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The excavation of a number of Early Bronze Age sites in the Aegean has recovered
perforated ceramic fragments. Archaeometallurgical analysis of slag adhering to these
fragments indicates that they are the remains of copper-smelting furnaces. Despite
compelling analytical data supporting this identification, no attempt has been made, thus far,
to establish how these unusual furnaces may have operated. The use of perforations is poorly
understood and can be considered a counter-intuitive solution for the reduction of oxidic
copper ores. The experiments reported here explore the possible technological choices made
by the ancient metalworkers of Chrysokamino to ensure the effective reduction of copper
minerals. Temperature data and slag samples were obtained to ascertain the technical
performance of the furnace structure with, and without, perforations. Possible reasons are
given for the use of a perforated design, and the implications of such technological choices
are considered.
INTRODUCTION
The importance of metallurgy in the emergence of more complex societies at the start of the
Aegean Bronze Age is well acknowledged (Renfrew 1972, 483; Broodbank 2000, 292–7). The
first focused works on Aegean metallurgy consisted predominantly of typological studies of
metal artefacts, although some consideration was given to location, technology and composi-
tion (Branigan 1966, 1974; Renfrew 1967). Renfrew’s (1972) study first situated ancient
metallurgy within a broadly processual systemic framework, enabling metal’s discussion in
terms of concomitant societal factors. For Renfrew, it was competition for metal amongst
emerging elite groups that stimulated the intensification of exchange, resulting ultimately
in the ‘international spirit’ witnessed in Early Bronze II (Renfrew 1972, 451). The emphasis
that Renfrew afforded to the exchange subsystem in the Aegean Early Bronze Age laid
the foundations for provenance studies to reconstruct the exchange networks active in the
Aegean. Perhaps because of early successes with other materials (i.e., obsidian; see Cann
and Renfrew 1964) and the perceived importance of the exchange subsystem, provenance
has continued to dominate the study of metallurgy in the Aegean, with the early 1980s
Figure 1 A map of Crete and the Aegean, showing the sites referred to in the text (adapted from Bassiakos and
Catapotis in press).
seeing the debut of lead isotope studies in the region (Stos-Gale 1993). However, tech-
nology studies that have chosen to emphasize technology as a fully social phenomenon
(Pfaffenberger 1992) have opened the discipline to broader anthropological enquiry, to
address issues beyond provenance and exchange, and to include themes such as identity,
practice and power (Lemonnier 1992; Dobres and Hoffman 1994; Jones 2002; Andrews and
Doonan 2003).
Our current understanding of Aegean metallurgy reflects a bias in the concentration of studies
on exchange. Whilst much is known of chemical composition and lead isotope signatures of
artefacts (Mangou and Ioannou 1997, 1998, 1999; Kayafa et al. 2000), virtually nothing is
known of extractive metallurgical practice. Thus far, in the Aegean, there have been few explicit
studies of copper technology, and no attempts to better understand technological processes
through reconstruction experiments. This stands in contrast to other archaeometallurgical
traditions where the application of such techniques has been particularly rewarding (e.g.,
Merkel 1990; Doonan 1994; Shugar 2003; Bunk et al. 2004).
Currently, Chrysokamino on Crete (Fig. 1) is the only fully excavated metal production site
for the Early Bronze Age Aegean (Betancourt et al. 1999). Detailed chemical and mineralogical
analyses of mineral and slag samples from the site by Bassiakos and Catapotis (in press) provide
information on the main technological aspects of the copper-smelting process taking place at
Chrysokamino. According to the proposed reconstruction, the raw materials used in the
process consisted of highly siliceous oxidized copper ores, fluxed with lime-rich iron minerals
and a (as yet unidentified) nickel-rich arsenical mineral, which was added to the charge for
the production of arsenical copper. The furnace temperature was well above 1150–1230°C,
enabling the formation of a fluid slag, whilst the atmosphere was fairly reducing, the pO2
ranging between 10−9.5 and 10−7.5 atm, at the level where the slag collected. The product of
the smelting process was metallic copper containing highly fluctuating levels of arsenic
(1.5–20% in individual prills), as well as nickel (0.5–2%) and iron (0.5–4%). In addition to
copper, a smaller amount of matte was formed due to the presence of residual sulphides in the
oxidized copper ores. The copper content in the slag was at the level of 1% (Bassiakos and
Catapotis in press).
An experimental archaeometallurgy programme for Chrysokamino was undertaken by
contributors from the University of Sheffield and the Laboratory of Archaeometry at the National
Centre for Scientific Research, ‘Demokritos’, during 2004 (Catapotis et al. 2004). The aim of
the project was to explore and test how evidence from Chrysokamino could be assembled into
a working model. This paper discusses the performance and findings of the initial campaign of
firings, conducted in Yorkshire (UK), designed to investigate the technological decisions in the
construction and use of perforated copper-smelting furnaces by ancient metalworkers at
Chrysokamino. The campaign reported here did not endeavour to ‘re-enact’ prehistoric
Aegean copper smelting but, rather, in the tradition of archaeometallurgical experimentation,
to explore the dynamic parameters associated with possible reconstructions of the static
evidence (Merkel and Tylecote 1985).
The evidence for copper production at Chrysokamino dates to the Early Minoan III period
(2300–2100 bc), and consists of a substantial deposit of technofacts, mainly fragmentary slag
and technical ceramic, located on a windy headland near Aghios Nikolaos (Fig. 1; Betancourt
et al. 1999). Almost a tonne of finely crushed glassy slag was recovered from the site, along
with small amounts of minerals possibly associated with smelting activities. Notwithstanding
the meticulous excavation of the site, no features that might be interpreted as furnace bases or
the location of furnaces were found, although these features need never have been pronounced.
Further, despite the use of wet sieving, no charcoal fragments were recovered, and thus the
fuel source is unclear. Ceramic evidence from the site includes fragments of at least 10 pot
bellows (Betancourt et al. 1999), and one possible tuyère. However, the critical feature of the
archaeological evidence from Chrysokamino is the thousands of thin ceramic fragments with
perpendicular holes of 20 mm diameter, spaced approximately 50 mm apart. These fragments
are thought to be the broken remains of perforated furnaces, utilized for the smelting of copper
at the site. The use of perforated ‘brazier’ type design can be presumed to allow an increased
oxygen concentration in the furnace. Such technological choices can be considered counter-
intuitive for the reduction of copper minerals to metal, and are a curious decision in the design
of the furnaces.
EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE
The purpose of the reported experimentation was to acquire data for the interpretation of the
ancient furnace design by conducting simultaneous dual firings of reconstructed Chrysokamino
furnaces, one perforated (A) and one not (B), thus ensuring identical environmental conditions
for comparison of performance (Table 1).
Table 1 A summary of Chrysokamino tests conducted in July and August 2004. The experimental parameters for
each double firing are as follows: ‘A’ data refer to the perforated test furnace, while ‘B’ data refer to the unperforated
control furnace. Data are given per furnace, but as ‘A’ data/‘B’ data if there are different values for the test and control
Burn
1 2 3 4 5
13 July 2004 19 July 2004 20 July 2004 23 July 2004 02 August 2004
Tuyères 2 2 2 2 2
Air supply (l min−1) 175 187.5 187.5 187.5 187.5
Slag (kg) – 14/12 10 10 10
Copper (kg) – 1.4/1.2 1 1 1
Preheat time (min) 128 66/70 61 73/80 53/60
Preheat fuel (kg) 4 7/6 6 7 7
Smelt time (min) – 338/334 258 290/297 244/237
Smelt fuel (kg) – 14/12 10 10 10
Total time (min) 128 404 319 363 297
Total fuel (kg) 4 21/18 16 17 17
Furnaces
The experimental furnaces were constructed from earthenware clay, tempered with builders’
sand and sawdust to increase the refractory and insulating characteristics of the paste. The
furnaces were situated next to each other, 50 cm apart, and each was placed over a 10 cm deep
depression to collect slag and metal (Figs 2 and 3).
A centrifugal fan provided the air supply for both furnaces. The flow was split into four and
delivered via steel tuyères at a maximum rate of 93.75 l min−1 per tuyère. It is accepted that
the continuous air supply delivered by an electric fan is different in character to the pulsed
flow associated with pot bellows. It is also acknowledged that the wind speeds at the test
site were not as high as at the Chrysokamino headland, but they were sufficient for clear
differences to be apparent between the control and test furnaces.
Efforts were made to homogenize the charge used in the experiments, to allow valid
comparisons between different smelts using the perforated and non-perforated furnace. Due
consideration was given to the archaeological evidence for the charge. Although no evidence
for fuel was recovered from excavations at Chrysokamino, the firings were conducted using
dried and sieved hardwood charcoal.
Figure 3 Mark Eccleston positioning tuyères and probe arrays for Burn 3. Furnaces A1/2 and B1/2 can be seen in
the background.
Thermal analysis
Temperatures were recorded using eight Type N thermocouples, located for useful comparisons
but with awareness of possible probe damage; only the tip of the probe was exposed to the
furnace interior in Burns 3–5. Probes 1 and 2 were located 10 cm apart, 15 cm vertically up
the furnace wall from ground level. Probes 3 and 4 were situated 20 cm up the furnace wall,
directly above the lower probes (Fig. 4). It was not possible to measure the extreme temperatures
at the centre of the combustion zone, as the probes in Burns 1 and 2 exceeded 1350°C only
10 mm from the furnace wall, and a number of them were destroyed.
Redox analysis
The atmospheres present in the furnaces during smelting were inferred through Mössbauer
analysis of experimental slags, conducted by Dr Sue Forder at Sheffield Hallam University.
The technique can be used to measure the relative abundance of iron’s valency states, thus
permitting an accurate assessment of furnace redox conditions by analysing slag samples and
comparing the absorption troughs corresponding to Fe2+ and Fe3+.
Figure 4 The probe array in furnace A4. The tips of the probes are flush with the interior wall.
The Mössbauer results were calibrated using SEM–EDX analysis of multiple slag samples,
conducted on a JEOL JSM-5300 at the Department of Conservation Science at Bournemouth
University (see Table 4 below). The slag cake from each furnace (A1/2, B4 etc.) was sampled three
times, once from the top (T), once from the centre (C) and once from the base (B), mounted
in resin and polished to 1 µm. Operating at 30 kV, three 1 mm2 sites of interest were analysed on
each sample, each scan being run three times for 120 s to normalize data. The data given below
in Table 4 represent mean figures for each furnace, taken from a total of 27 spectra per furnace.
RESULTS
Temperature
The thermocouple data from the tests clearly demonstrate the generation of higher temperatures
in the perforated furnace when compared to the control (Fig. 5). The separation amounted to
a consistent 50–100°C difference in furnace wall temperatures, presumably indicating a more
substantial discrepancy within the combustion zone. The data from Burn 1 were excluded, as
many of the Type K probes used in the test melted. Burn 2 data were similarly rejected, as it
had been necessary to move probes during the firing to avoid damage. However, data from
Burns 1 and 2, prior to damage or probe removal, have been used in Table 2 to indicate
conditions in individual firings.
It was realized, despite all attempts at the standardization of furnaces, charges and equipment,
that the operation of ancient pyrotechnologies is best characterized by variability. What must
be taken into consideration is whether data from individual probes in the furnace wall provide
an adequate measure of overall furnace temperatures, the core being much hotter than the
thermocouples could withstand. The premise is that the arrays can be regarded as having
Figure 5 Probe data demonstrating increased temperatures in the wall of the perforated furnace. Data were
averaged over all the thermocouples in each furnace, and across all like furnaces for Burns 3–5. Data from Burns 1
and 2 were excluded, as damage to the probes prevented data being collected for the entire duration of the firing.
Table 2 Mean and maximum temperatures (in °C) in the experimental furnaces. Prior to the probes being damaged,
data from Burns 1 and 2 were reliable, and have been included to demonstrate the much higher temperatures measured
just 10 mm from the furnace wall
provided a reasonable assessment of minimum temperatures throughout the furnace, but only
when data are correlated over several firings, and averages taken for the probes in each furnace
(Fig. 4 and Table 2). When evaluated across the entire experimental campaign, the thermal data
present a convincing argument that the perforations in the Chrysokamino furnace substantially
enhanced furnace temperatures.
Redox
Mössbauer analyses of slag samples, from the slag cakes of furnaces A4 and B4, indicate that
the furnace perforations do not significantly affect the redox atmosphere in the slagging zone,
Table 3 Mössbauer data. The control sample from Atlantic Copper is of unmodified slag. The analyses were performed
by Dr Sue Forder at Sheffield Hallam University. Samples A4C and B4C are from the centre of the slag cakes from
furnaces A4 and B4, respectively
although both furnaces substantially modified the slag as received from Atlantic Copper Inc.
(Table 3). This would imply that the Boudouard reaction prevailing in the Chrysokamino
furnace was sufficient to maintain a reducing atmosphere, despite the extra influx of oxygen
through the perforations (Gilchrist 1989). The Mössbauer data must be interpreted with
caution due to the small number of samples examined. Redox data are from slag analyses and,
therefore, relate only to the lower part of the furnace where the slag was molten.
DISCUSSION
Ore roasting
One reason for the presence of furnace perforations could be the performance of ‘partial’
or ‘dead’ roasting, whereby some or all of the sulphur is eliminated as part of the smelting
process (Craddock 1995, 149; Biswas and Davenport 2002, 80). However, the presence of
Table 4 SEM–EDX data for the control and experimental slags. The control sample is from the copper slag, as
received from Atlantic Copper. Analyses were conducted at 30 kV and at 150× magnification, on a JEOL JSM-5300
at the Department of Conservation Science at Bournemouth University. The compositional data for each furnace are
an average (mean) of 27 area scans (1 mm2), from three samples
Element
FeO SiO2 Al2O3 CaO ZnO K 2O MgO CuO S NaO TiO2 Total Fe/SiO2
Slag compositions obtained from Atlantic Copper, mean for month to 23 June 2004
44.6 28.7 3.0 1.3 2.4 nd 0.7 1.1 0.5 nd nd 82.2 1.6
Control slag compositions obtained in the current study
Mean 52.6 34.6 3.7 1.6 3.1 0.9 1.0 1.4 1.0 nd nd 100.0
Accuracy 97.6% 95.7% 93.7% 88.3% 88.3% na 72.6% 88.7% 57.6% na na
Precision 0.4% 0.8% 4.6% 4.9% 4.9% 6.9% 27.0% 5.9% 8.9% 72.8% na
Experimental slag compositions obtained in the current study, by furnace
A1/2 51.3 33.6 5.3 4.5 1.6 1.4 1.0 0.8 0.6 nd nd 100.0 1.2
B1/2 51.8 32.1 5.0 5.3 1.4 1.4 1.1 0.7 0.5 0.8 nd 100.0 1.3
A3 50.5 34.1 5.3 3.9 1.5 1.4 1.2 0.9 0.5 0.5 0.3 100.0 1.2
B3 52.1 32.8 4.4 3.8 1.6 1.3 1.4 1.0 1.2 0.5 nd 100.0 1.2
A4 51.4 33.5 5.4 4.1 1.8 1.4 1.0 0.8 nd 0.6 nd 100.0 1.2
B4 53.6 31.9 4.8 3.5 1.6 1.3 1.2 0.7 0.6 0.8 nd 100.0 1.3
A5 50.6 33.5 4.9 5.0 1.6 1.3 1.1 0.9 0.5 0.6 nd 100.0 1.2
B5 52.1 32.7 5.0 3.5 2.0 1.3 1.1 0.8 0.5 1.0 nd 100.0 1.2
Exp. means 51.7 33.0 5.0 4.2 1.6 1.3 1.1 0.8 0.6 0.6 0.0
Data are processed for oxygen by stoichoimetry, and sulphur is calculated as an element. The results are normalized, except for
Atlantic Copper.
na, not applicable; nd, not detected.
sulphur compounds does not necessarily indicate the smelting of sulphidic minerals, as most
secondary copper deposits will contain at least some remnant primary mineralization (Stos-Gale
1989, 284).
Redox control
Copper metal has a high affinity for metallic iron in solution, forming an alloy that is
practically unworkable. Iron is usually present in a copper-smelting charge, as either gangue
or flux (Craddock 1995). Therefore, if conditions are too reducing within the furnace, iron
minerals may be reduced to metal along with the intended copper product. This was found by
Merkel (1990) during his research on the Late Bronze Age furnaces from Timna in the
Negev desert. In subsequent analytical work, Merkel found the iron content of his unrefined
experimental copper to be up to 40% (Merkel 1990, table 14). The formation of iron metal in
a copper-smelting furnace operating at too low a pO2 removes iron from the slag system,
increasing viscosity and causing greater copper losses, unless further iron minerals are added.
However, too high a pO2 in the copper furnace promotes the formation of a magnetite spinel,
also increasing viscosity (Gilchrist 1989). Consequently, careful redox control is necessary for
an efficient copper smelt.
The presence of perforations in the Chrysokamino furnaces could represent an attempt by
the smelters to improve the quality and efficiency of their copper production, by the controlled
increase of oxygen present in the furnace. This hypothesis is hard to assess from the current
redox evidence, and would best be tested in future work by analysing the iron content in
copper from both furnaces; a lower iron content in copper from the perforated furnace possibly
supporting a ‘redox control’ assertion.
Charging cycle
Whilst scientific instrumentation logged measurements, the experimenters also developed
relationships with the furnaces; each one having its own ‘personality’. From the moment of
lighting, the perforated furnace appeared the more ravenous, and was able to ignite the charge
with greater ease than the unperforated furnace. As such, the charging cycle for the perforated
furnace was more even, with small quantities being added on a frequent basis, when compared
with the unperforated furnace, whose charge would often remain at the stokeline, before
descending suddenly as the material below collapsed. This suggests that burden dynamics
were more predictable for the perforated furnace.
A common conviction among smelters is the importance of a constant temperature, which
does not permit the melt in the base of the furnace to cool and become viscous. Temperatures can
fall as the furnace system expends energy igniting the fresh charge. If the observations above are
valid, the perforated furnace design may introduce less thermal interruption into the smelt, and
hence a lower risk of increasing the viscosity of the slag. Unfortunately, this supposition can-
not be supported by the thermocouple data as individual probes’ readings are too variable, and
averaging smoothes the peaks and troughs that might support a ‘thermal interruption’ assertion.
Visual access
During the firing of the perforated furnace, the operators were able to judge the combustion of
fuel, uniformity of temperature and burning of carbon monoxide, as well as witnessing
liquid phases of copper and slag percolating through the stack. This level of observation was
not possible with the unperforated furnace, and could offer a substantial advantage in the
regulation and correct performance of the smelt by ancient metalworkers, particularly if
performed at night.
systems all interwoven with variant social values. Considering the unique nature of the perforated
furnace design, its stark difference compared to the technologies of the Levant or the Balkans
(Shugar 2003) suggests that Chrysokamino represents an Aegean metallurgical tradition.
Although the furnaces from Chrysokamino, Kythnos, Keos and coastal Attica all appear to
have been perforated, they are far from identical and may not have performed similarly on
either a technical or social level (Bassiakos and Philaniotou-Hadjianastasiou in press). The
different approaches from the above sites may offer an insight into the transmission of
smelting technology in the Early Bronze Age Aegean. Either the variation can be attributed to
local modification of an ‘original’ design, or perhaps what we are seeing is not the transmission
of a complete technology but, rather, the idea that a furnace should be perforated (see dagger
design; Nakou 1995).
CONCLUSION
As the campaign progressed, it became clear that the original methodology could not encom-
pass, nor do justice to, the many aspects and levels of meaning of archaeological metallurgy.
At the anthropomorphic level, it was natural to regard the furnaces as sensitive and yet
voracious consuming organisms, whose ailments and demands were relayed to, and inter-
preted by, the smelter only, via the use of his entire sensory media. The successful operation
of pre-industrial pyrotechnical installations requires an expert to understand the continuously
variable signals and adjust parameters as necessary, using intuition and empirically derived
knowledge alone. It is relatively simple, then, to understand the integration of smelting tech-
nologies within cultic practice and cosmologies, to establish a degree of human influence in
what is an essentially mystical and other-worldly process.
The question that led to this research was slightly disingenuous in attempting to determine
whether the perforated furnace design reflected technical and/or social decisions. That the
furnaces exist at all is demonstrative of their social embeddedness—they are cultural objects. The
real uncertainty lay in establishing whether the furnace design had been informed by technical
understanding. Were the ancient metalworkers of Chrysokamino making advantageous design
decisions, within their cosmological framework, to improve their smelting process? The
experimental programme has established that the Chrysokamino smelters were most likely
benefiting from an active design decision, which permitted an increased furnace temperature,
improving copper recovery, and had no detrimental effect on the redox capacity of the
installation. Despite this ‘technical’ solution to the research question, it is emphasized that the
entire smelting process at Chrysokamino was integrated within a web of cultural interactions
that enacted and enforced the status of copper metallurgy in the Early Bronze Age Aegean.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This paper is based on the thesis submitted by T. O. Pryce to the University of Sheffield in
September 2004, in partial fulfilment of the M.Sc. in Archaeomaterials at the Department of
Archaeology. The study formed the initial element of a wider programme of experimental
investigation at the National Centre of Scientific Research ‘Demokritos’ in Athens, with funding
from the Institute for the Study of Aegean Prehistory. The project would never have been
completed without the support, help and advice of the individuals and institutions listed below.
Primary financial assistance for consumables was provided by the Department of Archaeology,
University of Sheffield, overseen by Dr Peter Day and Dr Caroline Jackson. SEM–EDX
analysis was undertaken at Bournemouth University’s archaeological laboratories. The project
is especially indebted to Mark Eccleston for helping with all of the experiments, and for much
appreciated guidance and comments.
Dr Steve Beck and Mr Simon Wiles from the University of Sheffield Fluid Research Lab-
oratory provided invaluable technical advice on the air supply. Sñr Miguel Estrada of Atlantic
Copper was responsible for the donation of the industrial copper slag. The experiments would
not have been possible without the testing site provided by Mr Wilkinson of Bilham Grange
Farm, Brodsworth.
We are also extremely grateful for the counsel of Professor Hans Gert Bachmann, Professor Thilo
Rehren, Professor Beno Rothenberg, Dr Peter Crew, Dr Tim Young and the fellow attendees of
the Institute for Archaeo-Metallurgical Studies 2004 Summer School, held at the Institute of
Archaeology, UCL, for their helpful insights. Thanks are also due to Professor Vincent Pigott
for his extensive editorial contribution. Any remaining errors are our own responsibility.
Space does not permit the publication of all accompanying data to this paper. Anyone who
wishes to use experimental notes, photographs, or temperature and redox data should contact
T. O. Pryce, at o.pryce@ucl.ac.uk.
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