. The controversy recorded in the Novella can be seen as
a step on the road leading towards the replacement of Greek by Hebrew
in the synagogues. In 553 Justinian says the dispute has been going on
for a long time. Months? Years? We do not know. But at least the
Novella gives us firm evidence about a deliberate attempt to introduce
Hebrew at a relatively early date.
CONCLUSIONS
What emerges from this survey? Surely the first and most important
point is how very little solid information we have about the use of
Hebrew before the ninth century. Then, quite suddenly, from around
800 we have the first evidence of a real familiarity with the Hebrew
language and Hebrew literature in certain places. But even then caution
requires that we stress how very limited that evidence is, both in its
134
The Hebrew Language in the European Diaspora
135
Nicholas de Lange
136
The Hebrew Language in the, European Diaspora
137
DIASPORA JUDAISM OF LATE ANTIQUITY
AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO PALESTINE:
EVIDENCE FROM THE ANCIENT
SYNAGOGUE*
LEE I. LEVINE
in: The Jewish People in the First Century, S. Safrai and M. Stern (eds.), 2
vols.; Assen 1974-76, I, pp. 204, 214.
3 S.J.D. Cohen, From the Maccabees to the Mishnah, Philadelphia 1987, pp.
24-26.
4 See E.P. Sanders, Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah, London 1990, pp.
359-360, n. 6 and bibliography cited there.
140
Diaspora Judaism of Late Antiquity
141
Lee I. Levine
142
Diaspora Judaism of Late Antiquity
9 See above, n. 5.
10 A. Seager and A.T. Kraabel, 'The Synagogue and the Jewish Community', in:
Sardis from Prehistoric to Roman Times, G.M.A. Hanfmann (ed.), Cambridge,
MA 1983, pp. 169-176.
11 J.-B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum, vol. I: Rome 1936, reprint:
New York 1975; vol. II: Rome 1952, I, pp. LXVIIIff.; H. Leon, The Jews of
Ancient Rome, Philadelphia 1960, pp. 167-194; L. Kant, 'Jewish
Inscriptions in Greek and Latin', Aufstieg and Niedergang der romischen
Welt, II, 20.2, W. Haase and H. Temporini (eds.), Berlin 1987, pp. 692-698.
12 Seager (above, n. 8), pp. 80-82.
143
Lee I. Levine
144
Diaspora Judaism of Late Antiquity
17 Philo, Every Good Man is Free, 81 (Loeb Classical Library, IX, p. 57);
Josephus, War, VII, 3, 3, 45.
18 Josephus, Antiquities, XIII, 3, 1, 66.
145
Lee I. Levine
146
Diaspora Judaism of Late Antiquity
26 Letter of Aristeas 304-306, following R.J.H. Shutt, in: The Old Testament
Pseudepigrapha, J. Charlesworth (ed.), 2 vols.; Garden City 1983-85, II, p.
33.
27 Sanders (above, n. 4), p. 259; L.I. Levine, 'From Community Center to
"Lesser Sanctuary": The Furnishings and Interior of the Ancient Synagogue',
Cathedra, LX (1991), pp. 39-41 (Hebrew). See also Josephus, Antiquities,
XII, 2, 13, 106.
28 Sanders (above, n. 4), pp. 262-263. On the tradition that in Egypt God spoke
with Moses and Aaron outside the cities because the latter contained idolatry
and abominations, see Mekilta d'R. Ishmael, Bo, 1, Horowitz-Rabin (eds.),
p. 2.
147
Lee I. Levine
148
Diaspora Judaism of Late Antiquity
Let me state the thesis at the outset: The Judaism of the synagogue
communities of the Roman Diaspora is best understood, on the basis of
the present evidence, as the grafting of a transformed biblical "exile"
ideology onto a Greco-Roman form of social organization (p. 49).
Without negating possible biblical influences, there seems to be no question
that the Diaspora synagogue must be viewed primarily within a horizontal,
i.e., Greco-Roman, context, not only with regard to its non-Jewish
components but also with regard to its Jewish dimension as well. Second -
Temple Judaism and its post-70 development affected Jewish communities
both in Palestine and throughout the Diaspora. Any 'biblical' influences were
mediated through contemporary Jewish frameworks - institutional as well as
ideological.
149
Lee I. Levine
late that the difference between the Hellenization of the Diaspora and
that of Palestine was one of degree only and not necessarily qualitative
in nature. As noted, it had been almost universally assumed previously
that the Diaspora was much more heavily influenced by the Greco-
Roman world than was Palestine. However, two pieces of evidence
from the latter - one literary and one archeological - should make us
rethink this assumption. In at least one of Caesarea's synagogues,
around the year 300, the congregation recited the most basic of prayers
- the Shema' - in Greek and undoubtedly also read the Torah in Greek,
or at least had it translated into that language for the benefit of its
congregants.34 Moreover, the appearance of zodiac signs and the image
of Helios in a number of synagogues throughout Palestine reflects a
significant penetration of Hellenistic artistic motifs into the synagogue
in particular and into Jewish cultural life generally.35
The Torah shrine was a prominent feature in almost all the
synagogues in Palestine and the Diaspora of late antiquity and may have
been located in a niche (as at Miletus and Eshtemoa), an apse (as at
Ostia and Beth Alpha) or an aedicula (as at Dura and Nabratein).36
Scriptures were read, expounded, and studied with awe and sanctity
throughout the entire Jewish world,37 and remains of the above
34 J Sotah 7, 1, 21b.
35 R. Hachlili, 'The Zodiac in Ancient Jewish Art: Representation and
Significance', Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 228
(1977), pp. 61-77; idem, Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Land of
Israel, Leiden 1988, pp. 301-309; Goodenough (above, n. 5), VIII, pp. 167-
218.
36 Kraabel (above, n. 5); Hachlili, Ancient Jewish Art (above, n. 35), pp. 166-
182; Levine (above, n. 27), pp. 70-74.
37 I. Elbogen, Jewish Prayer in its Historical Development, Tel-Aviv 1972, pp.
117-131 (Hebrew); C. Perrot, La lecture de la Bible, Hildesheim 1973; J.
Heinemann, Studies in Jewish Liturgy2, Jerusalem 1983, pp. 22-27
(Hebrew).
150
Diaspora Judaism of Late Antiquity
38 See Sanders (above, n. 4), pp. 255-271, as well as the classic studies of A.
BUchler, 'The Levitical Impurity of the Gentile Cities in Palestine before the
Year 70', Jewish Quarterly Review, XVII (1926-27), pp. 1-81; and Alon
(above, n. 2), pp. 146-234.
39 Levine (above, n. 27), pp. 39-41.
40 See above, n. 27.
41 G. Foerster, 'The Ancient Synagogues of the Galilee', in: The Galilee in Late
Antiquity, L.I. Levine (ed.), Atlanta 1992, pp. 289-319; Goodenough
(above, n. 5), II, pp. 75-76; Seager and Kraabel (above, n. 10), pp. 168-
175.
151
Lee I. Levine
152
Diaspora Judaism of Late Antiquity
47 Even within the Galilee, significant differences have been noted between the
synagogues of the Upper and Lower Galilees. See E.M. Meyers. 'Galilean
Regionalism as a Factor in Historical Reconstruction', Bulletin of the
American Schools of Oriental Research 221 (1976), pp. 93-101.
48 Z. Ma'oz, 'The Art and Architecture of the Synagogues of the Golan', Ancient
Synagogues Revealed, L.I. Levine (ed.), Jerusalem 1981, pp. 98-115; idem,
'Ancient Synagogues of the Golan', Biblical Archaeologist, LI (June, 1988),
pp. 116-128. Regarding southern Judea, see D, Amit and Z. Ilan, 'The
Ancient Synagogue at Ma'on in Judah', Qadmoniot XXIII/91-92 (1990), pp.
115-125 (Hebrew); Levine (above, n. 27), p. 41.
49 Leon (above, n. 11), pp. 135-166.
153
Lee I. Levine
154
Diaspora Judaism of Late Antiquity
nor at Masada and Gamla.53 Only in the third and fourth centuries C.E.
do we find evidence of these symbols, and their appearance then is not
confined to any one locale. Thus, while the factor of alienation may
indeed have been of some significance, we ought to look elsewhere for
an explanation of this phenomenon. It may go well beyond the religious
and social proclivities of any specific community or region; it may be an
expression of Judaism's reaction to the impact of Christianity's
ascendancy in late antiquity and its subsequent influence on various
facets of Jewish society.54
53 See Kraabel (above, n. 5), and articles on the Second Temple period
synagogue, in: Ancient Synagogues Revealed, L.I. Levine (ed.), Jerusalem
1981, pp. 19-41. The attempt by Ma'oz to identify a rosette and date palms
on the Gamla lintel as Jewish symbols that "may provide a clue to identify
synagogues of this period" is unconvincing (ibid., p. 39). See also Hachlili,
Ancient Jewish Art (above, n. 35), pp. 84-88, 235.
54 See my forthcoming Ancient Synagogue; Y. Tsafrir, 'The Byzantine Setting
and Its Influence on Ancient Synagogues', in: The Synagogue in Late
Antiquity, L.I. Levine (ed.), Philadelphia 1987, pp. 147-157.
55 Hachlili, Ancient Jewish Art (above, n. 35), pp. 347-365.
155
Lee I. Levine
glass.56
Moreover, these same Palestinian synagogues show a grater
proclivity than their Diaspora counterparts to featuring figural
representations with distinctly pagan motifs. Dura, of course, is the
classic example of extensive figural art, but even there we find biblical
scenes only; no Diaspora synagogue can parallel the Hellenistic
depictions of zodiac signs and Helios found in a number of Palestinian
settings. Amazing as it may appear, Diaspora synagogues, far from
being more syncretistic and Hellenized in this regard, were by and large
more conservative than their Palestinian counterparts. Perhaps the
security of living in their land, in the midst of a largely Jewish
population, allowed some Palestinian Jewish communities to indulge in
artistic expressions that their Diaspora counterparts might have found
objectionable, unsavory or problematic.
The sacred status accorded the synagogue also differed from the
Diaspora to Palestine. From its inception, perhaps - and certainly early
on - the synagogue in the Diaspora was considered holy.57 The
Palestinian synagogue appears to have acquired a similar status
relatively late - from the third century onward.58 This added dimension
of sanctity in no way threatened the community-center aspect of the
Palestinian synagogue, as this element was central to the institution
from its inception and continued to function as such throughout
antiquity.
156
Diaspora Judaism of Late Antiquity
157
Lee I. Levine
Late Antiquity: The Evidence of the Galilee', in: The Galilee in Late Antiquity,
L.I. Levine (ed.), Atlanta 1992, pp. 201-222.
63 Cf. D. Schwartz, 'Qumran between Priestliness and Christianity', in: The
Scrolls of the Judaean Desert - Forty Years of Research, M. Broshi et al.
(eds), Jerusalem 1992, p. 181 (Hebrew).
158
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ALFREDO M. RABELLO
To VITTORE COLORNI
Scholar and Friend
1) The Beginning
Many legends are told about the beginning of Jewish settlement in
Spain. Some of these attribute the beginning of this diaspora to the days
of Nebuchadnezzar. There were families who claimed that they could
trace their genealogy to the families Titus brought from Iudaea captal
1. E.g. the Aibalia family has a tradition that one of their ancestors, Baruch -
who had a post in the Temple of Jerusalem - accepted an invitation to visit
Spain at the time of Titus; see especially A. De Castro, The History of the Jews
in Spain, London, 1857 (repr. 1972); S. Applebaum, "The Diaspora of the
Mediterranean coast in the Hellenistic - Roman age" (in Hebrew), in The
Mediterranean: its place in the History and Culture of the Jews and other
nations, Jerusalem, 1970, p. 54.
The Jews in Roman Spain
In general on the Jews in Roman Spain see: L. Garcia Iglesias, "Los Judios en
la Espafla Romana" , Hispania Antiqua, 3, 1973, pp. 331 ff: J. Juster, The
Legal Condition of the Jews under the Visigothic Kings (brought up-to-date
with a Tribute by A.M. Rabello) Jerusalem, 1976.
2. J.F. Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, vol. 1, Philadelphia,
1961, p.3 ff. ; see also: H. Beinart, "Two Shalom al Israel inscriptions from
Spain", Eretz Israel, 8, 1967, pp. 298 ff. (In Hebrew; English summary p.
78).
3. S. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, vol. 1. New York, 1952,
p. 170, vol. III,p. 33 f. ; H. Beinart, "Cuando llegaron los Judios a Espana",
Estudios del Instituto Central de Relaciones culturales Israel-Iberoamerica,
Espana Y Portugal, III, 1961, 1, ff.; M. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman
Rule, Leiden, 1976, p.122.
161
Alfredo M. Rabello
4. It is clear that we cannot determine from these quotations whether in the name
Aspamia the sages referred to Spain or perhaps to other nearer places, such as
Apamia in Syria. On this issue see especially: A. Neubauer, La Geographie du
Talmud. Paris, 1868, p. 304, 417; P. Neeman, Encyclopedia of the
Geography of the Talmud. Tel-Aviv, 1972 (1), p. 118 ff. (in Hebrew), and
also notes of the editor in 'Aruch Hashalem, entry Aspamia, on what the
Midrash says in Vayikra Rabbah.
Nevertheless, it seems quite clear that sometimes the name Aspamia refers to
Spain itself. See M. Margaliot's note concerning Vayikra Rabbah, 70, 68-69,
in which he emphasizes that the names Aspamia and Gallia actually refer to
present day Spain and France, and not to other places nearer to Israel, "for the
main aim of the Midrash is to stress the great trouble and pain endured in
travelling a long distance in order to bring a sacrifice".
5. Sefarad is the name generally used in Hebrew for Spain, see S. Krauss, "The
names Ashkenaz and Sefarad", Tarbitz 3, 1932, pp. 423 ff. (in Hebrew), and
also I.N. Epstein's important note in "On the name Spain", ibid, p. 435.
162
The Jews in Roman Spain
We may note here that the status of the Spanish Jews was generally
no different from the status of Jews elsewhere in the Roman Empire,
especially in the western part of the Empire.
Judaism was considered religio licita, a nation with its own
privileges permitting the free exercise of the Jewish cult and exemption
from public duties in conflict with the monotheistic faith of the Jews. It
is especially important to point out that after the grant of Roman
citizenship to all the inhabitants of the Empire by Antoninus Caracalla
(Constitutio Antoniniana de Civitate) in 212, all the Jews of Spain
became Roman citizens. Thus on the one hand we see that the Jews
enjoyed Roman citizenship and everything that it involved, and on the
other hand it enables us to understand the continuity of the Roman laws
which relate to the Jews.6
2) The council of Elvira and the Jews
The first reference of the Catholic Church to the Jews of Spain is
found at the Council of Elvira. It was the first Church Council in the
world to regulate the relationship between Christians and Jews.
Elvira is the name of a place, or more precisely, the name of two
towns in Spain: One in the province of Narbona and the other in the
Baetic province, today Andalusia, not far from the present site of
Gerona. It is most probable that it was in this latter town that the
Bishops' council took place. In the opinion of some scholars, the
council was held between the years 300-303; others say it took place
between 306-312.7
6. This is not the place to give a full bibliographic list. It is sufficient to refer
the reader to: J. Juster, Les Juifs dans 1'Empire Romain, Paris, 1914; L. Garcia
Iglesias, "Los Judios en la Espana Romana", Hispania Antiqua, 3, 1973, pp.
331 ff.; A.M. Rabello, The Legal Condition of the Jews in the Roman
Empire, ANRW,II, 15, 1980, pp. 662-762; A.M. Rabello, The Jews in
Visigothic Spain in the Light of the Legislation (in Hebrew), Jerusalem, 1983.
7. On the Elvira Council see: C.I. Hefele - H.Leclerq, Histoire des Conciles
d'apres les documents originaux, II, Paris, 1908; G. Bareille, "Elvire",
163
Alfredo M. Rabello
164
The Jews in Roman Spain
5O).10
Canon 49, which states that a Christian must not ask a Jew to bless
his crop, shows that the Jews were landowners at the time and that they
enjoyed good relations with their neighbours.11
Canon 26, prevents the Christians from keeping Saturday as a holy
day (Exodus, 20, 8; Deut. 5, 12)12. At that period and also for some
10. Can. 50: "About the Christians who dine with the Jews.
If anyone from the clergy or a believer eats his food in the company of a Jew,
a decision will be taken to suspend him from the communio so that he can
repent". see B. Blumenkranz, "Judaeorum convivia: a propos du Concile de
Vannes (465), c. 12, in Etudes du droit canonique dediees a Gabriel Le Bras,
II, Paris, 1965, pp. 1055 ff. (=Juifs et Chretiens. Patristique et Moyen Age,
London, 1977, n. XX)
11. Can. 49: "That the Jews shall not bless the fruit of the believers. We think
landowners ought to be warned not to let Jews bless their fruit, fruit which is a
gift from God, so that our blessing will not seem a false and unimportant
blessing. If anyone continues in this way after the prohibition, he shall be
expelled from the Church".
12. Can. 26: "That they shall fast every Saturday. Whoever wishes to make amends
for a sin, must keep all the fasts which were established every Saturday".
It seems that the aim is to prevent the Christians from keeping Saturday as a
day of joy. It should not be forgotten that for a long period of time there were
Christians who continued keeping Saturday as a holiday and a rest day, while
there were other Christians who used to keep two days as a holiday, both
Saturday and Sunday. On the concurrence between Saturday and Sunday in the
Church, see: J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, I, p.280; P. Cotton,
From Sabbath to Sunday, Bethlehem, 1993; M. Simon, Verus Israel: Etude
sur les relations entre chretiens et Juifs dans L'Empire Romain (135-425),
Paris, 1948 pp. 374 ff., 383, 422., S. Bacchiocchi, A Historical
investigation of the Rise of Sunday observance in Early Christianity, Roma,
1977,; A. Weiss, "The Sabbath-observance of Gentiles", Bar-Ilan Anuual
1963, pp. 143 ff. (Hebrew); Y.D. Gilat, "On Fasting on the Sabbath",
165
Alfredo M. Rabello
Tarbiz, 52,1,1982. pp. 1 ff. (Hebrew); R. Bonfil, "Tra due mondi: prospettive
di ricerca sulla storia culturale degli Ebrei nell'alto medioevo", Italia Judaica,
Roma, 1983, pp. 135 ff.; A.M. Rabello, "L'observance des fetes hebraiques
dans l'Empire Romain", ANRW II, 21, 2, Berlin-New York, 1983, pp. 1288 ff.
13. Can. 36: "That there will be no pictures in church. The decision to forbid any
kind of picture in church was taken in order that what is to be worshipped and
honoured should not be painted on the walls." On the prohibition of pictures
in church see also E.E. Urbach, "The Rabbinical Laws of Idolatry in the
Second and Third Centuries in the Light of Archaeological and Historical
Facts", Israel Exploration Journal, 9, 1959, pp. 149 ff. More generally see:
E.J.Martin, A History of the Iconoclastic Controversy, London, 1930.
14. Can. 61: "That a man shall not marry two sisters. If a man, after the death of
his wife, marries her sister, and even if she is a believer, it has been decided
that they shall be excluded from the communio for five years unless, in case
of a disease, it will be necessary to ease their conscience at an earlier stage
and enable them to return to the communio before the five years are over". See
Babylonian Talmud, Mo'ed Qatan (tractate on intermediate days of a festival),
23a: Jerusalem Talmud. Yevamot, 84, 11, and Masekhet Semahot (tractate on
mourning laws and manners), 87. See also discussion on this issue: R. Yaron,
"Duabus sororibus coniunctio". Revue Internationale des Droits de
l'Antiquitd, 10, 1963, pp. 115 ff.
166
The Jews in Roman Spain
15. Severus Majoricensis, Epistula de Judaeis (=Migne, P.L.,20, 731 ff.) 41,
822, ff.; G.G. Segni Vidal, La carta enciclica del Obispo Severo. Estudio
critico de su autenticidad e integritad con un bosqueio Historica del
cristianismo balear anterior al siglo VIII, Palma de Mallorca, 1936. In this
study the author sets out to prove the authenticity of the document. He argues
with scholars who do not accept his theory.
Blumenkranz has since claimed that the epistula attributed to Severus reflects
the reality of the seventh century and not the fifth. This claim is based on
literary grounds: B.Blumenkranz, Les auteurs Chrdtiens latins de Moyen age
sur les Juifs et le Judaisme, Paris, 1963, p. 106, ff.: Blumenkranz, Juifs et
Chretiens dans le monde occidental (430-1096) , Paris, 1963. p. 76 n. 34,
pp. 263-284, but his claim does not seem fully proven.
Among the many scholars who accept Severus' letter as an historic document
are: Juster, Juifs, 1, 464, nt. 3, 500; 2, 200-201, 253, 261-262; Baer, A
History of the Jews in Christian Spain, 1, 17, 382, n. 2; Garcia, Judios, 17
ff., 20 ff., 32 ff.; Baron, Social and Religious History, I, 370 and III, 33 ff.
167
Alfredo M. Rabello
16. G. Rinaldi, "Stefano", Enciclopedia Cattolica, vol. XI, col. 1928 f.; G.
Madoz, "Severo di Minorca", Enc. Cattolica, XI, col 465f.; "Saint Stephan"',
Hebrew Encyclopedia, (in Hebrew) vol. 25, p. 722 ff.
17. See E. Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, (ed.
by J.B. Bury), London, 1909, vol. 3, p. 224 n. 91.
168
The Jews in Roman Spain
18. Arthemisia siquidem, Lectorii, qui nuper hanc provinciam rexit et nunc comes
esse, dicitur, filia... (cap. 17), Migne, Patrologia Latina, 20, 744; cf. Juster,
Juifs 2, pp. 250, 261 ff. The position of comes occupied by a Jew is also
mentioned in an inscription from Sepphoris dated to the first half of the
fourth century. See the context of the inscription and discussion about it in:
Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum, 2, 1991; B. Lifshitz, Donateurs et
fondateurs dans les Synagogues Juives, Paris, 1967, n. 74.
19. Ibid, chapter 14; Attention should be paid to the fact that in the year 409
anyone who was not a Christian was forbidden to hold the position of
defender of the town (defensor civitatis). This position was considered very
important, especially in the Land of Israel (Codex Justinianus 1.55.8).
Parkes considers that an explanation can be found in the fact that the
command did not reach the island for nine years, or that the facts are not true,
and this is simply an example of the literary tradition of telling about the
wonders of heroes of a particular story (J. Parkes, The Conflict of the Church
and the Synagogue, Cleveland, 1961, p. 204). In my opinion, it is possible
that in places where good relations were achieved between Jews and
Christians, the law was ignored. It is also important to note that Caecilianus
probably held the position after his conversion to Christianity, and that
Theodorus also held other positions, so that it is not clear whether he was the
defensor after 409. That the Jews were prohibited from holding this position
may be understood from the third Novella of Theodosius 11 (436) and from the
constitution of Justinian C.J.1.9.18.
169
Alfredo M. Rabello
20. For more particulars see: A.M.Rabello, "Gli Ebrei nella Spagna romana e
ariana-visigotica", Atti dell'Accademia Romanistica Costantiniana, 40,
Perugia, 1981, pp. 807 If. ; idem, The Jews in Visigothic Spain in the light of
the Legislation. (in Hebrew), Jerusalem, 1983.
21. Bibliography and main abbreviations: Cantera-Millas, Inscripciones = F.
Cantera-Burgos-Millas, Les Inscripciones hebraicas de Espana, Madrid,
1956;
Ferrua, Inscripciones = A. Ferrua, "Inscripciones griecas y judias", in J.
Vives, Inscripciones cristianas de la Espana Romana y visigoda, Barcelona,
1942, 2e ed., 1969;
Frey, C.I.J. = J.B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum. Recueil des
inscriptions juives qui vont du We siecle avant J.C. au VII siecle, vol. I,
Europe, Citta del Vaticano, 1936 (reproduction with Prolegomenon by B.
Lifshitz, New York, 1975);
Garcia, Judios = L. Garcia Iglesias, "Los judios en la Espana romana, "
Hispania Antiqua, 3, 1972, pp. 331 ff.;
170
The Jews in Roman Spain
we have about the Jews in that time comes from laws passed against
them.22
From these inscriptions we learn that the Jews settled mainly in
coastal towns, such as Tarragona, Tortosa, Elche and Adra.
Nevertheless, there is also evidence that Jews lived inland, for instance,
in the town of Merida "a town which resembled Rome more than any of
the big cities of Spain".23
The inscriptions are written in the following languages: Hebrew,
Latin, Greek,24 and sometimes there are even expressions taken from
the Jewish liturgy: among the typical Jewish symbols we find the
Menorah, the Star of David (Magen David) and the palm-branch
(lulav). Among the community roles which appear in the inscriptions
we find the Archisynagogus.25 The use of Latin and Greek in Spain
shows that the Jews who spoke those languages came from
distinguished and highly cultured families.
We shall discuss the inscriptions in geographical order: Hispania
Tarraconesis; Hispania Carthaginesis; Hispania Baetica; Hispania
Lusitanesis. (Fig. 1).
171
Alfredo M. Rabello
HISPANIA TARRACONENSIS
This is the name of the region in the north-east of the Spanish
peninsula: to its east lies the Mediterranean sea and to the north - the
Pyrenees. The capital was Tarragona (Tarraco), a port about one
hundred kilometers south of Barcelona. The town was also important
economically on account of the linen and wine trades. It would seem
that there was a Jewish settlement in Tarragona already in the Roman
era.
In 1955 an inscription was found in Tarragona (Fig. 2), which was
later published by Cantera Burgos.26. The inscription is written in three
languages: Hebrew, Latin, and Greek. The dating of this inscription is
very similar to the dating of the three-language inscriptions from
Tortosa: either the sixth century or, at least, the seventh.27 It is possible
that this could be a dedicatory inscription in a synagogue. In Hebrew
we read:
(1V''Y Oft
pox 1]'37 * 13ft1
"Shalom al Israel ve-aleinu ve-al baneinu amen."
["May there be peace on Israel and on us and on our sons, amen"]
There are pictures of a Menorah and of the tree (the tree of life ?) ,
and of a shofar and two peacocks. These may present the idea of
resurrection. In Latin we read: Pax Fides.
The expression pax is an attempt at translating the expression shalom
into Latin. The second expression, fides - "faith" is not common in
either Jewish or Christian inscriptions, and may be used here to
emphasize that the place is dedicated to the faith of Israel.
In Greek there are a number of signs which are not comprehensible:
172
The Jews in Roman Spain
173
Alfredo M. Rabello
174
The Jews in Roman Spain
[In the name of G-d - in this grave rests Rab Lasies, the grandson of
the teacher (?) rests in peace [Greek text] here rests Rab Latoyes, by the
pious Archisynagogus. He was from Cysicus, a righteous.... from Hell
(will keep him ?) will rest in peace (in ?) G-d].
The inscription is written in Latin and Greek. Its style resembles the
inscription in three languages from Tortosa which is nearby. It ought to
be mentioned that the Latin always appears first. Many Jews from that
area came from the east and spoke more than one language, and this is
also the reason for their lack of fluency in all the languages and
especially Latin; for instance, they use the term inquisio (= incisio)
instead of tumba.
The above is an inscription concerning a Rabbi or a sage by the
name of Lasies (or Latoyes) who came from Cysicus which is in Asia
Minor.33 It seems that this is the correct interpretation of the inscription
since it is not logical that the head of the congregation, who laid the
stone, would mention his own place of origin. The position of
Archisynagogus was well known in the Jewish congregations of the
Roman empire.34 Thus we have evidence that the Jewish congregations
in Spain were organized similarly to other Jewish congregations
Tarragona", Sefarad, 17, 1957, p. 3 f. (from which the text of the inscription
is taken); Garcia, Judlos, p. 13 f., 35.
33. J. Juster, Les Juifs Bans l'Empire Romain, Paris, 1914, I. p.190; M. Stern,
"The Jewish Diaspora", Compendia Rerum Judaicarum ad Novum
Testamentum, Sect. I: The Jewish People in the First Century, vol. I (ed. S.
Safrai and M. Stern), Assen, 1974, p. 120 f., 143 ff.
34. This title usually indicated the head of the Jewish congregation . See: J.
Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, Paris, 1914, I, 450 ff.; H.J. Leon, The
Jews of Ancient Rome, Philadelphia, 1960, p. 171 ff. : M. Floriani
Squarciapino, "Plotius Fortunatus Archisynagogus", Scritti Milano, La
Rassegna Mensile di Israel, 1970, p. 184 ff.; S. Applebaum, "The
Organisation of the Jewish Communities in the Diaspora", Compendia Rerum
Judaicarum ad Novum Testamentum, ed. Stern-Safrai, I, 1, pp. 429 ff.
175
Alfredo M. Rabello
176
The Jews in Roman Spain
HI CEST
MEMORIA BONE RE
CORDATIONIS ISID
ORA FILIA BENE ME
MORII IONATI ET AX
IAES PAVSET ANI
MA EIVS IN PACE CV
M OMNE ISRAEL
[AM] EN AMEN AMEN
39. Psalms, 92, 13: "The Righteous will blossom like a palm-tree".
40. On this name see M. Cassuto Saltzman, "Greek Names among the Jews " Eretz
Israel, 3, 1954, pp. 1 f.; on Jewish names in general, see N.G. Cohen's Ph.D.
thesis, Jewish Names and their significance in the Hellenistic and Roman
Periods in Asia Minor, Jerusalem, 1969.
41. See e.g. the text of the Kaddish. Cf. L. Zunz, Zur Geschichte and Literatur,
Cap. 4: "Das Godaechtniss des Gerechten" pp. 304 ff.; M. Weinfeld, "The
inscriptions of the Synagogues and the Jewish Liturgy", An Annual for
Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies (in Hebrew) IV, 1980, pp. 280 ff.
177
Alfredo M. Rabello
I to
Nl.
i0B 0 N:v t I
1/\ 1:-,SP'A`>I
I A E I V-5) Ni PIV' I. (1)
42. See Fig. 4. On this inscription see: Fret', CIJ, n.661; Goodenough, Jewish
Symbols, 2, p. 58 f. ; Ferrua, Inscripciones, n. 428; H. Beinart, "Cuando
Ilegaron los judios a Espana ?", Estudios del Institute Central de Relaciones
culturales Israel - Iberoamerica, Espana y Portugal, III, n. 3, 1962, p. 19 ff.;
Cantera-Millas, Inscripciones, p. 198; Garcia, Judios, p. 13. ; V. Colorni,
"L'uso del greco nella Liturgic del Giudaismo Ellenistico e la Novella 146 di
Giustiniano" Annali di Storia del Diritto, 8, 1964, p. 19 f. We have quoted
the inscription following Ferrua's reading which is similar to Frey's. The
reading is identical.
178
The Jews in Roman Spain
5K117' }Y 0151
44 43KI71
113 '55t 5m 11,1 1 71
46,1n
1]11D1 450'1?: K1' ' ?1 T`f11-I'
47K.1
t* 7-1 "n',111=1
48]nK
0"n1 11133 11U03
bft
IN NOMINI AOMINI
HIC EST MEM[O]RIA VBT RE
QVIESCIT BENEMEMORIA
MELIOSA FILIA IVpANTT 8 ET
CYR[I]A 10 MARIES VIXIT AN [NOS]
[VIGI}NTI ET QUATTOUR
CUM PACE AMEN
[iv] Wvw [µx]. K(upf o)u . I Cojae iatrv µe l'µv [eio]v anon
avdl c[au]aav raµµvj'j[atoC a]a'Iovaavtl6[oC xai xopiaC
1;>7a[aaa I1tq sltxoot] tI3(o)epa(C). hv I [eip1q.
a}L v].
179
Alfredo M. Rabello
Fig 4.A three language inscription (Hebrew, Latin, Greek) from Tortosa
180
The Jews in Roman Spain
[In the name of G-d. Here lies the memory in which Meliosa rests,
may her memory be blessed, the daughter of Juda49 and Lady50 Maria.
She lived twenty-four years in peace, amen]
(The Greek translation is identical to the Latin)
The inscription is clearly a Jewish one. The Hebrew text is typical of
Jewish grave inscriptions. The star is "Solomon's seal" which was
common among the Jews of Persia in the fifth and fourth centuries
B.C.E..51 Can we detect a reference to the days of Solomon, with
which the Jews of Spain were trying to find a connection? Finally,
beside another star appears the menorah with five branches.52
The expression *1w' 537 w5m "Peace on Israel" appears very often
49. On the name Judas in the Jewish and Christian world see: A.M.Rabello, "Sui
rapporti fra Diocleziano e gli Ebrei", Atti della Accademia Romanistica
Costantiniana, Perugia, 1976, pp. 186 ff. See also the remarks of Cantera-
Millas, above.
50. Ferrua reads Quira. Cantera-Millas read cursor cuira. This name which
means "lady" appears in several other Jewish inscriptions: see B. Lifshitz,
Donateurs, 70. On the shortened form Ku instead of Kuria see Beinart, "Two
inscriptions", pp. 302 ff.
51. On "Solomon's seal" see: N. Avigad, "Seal", Biblical Encyclopedia, 3, 81,
ff.; "Star of David", Hebrew Encyclopedia, 22, pp. 149 ff (in Hebrew).
52. Probably according to the Talmudic tradition which forbids the making of a
Menorah with seven branches, like the one which was placed in the Temple:
"Said Abaye: The Torah forbade the making of ritual articles that can be made
identical .... a Menorah opposed to a Menorah: the making of a Menorah
with five, six or eight branches is permitted, but not seven..." (Babylonian
Talmud, Rosh Hashana, 24a-b; see also Menahot, 28b, and Avoda Zara, 43a).
The prohibition was interpreted with reference to a three dimensional
Menorah, so that we usually find a seven-branched Menorah in inscriptions.
Nevertheless, there are other examples of Menorot with five branches, e.g. in
181
Alfredo M. Rabello
HISPANIA CARTHAGINENSIS
In the south-east region of Spain, an area which includes Toledo,
three inscriptions belonging to the same building were found in the
182
The Jews in Roman Spain
town of Elche (Alicante), not far from the sea. At first, scholars
assumed that they relate to a Christian basilica, but later most of them
were conviced that they are Jewish inscriptions. Albertini even
published a second article in which he withdrew from his first
assumption, and explained that the text of these inscriptions does relate
to a synagogue (Fig. 5). In any case, even if we accept the assumption
that the inscriptions do belong to a synagogue and to the Jews, this
does not rule out the possibility that the synagogue was later turned into
a church. This was Schlunk's assumption. The inscriptions date to the
fourth and fifth centuries, the time of Byzantine rule in the area, and the
sixth century when the Visigoths ruled. But in Melida's opinion, the art
seems to be Decadent-Roman.
The three inscriptions are written in Greek:54
The first is written in black letters on a white background:
np[ocr ] Evxf A.ao[v]
(Frey) which means "the Synagogue of the people of...." or
"the Synagogue of L........" The name npooe'u i together with
is the most common expression for a synagogue or a
Community.
The leaf design, in the eyes of Frey, seems to be a citron (ethrog), a
motif which was popular on inscriptions from the ancient period.
54. On these inscriptions see: Juster, Juifs, 1, p. 183; 446 nt. 1; Hubner, CIL, 2,
515; Frey, CIJ, nn. 662-664; Goodenough, Jewish Symbols, 7, p. 177;
Ferrua, Inscripciones, nn. 431-433; Cantera-Millas, Inscripciones, nn. 284-
286; Garcia Iglesias, Judios, pp. 11, 16 f.,pp 34, VI, 36; B. Lifshitz,
Donateurs et fondateurs dans les synagogues juives, Paris, 1967, n. 101.
On the synagogue of Elche see: F. Cantera Burgos, Sinagogas Espanolas,
Madrid, 1955, pp. 212 ff.; Don E. Halperin, The Ancient Synagogues of the
Iberian Peninsula, U. of Florida 1969. p. 27; Garcia Iglesias, Judios, pp. 11,
34.
183
Alfredo M. Rabello
184
The Jews in Roman Spain
55. The word npoacuxvjj to indicate a synagogue appears early on and is used
continuously. See, for example, inscriptions from the middle of the third
century B.C.E. in Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, ed. W.
Dittenberger, Leipzig, 1903, v. i, p. 96, v. 2, p. 726; Frey, CIJ, No. 683)
from the first century B.C. (and No. 684; Lifshitz, Prolegomenon No. 683b
from the second century. On this matter see S. Krauss, Synagogale
Altertumer, Berlin-Vienna, 1922, pp. 11 ff. ; Lifshitz, Donateurs, index, p.
91.
56. H. Schlunk, "El arte de la 6poca paleocristiana en el sudeste espailol. La
Sinagoga de Elche y el 'martyrium' de la Alberca", Cronica del III Congreso
Arquelogico del Sudeste Espan"ol, Murcia, 1947, pp. 335 ff.
57. J. Ramon Melida, "El arte romano cristiano", in R. Menendez Pidal, Historia
de Espana, vol. II, Espaiia Romana, Madrid, 1935, p. 721 f.
58. On this term see: J Juster, Les Juifs dans 1'Empire'Romain, I, pp. 413 ff.; A.M.
Rabello, The Legal Condition of the Jews in the Roman Empire, op. cit., p.
720, nt. 214.
59. H.J. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome , Philadelphia, 1960, p. 196.
60. J. Juster, Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain, pp. 440 ff.
61. See Schlunk, op. cit.; see also Cantera-Millas, Inscripciones, p. 409.
185
Alfredo M. Rabello
HISPANIA BAETICA
Another inscription which was found in Adra (or Abdera) in Baetic
Spain brings us back to the beginning of the third century (Fig. 6). This
inscription is one of the most ancient pieces of evidence about the Jews
of Spain. Baetic Spain is the name of the most southerly province of the
peninsula. The name was derived from the name of the river Baetis
which crosses the land. The use of Latin was widespread all over Baetic
Spain as were many Roman customs. The area was known as very
rich, and this was one of the reasons many merchants settled there. The
inscription which was found in the area reads
[AN]NIA SALO
[MO]NVLA AN I
MENS IIII DIE I
IVDAEA
62. E. Albertini, "Rapport sommaire sur les fouilles d'Elche (Espagne), Comptes
rendus de l Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, 1905, pp. 619 ff.
6 3. See, in general, H.Z. Hirschberg, A History of the Jews in North Africa, vol. I,
From Antiquity to the Sixteenth Century, London, 1974.
186
The Jews in Roman Spain
64. T. Mommsen, CIL, 2, n. 1932; J.B. Frey, CIJ, n. 665; Ferrua, Inscripciones,
n. 429; Cantera-Millas, Inscripciones, n. 283, (pp. 405-406); F. Fita,
"Epigraphos romanos de la cividad de Adra" , BRAH, LXXX, 1917, pp. 142-
144.
65. On the custom of writing IUDAEUS in inscriptions next to the name, see J.
Juster, Les Juifs dans I'Empire Romain, 1, p. 172 ff.; II, p. 233 f. To Ferrua the
matter seems "very rare" in Hebrew inscriptions.
66 A. Garcia, Y. Bellido, "El elemento forestero en Hispania Romana" BRAH,
144, 1959, p. 142; Garcia-Iglesias, Judios p. 35.
67. The citron was a Jewish symbol, used together with the lulav at the festival of
Succot.
187
Alfredo M. Rabello
HISPANIA LUSITANENSIS
Lusitania is in the south-east region of the Iberian peninsula. Its
capital, founded by Augustus in the year 25 B.C.E. was called Emerita
Augusta. The area was not directly influenced by Roman culture. The
river which crosses the town and reaches the sea had a significant
importance for trade, since the town was already known as an important
agricultural centre. This is the reason many foreigners settled there, and
among them there were also many Jews.68 From Emerita Augusta we
have a number of inscriptions. The most ancient one is probably the
inscription of Justinus which is from the second century.69
IVSTINUS. MENANDRI. FILIUS
FLAVIVUS. NEAPOLITANVS. ANNO
188
The Jews in Roman Spain
5. Conclusions
In this article we have discussed the special conditions of the Jews
in Roman Spain as reflected in general historical sources, Church
sources and Jewish inscriptions.73
The picture we get is of a society which leads a good way of life.
70. Hic Sepultus Est (=is buried here) ; Sit Terra Tibi Levis (=may the earth be
light for you).
This version, like 170 1315V "peace on your ashes" appears sometimes on
tombstones. Compare, for example, with the tombstone of Clandia, CIL, 12
1211.
71. Posuerunt (_ [they] placed).
72. A. Garcia, Y. Bellido, "El elemento forestero en Hispania Romana", BRAH,
144, 1959, p. 142
73. The numismatic sources will be checked by Dr. Kindler in the appendix.
189
Alfredo M. Rabello
This society is loyal to the forefathers' traditions, but also has good
relations with its Spanish neighbours, also Christians. Because of this
good relationship between the Jews and the Christians the Church
became worried and held its first conference relating to the Jews in
Spain, in order to separate Jews and Christians.
Realisation of these intentions took place in Spain when Christianity
ruled in the Roman Empire (303). As a result, the Jews' legal status
worsened, even though at the beginning Imperial legislation passed
against the Jews was not applied with full rigor in distant provinces.
However, the basic tenets of the Theodosian Code (438) towards the
Jews were applied in Spain.74
Two chapters of the Codex Theodosianus deal particularly with the
Jews: Book XVI. chapter 8: "On Jews, Caelicolae and Samaritans" ,
and chapter 9: "A Jew may not own a Christian slave". Chapter 8
contains twenty-nine statutes: chapter 9 - four. Laws relating to Jews,
sixteen in number, are, however, found also in other chapters, while in
other places mention is made of statutes which have not come down to
us. Alas, it is important to note that the Code was applied not only in
Spain but also in other parts of the Roman Empire, and from a legal
point of view, the status of the Jews in. Spain was no different from
their status elsewhere in the Empire.
The Theodosian Code was cancelled in the year 506 in favour of the
Breviarium Alaricianum or Lex Romana Visigothorum,75 but this
takes us away from Roman Spain to Visigothic Spain.76
74. Cf. L. De Giovanni, Chiesa e Stato nel Codice Teodosiano, Saggio sul libro
XVI, Napoli, 1980; A. Linder, Roman Imperial Legislation on the Jews,
Jerusalem, 1983.
75. J. Juster, The Legal Condition of the Jews under the Visigothic kings (brought
up-to-date with a Tribute by A.M. Rabello) Jerusalem 1976.
76 For more on this subject, see A.M. Rabello, The Jews in Visigothic Spain in
the light of the Legislation (in Hebrew), The Zalman Shazar Centre for the
Furtherance of the Study of Jewish History, Jerusalem, 1983.
190
NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE OF A POSSIBLE
EARLY JEWISH SETTLEMENT IN
NORTH-EASTERN SPAIN
ARIE KINDLER
1. Eduardo Ripoll, Jose Maria Nuix and Leandro Villaronga, Monedas de los
judios halladas en las excavaciones de Emporiae, Numisma, Aft o XXVI (nos.
138 - 143 (1976) pp. 3 - 10.
2. Francisco Gusi Gener, Hallazgo de dos monedas de los Procuradores de Judea
en Iluro (Mataro, Barcelona), Numisma, Ado XXVI, nos. 138 - 143 (1976)
pp. 67 - 69.
3. Anna B. Balaguer, Hallazgo de seis cobres judios y de tres fulus orientales en
el Castillo de Balaguer ( Lerida), Symposium Numismatic de Barcelona, 1979,
vol. II
Arie Kindler
192
Numismatic Evidence from Spain
193
Arie Kindler
Summary table
Excavation Alexander Herod I Herod Annius Valerius
site Jannaeus 37-4 B CE Archelaus Rufus Gratus 15-26 CE
103-76 BCE 4 BCE - 12-15 CE procurator
6CE procurator under
under Tiberius;
Augus- dates of issue
tus; dates 15/16 and
of issue: 16/17 CE
11/12 and
13114 CE
Emporiae 1 1 1 10
Ilerda 5 1
Iluro 2
5 2 1 3 10 = 21
194
Numismatic Evidence from Spain
The summary table gives a clear picture of the material found. The
maximum range of the coinage according to its dates of issue is from 78
BCE to 16/17 CE, i.e. about 95 years. However, 3/4 of the coins
belong to a short period of 4 years, namely 13/14 - 16/17 CE. The five
coins of Alexander Jannaeus are of a type widely spread in ancient
Palestine and remained in circulation up the time of the Jewish War (66-
70 CE).
Taking into consideration the terminus post quem of 16/17 CE which
is given on 8 specimens out of a total of 21 coins, it is likely that all the
coins registered above reached Spain in about 17/18 CE.
In order to emphasize the importance of the finds of Judaean coins
during the excavations at Emporiae, Villaronga [1] offers on p. 5 the
following table of coin-finds from the period of the emperors Augustus
and Tiberius:
21 18 15 142 10
195
Arie Kindler
196
Numismatic Evidence from Spain
may be considered as the main city of the region and from two other
towns about 100 km from Emporiae. This would seem to suggest that
people from Judaea may have settled spread over this region. It must
also be taken into consideration that these sites have not been
completely excavated so far and further Judaean coins might still come
to light in the area. There are indeed other historical sites in the region
which have not yet been touched by the archaeological spade. We may
therefore consider the quantity of coins discovered may be only the
beginning of evidence of the possible presence of people from Judaea in
North-Eastern Spain during the early principate. Paul's intention to visit
Spain5 may also point to the existence of at least one Jewish community
there, but again there is no proof that he realized his intention.6
Based on the probability, which is rendered by the evidence of the
above mentioned Judaean coins, (which fortunately bear dates of issue
and give us the terminus post quern of 16/17 CE), that people from
Judaea, most probably Jews, settled in North-Eastern Spain, these
coins could well serve as a terminus ante quem for the dating of the
earliest establishment of Jewish communities on Hispanian territories.
There is so far no other conclusive evidence but the coins on which we
can rely in our attempt to show a possible Jewish presence in Spain as
early as the first quarter of the first century CE.
5. Paul's letters to the Romans XV, 24 and 28, which most probably were not
written by him at all.
6. Joseph Klausner, Von Jesus zu Paulus, Jerusalem 1950, p. 389.
197
Arie Kindler
2 3
4 7
198
SUMMARIES
THE JEWS OF ERETZ-ISRAEL AND THE JEWS OF
THE DIASPORA DURING THE HELLENISTIC AND
HASMONEAN PERIODS
Uriel Rappaport
Aryeh Kasher
II
CONTACTS BETWEEN THE LEADERSHIP OF THE
LAND OF ISRAEL AND THE HELLENISTIC
AND EASTERN DIASPORAS IN THE FIRST
AND SECOND CENTURIES
Shmuel Safrai
In the last days of the Second Temple there are many reports of the
contacts between the leadership of the Land of Israel and the Jewish
diaspora. These reports are to be found in Josephus, in Talmudic
sources from Second Temple times and in the New Testament. There is
also epigraphic evidence to supplement that found in the literary
sources.
With the establishment of the Jewish leadership at Yavneh in the
days of R. Yohanan ben Zakkai, and, even more so in the days of
Rabban Gamliel, with the fall of the Flavian dynasty at the end of the
first century and the beginning of the second, we find evidence once
more of contacts between the leadership and the Jewish diaspora.
Evidence for this is to be found mainly in the Tannaitic literature, but
also in early Christian sources. As in the time of the Temple, the major
part of this evidence is of the contacts with the Jewish Hellenistic
diaspora. Both in the time of the Temple, and in the time of Rabban
Gamliel, we find reports of contacts with the eastern Parthian diaspora,
but they are extremely sparse in comparison with the reports of contacts
with the Hellenistic diaspora.
The reports of contacts with the Hellenistic diaspora are far more
frequent than reports of contacts with the eastern diaspora, that known
as Babylonian Jewry. It is true that R. Akiva visited Nehardea, and
Ginzaq in Media, but the vast majority of information about his
journeys is connected to the Hellenistic diaspora: Rome, Africa,
Antioch, Zifrin, Gaul etc. The journeys of the group of sages in Rabban
Gamliel's generation, both with and without Rabban Gamliel himself,
are connected to Rome.
III
R. Akiva's pupils from the diaspora come from Egypt and
Alexandria, and we do not find any sages from Babylonia at Yavneh in
these generations. This picture changes in the period after the Trajanic
revolt in the years 115-7, and particularly after the Bar Kokhba revolt,
from 135 onwards.
The centre of gravity of diaspora Jewry moves, as it were, from the
Hellenistic West to the East. The contacts with diaspora Jewry, as we
find them expressed in Tannaitic sources, are mostly contacts with
Babylonian Jewry. Messengers are sent to Babylonia to report the
establishment of the new centre at Ushah. The people from the diaspora
who are active in the centre in the Land of Israel are men from
Babylonia like R. Nathan the Babylonian, son of the Exilarch, and after
,him R. Hiyya, in the days of R. Judah HaNasi. There were two main
causes for this phenomenon:
a. The main creative centre of Hellenistic Judaism, the Jewish
community of Egypt, and especially Alexandria, was physically
destroyed in the revolt in the time of Trajan.
b. In the period after the Bar Kokhba war, the importance of the
Jews of Babylonia as a creative spiritual force increases, and the
contacts in the following generations of the Tannaim and in the days of
.the Amoraim were mostly with this Jewish community.
There are reports of connections with the Jewish community in the
Hellenistic diaspora: sages visit various centres in these Jewish
communities, and pupils and ordinary people also come to the Land of
Israel from centres in the Hellenistic diaspora - but these reports are
few in comparison with the abundant reports of the various different
contacts with Babylonian Jewry.
IV
JEWISH COMMUNITIES IN MACEDONIA AND
THRACE IN LATE ANTIQUITY
Asher Ovadiah