Iconographic Characteristics of The Churches in Mo

Μακεδονικά
Τομ. 35, 2006
Iconographic characteristics of the churches in

Moschopolis and Vithkuqi (Albania) [RALITSA
ROUSSEVA, Εικονογραφικά χαρακτηριστικά των
ναών της Μοσχόπολης και του Vithkuqi]
Rousseva R.
10.12681/makedonika.8
Copyright © 2006 R. Rousseva
To cite this article:
Rousseva (2006). Iconographic characteristics of the churches in Moschopolis and Vithkuqi (Albania) [RALITSA
ROUSSEVA, Εικονογραφικά χαρακτηριστικά των ναών της Μοσχόπολης και του Vithkuqi]. Μακεδονικά, 35, 163-191.
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ICONOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CHURCHES IN
MOSCHOPOLIS AND VITHKUQI (ALBANIA)
By the end of the 17th and throughout the 18th centuries the town of Mo-
schopolis became an important economic and cultural centre whose influence
spread well over the boundaries of the Ochrid diocese into most of the
enslaved Eastern-Orthodox territories reaching as far as the Austro-
Hungarian strip of the Danube. Until it was ruined in 1769, the town traded on
a large scale with renowned European commercial centres such as Venice,
Vienna and Leipzig. In 1916 the Moschopolis was devastated by fire and only
five from about thirty Churches survived as well as the St. John the Baptist
Monastery in the vicinity of the town. At the beginning of the 20th century
these churches were not only reminiscent of past glory, but as Demetrios
Kallimachos put it they were bustling with life1.
Nineteenth century travellers G. Weigand2 and H. Gelzer3, as well as
some eyewitnesses of the town's destruction, give us a rough idea of what the
settlement used to look like. Of great value is the work of the local citizen
Theophrastos Georgiades who lived in Moschopolis before the city was ra
vaged. He makes brief descriptions of the 22 churches and chapels, the church
donors' inscriptions and the church registers4. He also describes the architec
ture and the decoration of these temples. Unfortunately, Georgiades does not
say a lot about the murals, mentioning only that on the inside and the outside
the church walls were covered with scenes from the Vita of saints and martyrs,
the Holy Bible and the Apocalypse.
The neighbouring settlement of Vithkuqi has a similar fate. The cultural
and economic development of Vithkuqi is inseparable from that of Moschopolis
and that is why its Churches will be viewed as part of these in Moschopolis.
During the 17th and 18th centuries Ochrid, the St. Nahum Monastery and
Moschopolis took part in the process of cultural and cleric-educational upsurge,
headed by the then Archbishop of Ochrid Joasaph of Moschopolis (1719-1745).
Through the vigorous activities of this man the old fame and glory of the
1. Δ. Καλλίμαχος, Παναθήναια, τ. 26, 1913, σ. 5.

2. G. Weigand, Die Aromunen. Ethnographisch - philologisch - historische Untersuchungen
über das Volk der sogenannter Makedo-Romanen oder Zinzaren, B. II, Leipzig 1894, pp. 97-99.
3. H. Gelzer, Vom Heiligen Berg und aus Makedonien, Leipzig 1904.
4. Θ. Γεωργιάδης, Μοσχόπολις, 'Αθήναι 1975, σσ. 19-38.

164 Ralitsa Rousseva
Ochrid Archbishopric were restored. The printing house, established in

Moschopolis during the time of Archbishop Joasaph, played the role of a
powerful engine to this clerical, ideological and educational upsurge5.
The churches in the region of Moschopolis are among the most represen
tative monuments of 18th century ecclesiastical art on the Balkans. Indicati
ve^, their murals are comparable to that in the large monastic centres at Mt.
Athos and Meteora. Despite the differences in style and date, all monuments
have a common concept, i.e. a common iconographie programme6. The recur
rent pattern is determined to some extent by the similar architectural design
of the churches. This approach leads to the differentiation of thematic cores in
the separate vaults and surrounding barrel vaults and walls, which do not vary
greatly from church to church.
This study is based on evidence from the following churches: Archangels
Michael and Gabriel in Vithkuqi (1682-1728); Dormition of the Holy Virgin in
Moschopolis (1712); Archangels Michael and Gabriel (1720-1725) in Moscho
polis; St. Nicholas Church in Moschopolis (1721-1750); St. Athanasios (1724-
1745) in Moschopolis; the Monastery Church of SS. Apostles Peter and Paul
(1708-1764), and the SS. Cosmas and Damian Chapel (1736-1750) near Vithku
qi; the Church of St. George (1767) in Vithkuqi; the Church of Theotokos in
Vithkuqi (18th century) and the Church of the Monastery of St. John the Ba
ptist (1659-1767).
The overall architectural design is specific and identical in most churches
under consideration7: a large three-aisled basilica (around 20x10 m) with a
gable roof. The central aisle has three domes, and the two side aisles are
divided by arcades into several domes, vaults and barrel vaults. The churches
are single-apse, with a wide altar apse and internal niches that serve as a pro-
thesis and diakonicon8. Most churches also have one niche each on the nor
thern and southern walls, next to the prothesis and diakonicon respectively.
Along the southern side there is an arched porch.
The Church of Archangels Michael and Gabriel in Vithkuqi has undeser
9
vedly remained outside the researchers' mainstream interest . With the sub
ject of its iconography, however, it poses many questions. The inscription
5. See about the print house in details in: M. Peyfuss, Die Druckerei von Moschopolis 1731-
1769, Wien 1989.
6. All inscriptions are in Greek, irrespective of the origins of the painters or the regional
contexts of the themes.
7. About the architecture of the churches in Moschopolis, see: Π. Θώμος, «Οι εκκλησίες της
Μοσχόπολης», Διεθνές Συμπόσιο Μοσχόπολης, Θεσσαλονίκη 1999, σσ. 45-63.
8. Ibid.
9. Only a photo from the scene of Deesis was published by K. Kallamata, Ikona, Athens 1998,
p. 147.

Iconographie Characteristics of the Churches in Moschopolis and Vithkuqi 165
above its southern door reads:

ΑΝΗΓΕΡΘΗ ΕΚ ΒΑΘΟΝΓΗΣ ΕΠΙ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΑΧΠΒ ' / 1682 /. ΚΑΙ ΑΝΗΣΤΟ-
ΡΙΤΕΙ Ο ΘΕΙΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΝΣΕΠΤΟΣ ΝΑΟΣ ΟΥΤΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΠΑΝΜΙΓΙΣΤΩΝ ΤΑ
ΞΙΑΡΧΩΝ ΜΗΧΑΗΑ ΚΑΙ ΓΑΒΡΙΗΑ. ΛΕΙΑ ΕΞΟΔΟΥ ΤΩΝ ΕΥΡΙΘΕΥΤΩΝ ΧΡΙ-
ΣΤΗΑΝΩΝ ΤΗΣ ΠΟΑΗΤΙΑΣ ΤΑ ΥΤΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΛΕΙΑ ΣΥΝΔΡΟΜΗΣ ΚΑΠΟΥΤΕ ΚΑΙ
ΜΟΧΘΟΥΣΤΑΥΡΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙΤΡΟΠΟΥ. ΑΡΧΗΕΡΑ-
ΤΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΙΕΡΟΤΑΤΟΥ ΜΗΤΡΟΠΟΑΙΤΟΥ ΚΑΣΤΟΡΙ ΚΥ ΚΥ ΧΡΥ
ΣΑΝΘΟΥ. ΙΕΡΑΤΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΕΥΑΑΒΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ ΙΕΡΩΝ
On the left side, additionally, there is the following inscription επί ετονς
ΑΨΚΗ ' όκτομβρίον a /1728, first of October/.
The above mentioned Chrysanthos, Bishop of Kastoria, was elected to this
post as late as 1719 and preserved it with several brief interruptions till 1764.
In 1682 Bishop of Kastoria was Dionissios (probably Manthuka) 10 . Therefore,
if the Church was painted at the time of the Bishop Chrysanthos, one ought to
accept the year of 1728, which was additionally inscribed on the side.
The year of 1728 is associated with the Church Convention of Bobosciza
near Korça. An agreement was signed there between Joasaph, Archbishop of
Ochrid, Chrysanthos, Bishop of Kastoria (representing the autochtonists) and
the participating notables. The latter took the obligation to act like one against
those who tell tales to the aliens (the Turks)11. As regards the precise dating,
there is yet another question which shall not be dealt with in this exposition,
namely - a sublayer of murals is preserved in the apse and it is very likely for
them to correspond to the year 1682, while the upper layer can be dated to
1728.
But there is another inscription in the apse:
ΕΤΟΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΗ ENΣΑΡΚΟΥ ΗΚΟΝΩΜΙΑΣ. ΑΨΙΒ ' ΕΝ ΜΗΝΗ ΣΕΠΤΕΒΡΙΟ
Κ. ΔΙΑ ΧΕΙΡΟΣ ΖΩΓΡΑΦΟΥ ΚΙΡΚΟ ΚΑΙΠΑΝΑΓΙΟΤΗ.
The inscription is done in the year 1712 after Christ, in the month of
September on the day 20, by the hand of painters Kyrko and Panaioty.
The Dormition of the Holy Virgin Church (1712), in the Sarca quarter, is
the largest church (22.5x11 m.) preserved in Moschopolis to date. According
to the donor's inscription, the murals were painted by Theodoros Anagnosti
and Sterianos from the village of Agrapha. The church was probably built
earlier, under Metropolitan Selasphoros of Korça (1694-1699).
The Church of Archangels Michael and Gabriel (in Moschopolis) was built
and decorated in 1722, according to the donor's inscription. The Codex of the
St. John the Baptist Monastery says that Vreta Bezuka laid the foundations in
10. И. Снегаров, История на Охридската архиепископия, Sofia 1924, t. II, pp. 145, 230-
232,294.
11. Ibid., p. 278.

1720. On the murals, however, there are separate donor's inscriptions. The
latest inscription (between the figures of St. Nicetas and St. Procopios) dates
from 1725, which suggests that the murals must have been completed by then.
At present, the painters remain unknown. The church once stood in the
aristocratic part of town. Theophrastos Georgiades mentions that the Church of
Archangels Michael and Gabriel had two chapels dedicated to St. Spiridon and
St. Nahum, which are in ruins12.
The Church of St. Nicholas in Moschopolis was built in 1721-1722. The
interior was decorated by the prominent painter David of Selenica, together
with Constantine and Christo, in 172613. The donor was Hadji Georgi, and he
is portrayed on the southern wall near the entrance. David of Selenica worked
in Mt. Athos: the narthex of the Chapel Koukouzellissa in Great Lavra (1715);
the exonarthex of Docheiariou (1720s); the Church of St. John the Baptist
(1727) in Kastoria, and the Church of Nea Panagia (1727) in Thessaloniki14.
David of Selenica and Dionysios of Fourna were the main founders of a new
trend in 18th century ecclesiastical art, which reproduced stylistic and thematic
models from Palaeologan art -mainly those of Manuel Panselinos, but
reformulated in the context of painting influenced by the Cretan-Venetian
masters15. Undoubtedly, the work of David influenced his contemporaries, as
well as later painters in the region.
The porch of the Church of St. Nicholas (1750), as well as the murals in
the other churches, are the work of the famous painters Constantine and Atha-
nas of Korça16. The Church of St. Athanasios is probably preserved best, and
12. Γεωργιάδης, op.cit., p. 32.

13. Th. Popa, «Considérations générales sur la peinture post-byzantine en Albanie», Actes du
Congrès International des Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est européennes II, Sofia 1969, pp. 767-782;
Th. Popa, Piktoret mesjetare shqiptare, Tirana 1961, pp. 63-71; H. Nalbani, «De l'œuvre du
peinture David Selenicasi», Monimentet 1, Tirana 1971; M. Χατζηδάκης, «Ή Τέχνη», Ιστορία τοϋ
Ελληνικού "Εθνους, τ. ΙΑ'. Ό Ελληνισμός υπό ξένη κυριαρχία 1669-1821, 'Αθήνα 1975, σσ.
249-250; Μ. Χατζηδάκης, Έλληνες ζωγράφοι μετά την Άλωση (1450-1830), τ. 1, Αθήνα 1987, σο.
235-234; D. Dhamo, La peinture murale du Moyen Age en Albanie, Tirana 1974, pp. 8-9; D. Dhamo,
Peintres albanais aux XVI- XVIII siècles en Albanie et dans d'autres régions balkaniques, Tirana
1984, pp. 10-12; Ε. Κυριακούδης, «H μνημειακή ζωγραφική στη Θεσσαλονίκη και το Άγιον Όρος,
το 18ο αιώνα. Αισθητικές αναζητήσεις και τεχνοτροπικά ρεύματα», Θεσσαλονικέων πόλιςΑ
(2001) 146-149.
14. According to Ε. Tsigaridas one of David's assistants worked in the Chapel of St Demetrios
in Vatopediou (1920), the Chapel Koukouzellissa in Great Lavra (1715) and the Church of Nea Pa
nagia (1727) in Thessaloniki. Ε. Τσιγαρίδας, «Ol τοιχογραφίες του ναού της Νέας Παναγίας
Θεσσαλονίκης καί τό κίνημα επιστροφής του 18ου αιώνα στην παράδοση της τέχνης της
Μακεδόνικης σχολής», Χριστιανική Θεσσαλονίκη. Όθωμανική περίοδος 1430-1912, τ. Β',
Θεσσαλονίκη 1994, σσ. 315-368.
15. For details about the style of David see Τσιγαρίδας, op.cit.
16. Χατζηδάκης, Έλληνες ζωγράφοι μετά την Αλωση, op.cit., τ. 1, σσ. 157-58 και τ. 2, σσ.
135-136.

the inscription about the decoration dates from 28 June 1745. The St. Athana-
sios is now Moschopolis's cemetery church.
The Church of SS. Apostles Peter and Paul near Vithkuqi was built in 1708
by Hadji Athanasios Rimara and consecrated in 1710 by Metropolitan Diony-
sios of Kastoria. The monastery used to be in the Kastoria eparchy. The adja
cent SS. Cosmas and Damian Chapel was built in 1736 under abbot Metho-
dios, manciple Ioannes from the village of Aidenorh near Serres, and the
monk Anthim. Both the church and the chapel were decorated with the dona
tions of Siropoulos from Aidenorh and Panayot Deshin (Ντεσίνου) from Vith
kuqi 17 . The architectural design of the two buildings differs from that of the
other churches, and this difference stems from their function. In all probabil
ity, the sons of Constantine and Athanas also took part in their decoration,
since there are stylistic similarities with the murals in the Ardenica Monastery
and Lubofsk, where Terpo is also known to have worked. Constantine and
Athanas were also painted the Church of St. George 1767 in Vithkuqi, of which
only the mural on the eastern wall is preserved.
Constantine and Athanas, joined later on by their sons Terpo and Nahum,
worked, in the Korça region (Moschopolis, Vithkuqi, Korca, Lubonje), in the
Ardenitsa Monastery and in the church of St. George in the near village of
Ljubofsk, Permet, in the Prespa region (St. Germanos church 1743; a part of
Panagia Porphira 1743) and in Mount Athos (Philotheou 1752, 1765; skete of
St. Anna 1757; Xenophontos 1766; Xiropotamou 1783)18. In his latest research
on 18th century painting in Thessaloniki and Mount Athos E. Kiriakudis pays
special attention to the work of Constantine and Athanas of Korça19. This fa-
mily of painters made a great contribution to the formation and proliferation
of the visual cult of the Slavic saints, especially of Holy Heptarithmoi and St.
John Vladimir20.
The Church of the Monastery of St. John the Baptist, according to the do-
17. Снегаров, op.cit., p. 497. K. Kirchhainer, «Das Ossuarium des Petrus- und Paulus- Kloster
in Vithkuq (Nordepirus) und seine Freskendekoration (1750)», Μακεδόνικα 34 (2005) 149-208.
18. Popa, Piktoret mesjetare shqiptare, op.cit., pp. 83-98; Th Popa, «Piktoret korcare
Kostandin dhe Athanas zografi dhe freskat e tyne me skenat e Apokalipsit», Buletini per Shkencave
shoqeror, N. 1 (1959) 23-48; T. V. Caca, «Some data about the Activity of Kostandin and Athanas
Zografi from Korea and the Characteristics of their Art in the 18th Century», Ζητήματα Μεταβυ
ζαντινής Ζωγραφικής στη μνήμη τον Μανόλη Χατζηδάκη, Αθήνα 2002, σ. 200, ill. 209. Γ. Τσι-
γάρας, Οι ζωγράφοι Κωνσταντίνος και Αθανάσιος: το έργο τους στο Άγιον Όρος (1752-1783),
Θεσσαλονίκη 1997.
19. Κυριακούδης, «Η μνημειακή ζωγραφική στη Θεσσαλονίκη και το Αγιον Όρος το 18ο
αιώνα», op.cit., pp. 177-186.
20. In their iconographie repertoire in Mount Athos presents also the Bulgarian heremit St.
John of Rila.

nor's inscription, was built in 1632 and painted in 165921. The monastery Co
dex, however provides more evidence about the decoration, according to which
Andon Shipskioti and later Theodor Simo Grunde worked there22.
The murals in some of the churches under review have been examined in
certain general studies on ecclesiastical art in Albania, mainly by T. Popa and
D. Dhamo. This applies to the works of David of Selenica and Constantine
and Athanas23. The other churches -e.g. of the Holy Virgin and of Archangel
Michael in Moschopolis- are only mentioned in some historical and regional
studies or by the above-mentioned German travellers. As regards the Church
of St. Archangel Michael in Vithkuqi, there is no evidence at all -or at least I
have not come across any to date.
This study will not dwell on the universally valid and compulsory elements
in all Orthodox churches, but will attempt to present in brief the general
characteristics of the overall iconographie programme of mural painting in the
Moschopolis region in the 17th-18th centuries, as well as of separate scenes
and themes that are very rare in ecclesiastical art. The iconographie analysis
and interpretation of the separate scenes and problems are the subject of a
forthcoming publication.
Altar programme. The representations on the altar apse are in several
tiers, with the procession of Officiating Prelates at the bottom; the next tier
depicts the Communion of Apostles, and the one above, Old Testament scenes
and scenes of the life of the Holy Virgin related to the Eucharist. The Holy
Virgin occupies the conch. Here I will note several rare interpretations of the
altar programme.
In the Church of Archangel Michael in Moschopolis, scenes related to the
Eucharist are shown above the Communion of Apostles, i.e. above the concre
te liturgical-Eucharistic scene there are representations of its prototypes from
the Old and New Testament: Hospitality of Abraham, Liturgy of St. John
Chrysostom with two angels, Decapitation of a St. Zachary, Righteous Joa
chim and Anna in Prayer, Annunciation of St. Anna. The Liturgy of St. John
Chrysostom is represented in certain mediaeval manuscripts, but it is not a
theme interpreted in monumental painting. The scene of the Liturgy of St.
John Chrysostom arguably has a parallel in the scene of the Liturgy of St.
Basil the Great in the St. Sophia Church in Ochrid. This parallel is quite
distant by time but not by place, and it was obviously familiar to the painter
21. Γεωργιάδης, op.cit., pp. 35-36.

22. Theodor Simo Grunde worked in 1767, he has worked also in Serbia and Hungary.
23. Nalbani, «De l'œuvre du peinture David Selenicasi», op.cit.; Dhamo, La peinture murale du
Moyen Age en Albanie, op.cit; Dhamo, Peintres albanais aux XVI- XVIII siècles en Albanie et
dans d'autres régions balkaniques, op.cit.; Τσιγαριδας, op.cit., with bibliography.

who reproduced it in Moschopolis.

In the Church of St. George in Vithkuqi, the Divine Liturgy is represented
on both sides of the apse. To the left, Christ as High Priest blesses an angel;
to the right, the altar table is depicted with the Holy Spirit as a dove. By the
table, God Father (Ό Πατήρ), also in bishop vestments and with features
similar to those of an Old Testament high priest, blesses bread on the head of
an angel. Such a representation of God Father as Priest -at that, in the apse-
is quite unusual, albeit not exceptional. The closest parallel is the scene in the
apse of the church of Panaghia Porphyra (1741) on the island of St. Achilios,
which was probably also painted by Constantine and Athanas24. The same
theme can be found on the drum of some monuments from this and subsequent
periods. For example, another variant of the Divine Liturgy appears on the
dome of the church in the Monastery of the Holy Virgin in Kicevo: to the right
of the altar table, Sabbaoth is depicted with a triangular halo, also blessing
bread on the head of an angel.
In the churches of St. Nicholas and of SS. Peter and Paul, Judas appears on
the far left of the Communion of Apostles, moving away with a demon on his
shoulder that is whispering in his ear. The motif of Judas with the devil in the
scene of the Communion of Apostles is rarely found in the post-Byzantine
period 25 . In Communion of Apostles, Judas with the devil appears in, for
example, the Barlaam Monastery (1566) in Meteora and in the katholicon of
the Gregoriou Monastery; the same motif was painted by Terpo in the church
of the St. Nahum Monastery26.
In the SS. Cosmas and Damian Chapel in Vithkuqi, the Three-Faced
Christ, flanked by kneeling angels, is represented in the centre of the apse
arch. Images of the Three-Faced Christ are quite rare, and appear in several
variants. The closest parallel to this rare image is a mural by the painter Onu-
frios in Selcan, where the interpretation is more complicated27. Another rare
scene is depicted on the vault by the apse in the St. Athanasios and in the SS.
Cosmas and Damian. This is the Holy Trinity with the Crowning of the Vir
gin, in which Christ and God Father are represented as high priests. In the SS.
24. Σ. Πελεκανίδης, Βυζαντινά και μεταβυζαντινά μνημεία της Πρέσπας, Θεσσαλονίκη

1960, σ. 100, ill. XXXIV.
25. About this theme in iconography see: M. Garidis, La peinture murale dans le monde
orthodoxe après la chute de Byzance, 1450-1600, et dans les pays sous domination étrangère,
Athènes 1989, p. 332, pi. 183; Α. Τούρτα, Οι ναοί τον Αγίου Νικολάου στη Βίτσα και του Αγίου
Μηνά στο Μονοδένδρι, Αθήνα 1991, σ. 61; Α. Tourta, «The Judas Cycle? Byzantine and Post
Byzantine Survival», Byzantinische Malerei. Bildprogramme - Ikonographie - Stil, Wiesbaden
2000, pp. 322-324.
26. Ц. Грозданов, Свети Наум Охридски, Skopje 1995, p. 108, ill. 91.
27. Garidis, op.cit, pp. 205-207, ill. 209; Popa, Piktoretmesjetare shqiptare, op.cit., ill. 28.

Peter and Paul, the Crowning of the Virgin is shown above the Dormition.
The Crowning of the Virgin is a scene which is not found in monumental
painting, even though it appeared in icon-painting in the post-Byzantine period
under the influence of West European art.
Prothesis. In most examples, Christ of Pity is represented in the prothesis
with the symbols of passions on both sides. Of greater interest is the lower
part of the prothesis where, in all murals painted by Constantine and Athanas,
there is a beadroll in the form of an arcade; the beadroll is divided into
separate tables for the names of monks, nuns, priests and laics... In the
Church of SS. Peter and Paul, the prothesis displays the Lamentation and,
above it, Christ seated on clouds with the inscription ΑΝΩ CE EN ΘΡΟΝΩ ([He]
ascended on a throne). There is a beadroll under this scene too.
Programme of the Domes. By tradition, God Sabbaoth, Christ Pantocra-
tor, Christ Emmanuel or the Holy Virgin (on the western dome) are repre
sented in the three domes of the aisle. However, the western dome of the St.
Archangel Michael in Moschopolis displays the Divine Liturgy with Christ as
King of Kings and High Priest in the centre, surrounded by a host of angels,
whereas the pendentives show four hymnographers. The only earlier repre
sentation of Christ as King of Kings on a dome is found in Treskavec, where
Christ as King is surrounded by the host of heaven, the Holy Virgin as Queen
and Hetimasia28. The closest, albeit later, parallel is the representation of
Christ as High Priest on a dome in the narthex of the Gregoriou Monastery
(1779), with the hymnographers (St. Cosmas Hymnographer, John Dama-
skinos, Theodore the Studite, Stephan Agiopolitis) appearing on the pendenti
ves. In the church of St. Athanasios in Moschopolis, the hymnographers are
portrayed on the pendentives of the westernmost central dome, where the
Holy Virgin is represented. This image belongs to the themes depicted in the
narthex or, due to the absence of a narthex, more generally in the western
part of the church. The representations of Christ as King of Kings and High
Priest in different and unusual contexts recur in the work of painters in other
parts of Albania too. For example, Christ as High Priest appears on the vault
of the Church of St. Nicholas (17th century) in Saracinica29, and a Theophanic
vision with Christ as King and High Priest -in the monastery in Ravenia (17th
century)30.
Christological cycles. The vaults of the central aisle, as well as the vaults
28. Ц. Грозданов, «Христос Цар, Богородица Царица, небесните сили и светите воини
во живописот од XIV и XV век во Трескавец», Студии за охридскиот живопис, Skopje
1990, pp. 133-137.
29. Γ. Γιακουμής, Μνημεία Ορθοδοξίας στην Αλβανία, Αθήνα 1994, ill. 249.
30./Ш., ill. n. 78, p. 81.

of the side aisles, are occupied by different New Testament cycles, including a
very elaborate and detailed cycle of Passions. The cycles of Parables and
Miracles are designated according to the Sundays on which the respective text
is read. Old Testament prophets and saints are shown on the arcs of the ar
ches. On the separate side domes, a central figure of a prophet (Noah, Abra
ham) is surrounded by New Testament scenes, and other prophets who prophe
sied the respective events are portrayed on the arcs. Here I will mention the
scene of the Resurrection, since it is represented in a rather specific way in all
churches in question. Above the figure of Christ in limbo, a medallion shows a
crowned Christ as the Wisdom of God, carried by angels. David of Selenica
depicted the figure of Wisdom as standing and holding a sphere in his hand.
This image of Wisdom is also present in the scene of the Last Judgement,
from Apocalypse, in the Church of St. Athanasios in Moschopolis. In the epo
nymous churches of Archangel Michael in Vithkuqi and Moschopolis, between
the figures of Christ and Wisdom there is a host of angels with octagonal
nimbi and diamond-shaped rhipidia with the epithets η χαρά, η νίκη, η
αφθαρσία, etc. The host of angels is depicted in the same way by Frangos Ka-
telanos in the Barlaam Monastery (1548) in Meteora, and in the Holy Virgin
Rassiotissa (1553) in Kastoria.
I will also mention the scene of the Transfiguration, whose iconographie
scheme follows the Athos model which includes three episodes: the apostles
led by Christ towards Mt. Tabor, the Transfiguration itself in the centre and,
finally, Christ blessing the apostles. However, in the monuments under consi
deration, Sabbaoth and His words from Matthew 17:5 are represented above
Christ; in the Church of the Holy Virgin, Prophet Noah is also depicted above
Christ in the same scene.
Christ Anapesson is often portrayed below the Dormition. David of Sele
nica probably popularized this image of Christ under the influence of Manuel
Panselinos, since it is absent in earlier monuments but was reproduced by
Constantine and Athanas.
Cycles and scenes of the Holy Virgin. The northern aisle is arguably dedi
cated to the Holy Virgin. The domes, vaults and upper tier on the walls depict
a cycle of the Holy Virgin, the Akathistos hymnos of the Holy Virgin, the In
Thee Rejoiceth, the Tree of Jesse, the Praise of the Holy Virgin or a Nativity
hymn. In the Church of the Dormition of the Holy Virgin, the cycle of the
Holy Virgin continues in the apse above the Communion of Apostles.
The Akathistos cycle appears in almost all churches. Its scenes merge with
scenes illustrating other hymns. In the Church of the Holy Virgin, the scene of
the Restoration of the Cult of Holy Icons (The Orthodox Sunday) is linked with
the Akathistos scenes and the In Thee Rejoiceth. Two icons are represented:

of the Virgin with the Christ Child, and of Christ. The two icons are
surrounded by clerics, with Empress Theodora and the young Emperor
Michael to the right. The iconographie characteristics of this scene are strongly
reminiscent of the illustrations of the last verses of the Akathistos, which are
illustrated with «liturgical» scenes before an icon. This scene is typical of the
churches in the Mt. Athos monasteries. For example, the scene of the
Restoration of the Cult of Holy Icons with Empress Theodora and the young
Emperor Michael, also appears next to the In Thee Rejoiceth in the katholicon
of the Gregoriou Monastery. The Restoration of the Cult of Holy Icons
-however, interpreted as a procession with an icon- is also present in the
Vatopedi Monastery in the skete of St. Demetrios.
The Tree of Jesse also figures prominently in the programme of the
Moschopolis churches. In the Church of the Holy Virgin, it is depicted above
the Akathistos scenes on the northern wall, whereas in the St. Athanasios, it
divides a vault in the northern aisle, along with the Transfiguration and the In
Thee Rejoiceth; in the Church of St. Archangel Michael in Vithkuqi, the
Virgin, encircled by a frieze with the Tree of Jesse, appears in a medallion on
the westernmost part of the vault. A typical feature of the scenes illustrating
hymns in the Moschopolis murals is the portrayal of concrete saints, e.g. St.
John Chrysostom, St. Basil the Great, St. Athanasios, Cosmas Hymnographer
and others.
Western Wall. Traditionally, the Dormition of Holy Virgin is represented
on the western wall. The interpretation of the Dormition, however, is extend-
ed by the addition of scenes inspired by hymnography31. This cycle is pre-
served best in the Church of St. Athanasios. The following scenes are depicted
on the northern and southern vault on the sides of the west wall: the Holy
Virgin is told by the angel that she shall depart from life on Earth, the Holy
Virgin chars her chemises, the Holy Virgin bids farewell to her loved ones,
the Holy Virgin bids farewell to apostles, the scenes of her body being carried
to the grave, and the apostles at her empty grave; on the other side, the As-
sumption and the Wanderings of Our Lady through Hell. The cycle dedicated
to the death of the Holy Virgin appeared in the Palaeologan period for the
first time in the Church of the Virgin Peribleptos in Ochrid. This extended
interpretation of the theme of her death may be considered as part of the
overall extensive cycle dedicated to the Holy Virgin.
Martyrological cycle. The cycle dedicated to the martyr's death of Chri-
31. L. Wratislaw-Mitro vie, «N. Okunev. La dormition de la Sainte Vierge dans la peinture
médiévale orthodoxe», Byzantinoslavica III (1931) 134-174; П. Мильковик-Пепек, Делото на
зографите Михаило и Еутихи], Skopje 1967, pp. 49, 112, 134-174; Б ТодиЬ, Старо Hato-
ричино, Belgrad 1993, pp. 103-107, with bibliography.

stian saints commences with a cycle of St. John the Baptist. St. John the Ba
ptist is portrayed in a medallion carried by angels on one of the vaults in the
southern aisle, with scenes from his life on the pendentives or around the
medallion: Sermon of St. John the Baptist, Decapitation of the Baptist, First
and Second Invention of John the Baptist's Head. The iconographie scheme of
the Decapitation of the Baptist is reproduced in the churches of St. Archangel
Michael in Moschopolis and Vithkuqi, as mention A. Tourta, it is a typical ico
nography about the Cretan School, and we can find it in many icons and
murals from the post-Byzantine period32, for example in frescoes by Frangos
Katelanos in the Barlaam Monastery in Meteora. As the «first Christian mar
tyr», his cycle merges with the cycle of Passions of apostles and early Chri
stian martyrs, which starts from the southern wall, runs along the western wall
and continues on the northern wall. The scenes of the martyr's death of saints
are often above the standing figures of the respective saints. Along with the
death of the apostles, there are also scenes of the death of St. Stephen, St.
George, St. Mercury, St. Artemios, St. Charalambis, St. Theodore of Tyro and
St. Theodore Stratelates, St. Marina33, St. Barbara, St. Kyriaki, St. Paraskevi
and others. Although it is strongly reminiscent of the Menologion, the mar-
tyrological cycle is not a calendar cycle.
Tier of standing Saints. Here I will mention several representations other
than the traditional figures of standing monk, soldier, high priest and other
saints. Deesis with Christ as King of Kings is shown near the iconostasis in
the southern aisle of the St. Archangel Michael in Vithkuqi and, in the same
place, in the church in Embore (14th century)34. This scene, which is typical of
Palaeologan and post-Byzantine painting in the Ochrid Diocese, is traditional
ly represented on the northern wall near the iconostasis, i.e. on the mirror
location 35 . Obviously the Vithkuqi painter reproduced the geographically
closer model, which he knew from Embore. This scene is linked with the
adjacent images of standing saints, who are prominent bishops, thus conveying
32. Τούρτα, OL ναοί του Αγίου Νικολάου στη Βίτσα και του Αγίου Μηνά στο Μονοδένδρι,
ορ.άί.,ρ. 205.
33. A cycle of her Vita is represented at the entire dome at the North aisle in the Church of St.
Archangel Michael in Moschopolis; a six scenes from her life are composed around a central
medallion.
34. In Embore the composition of King's Deesis is not accidentally located on the southern
wall, contrary to tradition, but represents the patron of the church, Christ Zoodotes. R. Lozanova,
«The Church of Christ Zoodotes in Embore (Albania)», Образ и слово. Юбилеен сборник по
случай 60 годишнината на проф. Аксиния Джурова, Sofia 2004, pp. 151-162.
35. Грозданов, «Христос Цар , Богородица Царица, небесните сили и светите воини
во живописот од XIV и XV век во Трескавец», op.cit., pp. 132-149; Id., «Исус Христос цар
над царевима у живопису Охридске архиепископи]е од XV до XVII века», Зограф 27
(2000) 151-160, and literature, Belgrad.

the idea of Christ as High Priest and his earthly images - the bishops. The
same theme is also continued with the portrayal of bishops in the medallions
above the standing saints.
On the northern wall opposite Deesis, the Holy Virgin is represented
enthroned, flanked by two angels with rolls and defined by the epithet «η
πάντων χαρά». There is an identical composition in the Church of St.
Archangel Michael in Moschopolis, but the Holy Virgin in it is not defined by
an epithet. Probably the earliest representations of the Virgin «η πάντων
χαρά» are in the three monuments, which are geographically related: in the
Church of St. Athanasios tou Mouzaki in Kastoria, in the Church of Christ
Zoodotes in Embore and a fresco on the rocks around Megali Prespa near the
village of Nivitsa (Psarades).
The repertoire of saints: The choice of saints in the Moschopolis churches
is determined by the dominant ideas in the region at that time, expressed
foremost through the output of the printing house in Moschopolis. In its service
to religion, this printing house played a direct role in reviving and popu
larizing the cult of the patron saints of the region, most of whom were Slavs.
It was there that Archbishop Joasaph started the publication of Akoluthie of
the Saints from the Ochrid Archbishopric (1740-1742)36. Alongside with publi
shing offices and Vitas of saints, the pictorial aspect of the cult got a strong
impetus37. The Moschopolis painters played a key role in the revival, enrich
ment and widening of the scope of the cult of Slavic saints from the period of
the First Bulgarian Kingdom- the Holy Heptarithmoi (especially St. Nahum of
Ochrid and St. Clement of Ochrid) and St. John Vladimir38, as well as in
establishing the cult of neomartyrs of the Christian faith, as in the case of St.
Nicodemos of Vithkuqi. The figures of Slavic saints do not have a permanent
location in the church and appear both in the naos and on the porches.
Apart from the publications in Moschopolis, I believe that the choice of
saints was also determined by the concrete historical circumstances. The
36. The printing house used the services of Venetian engravers, and the typographer was
Gregory of Moschopolis.
37. R. Lozanova, «Images of Slavic Saints in Moschopolis and Vithkuqi-Albania», Les Saints
slaves dans l'histoire de Γ église chrétienne; Annuaire de rUniversité de Sofia «St. Kliment
Ohridski», Centre de recherches slavo-byzantines «Ivan Dujcev», t. 92 /11/2002, Sofia 2003, pp.
177-188,ill.332-351.
38. St. John Vladimir is represented in the St. Archangel Michael in Vithkuqi on the west wall,
on the porch of the churches of St. Nicholas and in the SS. Peter and Paul on the west wall; St.
Nahum is portrayed in the churches of St. Archangel Michael in Vithkuqi and Moschopolis, of St.
Athanasios, of St. Nicholas, of SS. Cosmas and Damian and in the church of SS. Peter and Paul; St.
Clement of Ohrid is depicted in the St. Archangel Michael in Moschopolis, in the SS. Peter and Paul
and the SS. Cosmas and Damian; the scene of the Holy Heptarithmoi is also represented in the SS.
Peter and Paul.

accent on early Christian saints, who died a martyr's death, was directly
related to the non-Christian Turkish bondage and served as a role model. At
the same time, the presence of the many archbishop saints and of St. Clement
of Ochrid (in three of the churches) indicates a desire to assert the Orthodox
Church after the fall of the Balkans to the Turks, and to highlight the integral
link with the Orthodox Church before the conquest.
Programme of Porch. Arguably, the porches served not only as an exonar-
thex or portico, but might have also had a chapel-like function. This assum
ption is suggested by the presence of a niche on the eastern wall of the pre
served porches, which is occupied by a representation related to the patron of
the whole church. In the Church of the Holy Virgin, this niche is occupied by
the Holy Virgin with the rare epithet «η ελπί,ς των χριστιανών» (Hope of
Christians). The respective niche in the Church of St. Archangel Michael
depicts Synaxis of Angels, with St. Marina and St. Spiridon to the left, and St.
Nahum and St. Paraskevi to the right. The eastern niche of the porch in the
Church of St. Nicholas shows Deesis with Christ as Great Priest and from the
both sides of the niche are St. Nicholas and St. Athanasios.
Two Apocalytpic cycles are preserved on the vaults, pendentives and walls
of the porches of the churches of St. Athanasios and St. Nicholas39. Theo-
phrastos Georgiades notes that the Apocalypse was also depicted in the Church
of the Holy Virgin, whose porch is now almost completely destroyed40. The
two Apocalyptic cycles in Moschopolis are important not only in themselves,
but also for another two reasons. First, they offer evidence about the iconogra
phie trends and models in the now destroyed Moschopolis churches; second,
these two cycles mark a new stage in the iconographie approach to the theme,
which differs from the preceding cycles in Mt. Athos. Primarily, the general
conceptual and compositional design is different. The scenes illustrating the
main episodes are not arranged chronologically on the walls and are not as
distinctly separated as in the earlier Mt. Athos cycles, but merge with one
another. Constantine and Athanas also applied this approach later to the ar
rangement on the walls in the Xeropotamou Monastery, from where it was
probably borrowed by the Bulgarian painters too 41 .
The Monastery of SS. Peter and Paul does not have a porch, but a portico
39. R. Lozanova, «The Apocalypse in Moschopolis - Iconographie and Historiographie

Parallels», International Scientific Conference «The Culture and Art ofOhridand the Christianity»,
Ochrid 2000.
40. Γεωργιάδης, op.cit., p. 21.
41. R. Lozanova, «Първообрази на Апокалипсиса в българското църковно изкуство»,
Проблеми на изкуството, Sofia, 1998, pp. 3, 40-49; R. Lozanova, The Illustrative Cycle of the
Revelation of St. John the Theologian in Bulgarian Religious Art, Ph. D. Dissertation, Sofia 1999.

above the northern entrance with representations of the Last Judgement in the
dome, the Wheel of Life, the Murder of Enoch and Elijah, Dormition of
Hosios Ephraim the Syrian, the Holy Heptarithmoi and others.
In the churches under consideration, the scene of the Last Judgement -tra-
ditionally depicted as a separate theme on the external wall or narthex- ap-
pears only in the St. Archangel Michael in Vithkuqi42. It stands on the
external wall of the church, and is interpreted in an extensive variant typical
of post-Byzantine art. In the churches of St. Nicholas and St. Athanasios in
Moschopolis, the Last Judgement is linked with the cycle of the Apocalypse, as
an illustration of chapters 21-22.
The choice of subject in the representations on the east wall of the narthex
in the Church of St. John the Baptist is quite interesting. The lunette above the
church entrance represents the church patron, flanked by scenes from his Life
and a medallion frieze with saints. Synaxis of the Taxiarchs and St. Peter and
St. Paul with the model of the Church are depicted in niches on both side of
the entrance. Between the entrance and the niches there are alternating
representations of full-length figures from Deesis and half-length images of
Christ (Christ High Priest - above the entrance, Christ Emmanuel - above the
Synaxis of the Taxiarchs and Christ as Archangel of the Great Council - above
St. Peter and St. Paul).
Arguably, the above exposition justifies an approach to those monuments
-irrespective of their diversity- as a compact group with its own distinctive
typological characteristics. The geographical location of the population centres
has been conducive to the accumulation of iconographie traditions that vary by
time and origins. This study calls into question T. Popa's classification of post-
Byzantine painting in Albania into three groups: painting from Berat and
central Albania; from Korça and southeastern Albania; and finally, painting
associated with the Cretan school and Mt. Athos43. Popa regards David of
Selenica as the founder of the school of painters who worked in Korça,
Moschopolis and the nearby population centres, and distinguishes him from
those who worked in Mt. Athos44. Such a classification lacks a clear systematic
indicator and, besides, does not take into account the iconographie logic. As we
have seen, thematically -if not stylistically- identical schemes were applied in
the monuments in the Moschopolis region before the arrival of David of Se-
lenica. A more adequate explanation may be found in M. Chatzidakis's ge-
42. In the region of Korça the scene of the Last Judgement on the facade appears also in the
St. John the Baptist Church in Bobostica (1591, 17th C.) and in the Christ Zoodotes in Embore (14th
C , 17th C).
43. Popa, «Considérations générales sur la peinture postbyzantine en Albanie», op.cit, p. 771.
44. Ibid., p. 780.

neral theses about the 18th century, according to which several families of
painters travelled and decorated churches in Epirus, Makedonia, Mt. Athos
and Thessaly, and reached Peloponnesus and the islands. Their style is cha-
racterized, on the one hand, by naivete and spontaneity and, on the other, by
an influence from Italy and central Europe -in Mt. Athos, by imitation of the
style of Panselinos45.
On the whole, the iconographie and conceptual programme of the churches
in the Moschopolis region is similar to that in the large monastic centres at
Mt. Athos and Meteora. It is not accidental that the cited parallels are pre-
cisely from those centres. This initial thesis needs to be concretized and sup-
plemented. First, the Palaeologan tradition was continued and developed in
the spirit of post-Byzantine painting from Mt. Athos - in other words, with an
obvious influence of West European graphic Baroque patterns, already
applied at Mt. Athos by the exponents of the Cretan school. The second tra-
dition is the tradition of art in the Ochrid Diocese from the mediaeval and
Turkish period. This is obvious in the choice of certain rare compositions, such
as Kings Deesis, the Divine Liturgy with Christ as King, and the Liturgy of
St. John Chrysostom. However, the influence of the Ochrid tradition is most
tangible in the choice of saints, which is associated with the regional cults
revived by the publications in Moschopolis. The third element is arguably the
16th-17th century Epirus tradition manifested in the monasteries in Meteora,
as well as in the œuvre of the painter Onufrios.
Although those three cultural traditions overlap and intertwine, the monu-
ments under consideration may be divided into two groups by style. The first
group includes the chronologically earlier churches of the Holy Virgin and St.
Archangel Michael in Moschopolis, of St. Archangel in Vithkuqi and the
Monastery of St. John the Baptist which continued local Epirus traditions from
the 16th and 17th centuries. Precisely those churches have remained beyond
the scope of academic interest. They can be classified as what A. Xyngopoulos
defines as the popular trend in the 18th century (which includes the majority of
painters)46. They demonstrate an accumulation of the Cretan tradition in
Epirus and the 14th century Macedonian tradition, and are distinguished by a
simpler style which, in the monuments under consideration, is characterized
by flatness and decorative elements47.
45. M. Chatzidakis, «Considérations sur la peinture postbyzantine en Grèce», Actes du pre-

mier congrès international des études balkaniques et sud-est européennes, t. 2, Sofia, 1969, p. 710.
46. Α. Ξυγγόπουλος, Σχεδίασμα ιστορίας της Θρησκευτικής ζωγραφικής μετά την αλωσιν,
'Αθήνα 1957,σσ.311-312.
47. Their iconographical and stylistic features are relatively similar to those in the churches in
Monodendri (Epirus). According to A. Tourta, this artistic trend was founded on the 14th, 15th and

The question of the authorship of the murals in the churche of St. Arch
angel Michael in Moschopolis remains open. In all likelihood, the churches of
the Holy Virgin and of the St. Archangel Michael in Moschopolis were
decorated by the same team of painters - despite the differences, some of the
painters, at least, were probably the same. The ornamental frieze is identical,
whereas the composition of the altar programme is very similar. According to
Victoria Corobar, the murals on the eastern wall of the porch are not by Theo-
doros Anagnosti and Sterianos of Agrapha, but by Hieromonk Constantine.
Other painters, whose works have not survived to date, also worked in the
region. For example, the painter Theodoros of Moschopolis mentioned by
Theophrastos Georgiades, who decorated in 1750 the now destroyed chapel
48
dedicated to St. Euthymius (δια χειρός τον Θεοδώρου εκ της Μοσχοπόλεως) .
The Church of St. Archangel Michael in Vithkuqi raises the greatest
number of questions. The painters who worked there were obviously better
schooled, even though they were associated with the first group. The colours
are bright and the figures are proportional, rendered linearly, whereas the or
namental frieze is complex. There are obvious stylistic and thematic simila
rities with the churches, painted by the masters from the village of Linotopi.
The choice of scenes is associated with the large bishop and metropolitan cen
tres. This church also boasts the earliest portrayal of St. John Vladimir as
cephalophoros known to date. The question of the dating of the murals, raised
by the three dates in the donors inscription and in the apse, also remains open,
since the murals are closer in style to 17th century painting.
The second group of monuments is associated with David of Selenica and
the brothers Constantine and Athanas from Korça, who continued the tradition
of Palaeologan painting revived at Mt. Athos. According to E. Tsigaridas,
David used iconographical models not only from Protaton, but also from
Ochrid and Thessaloniki. Arguably, this was a general trend to revive the
13th-14th century prototypes of the Macedonian School49. Notably, there is a
difference in the style of the two brothers (and their assistants). The style of
one brother is much closer to that of David of Selenica and Dionysios of
Fourna -for example, his are God Sabbaoth and St. Aitalas and St. Gregorios
Dialogos in the Church of SS. Peter and Paul. The other brother's style is
much more schematic and flat, with accented outlines, and this style was
continued later by the painter Terpo.
early 16th century painting tradition in Macedonia and was enriched by Cretan painting; this trend
also established new themes and forms; Τούρτα, Οι ναοί του Αγίου Νικολάου στη Βίτσα και του
Αγίου Μηνά στο Μονοδένδρι, op.cit, p. 247.
48. Γεωργιάδης, op.cit, p. 30.
49. Τσιγαρίδας, op.cit, pp. 339, 363.

The murals in the Theotokos Church in Vithkuqi are far inferior to other
monuments, executed in the best traditions of Athonite and Epirot painting.
However, they are indicative of provincial religious art that developed inde-
pendent of the large metropolitan and monastic centers.
Finally, I would define this presentation of the monuments in the Moscho-
polis region -which are undoubtedly among the masterpieces of Orthodox
culture- only as a preface to their «discovery» by science. This discovery
-which, in a sense, is yet to come- will inevitably involve extensive interpre-
tative, as well as field work. Even though it follows the signs of the past, the
requisite field work covers the incendiary routes of the contemporary Balkan
world.
RALITSA ROUSSEVA

ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ
Ralitsa Rousseva, Εικονογραφικά χαρακτηριστικά των ναών της Μοσχό-

πολης και τον Vithkuqi.
Οι ναοί, της περιοχής της Μοσχόπολης είναι από τα πιο αντιπροσωπευ

τικά μνημεία της θρησκευτικής ζωγραφικής του 18ου αιώνα στα Βαλκάνια.
Στην έρευνα περιλαμβάνεται: ο ναός των αγίων Αρχαγγέλων Μιχαήλ και Γα
βριήλ (1682-1728) στο Βιθκούκι, ο ναός της Κοιμήσεως της Θεοτόκου (1712)
στη Μοσχόπολη, ο ναός των αγίων αρχαγγέλων Μιχαήλ και Γαβριήλ (1720-
1725) στη Μοσχόπολη, ο ναός του αγίου Νικολάου (1721-1750) στη Μοσχό
πολη, ο ναός του αγίου Αθανάσιου (1724-1745) στη Μοσχόπολη, το παρεκκλή
σι των αγίων Αναργύρων Κοσμά και Δαμιανού (1736-1750) κοντά στο Βιθ
κούκι, ο ναός των αγίων Αποστόλων Πέτρου και Παύλου (1708-1764) κοντά
στο Βιθκούκι, ο ναός του αγίου Γεωργίου στο Βιθκούκι, ο ναός της Παναγίας
(18ος αιώνας) κοντά στο Βιθκούκι και η μονή του Ιωάννη του Βαπτιστού
(1659-1767) κοντά στη Μοσχόπολη.
Το παρόν άρθρο αναλύει το εικονογραφικό και το θεματολογικό πρό
γραμμα των ναών στην περιοχή της Μοσχόπολης του Που-18ου αιώνα, όπου
υπάρχει επιρροή των μεγάλων μοναστικών κέντρων, όπως το Αγιον Όρος και
τα Μετέωρα. Υπάρχουν ακόμη κάποιες ερμηνευτικές παραλλαγές των συνθέ
σεων της Καινής Διαθήκης, η προτίμηση λειτουργικών και υμνογραφικών θε
μάτων, η επεξεργασία κάποιων ασυνηθών σκηνών και προσώπων (η Λειτουρ
γία του αγίου Ιωάννη του Χρυσοστόμου, ο Χριστός Βασιλεύς και Αρχιερεύς
στον τρούλλο, η θεία Λειτουργία με τον θεό Πατέρα στο Ιερό Βήμα, ο Χρι
στός με τις τρεις μορφές, η βασιλική Δέηση, ο Αποκαλυπτικός κύκλος και
άλλα).
Στα μνημεία αυτά διακρίνονται τρία καλλιτεχνικά ρεύματα. Το πρώτο
ρεύμα συνεχίζει την παράδοση των Παλαιολόγων, προσαρμοσμένη στο πνεύ
μα της μεταβυζαντινής τέχνης του Αγίου Όρους. Η αφετηρία του δεύτερου
ρεύματος αρχίζει από την περιοχή της Αχρίδας της μεσαιωνικής και της
τουρκικής περιόδου, καθώς εκδηλώνεται κυρίως στην επιλογή των αγίων που
συνδέονται με τη λατρεία της περιοχής και ανανεωμένο από την παραγωγή
της Μοσχόπολης -παράδειγμα ο άγιος Ναούμ της Αχρίδας, ο άγιος Κλήμης
της Αχρίδας και ο άγιος Ιωάννης Βλαδίμηρος. Το τρίτο ρεύμα εντάσσεται
στην παράδοση της τέχνης της Ηπείρου του 16ου-Που αιώνα, εφαρμοσμένη

στα μοναστικά κέντρα των Μετεώρων, καθώς και στο έργο του ζωγράφου
Ονούφριου.
Τα καλλιτεχνικά αυτά ρεύματα δείχνουν γενικά ότι η ζωγραφική των
πρωιμότερων μνημείων συνδέεται πιο στενά με την παράδοση της Ηπείρου,
αλλά και με τη θεματολογική επιρροή των μνημείων της Αχρίδας [Άγιοι
Αρχάγγελοι Μιχαήλ και Γαβριήλ (1682-1728) στο Βιθκούκι, Κοίμηση της Θεο
τόκου (1712) στη Μοσχόπολη, Άγιοι αρχάγγελοι Μιχαήλ και Γαβριήλ (1720-
1725) στη Μοσχόπολη, όπως και η μονή του αγίου Ιωάννη του Βαπτιστού
(1659-1767)]. Τα υπόλοιπα μνημεία είναι έργα των ζωγράφων Δαβίδ από τη
Selenica και του Κωνσταντίνου και Αθανάσιου και των τέκνων τους από την
Κορυτσά. Οι καλλιτέχνες αυτοί συνδυάζουν την αθωνική παράδοση και την
παράδοση της περιοχής της Αχρίδας. Παρόλο τις στυλιστικές διαφορές των
ζωγράφων, όλα τα μνημεία αποκαλύπτουν παρόμοιο ιδεολογικό και θεματικό
πρόγραμμα της ζωγραφικής διακόσμησης της περιόδου της τουρκοκρατίας.
Εκτός μένει ο ναός της Παναγίας κοντά στο Βιθκούκι, όπου επίσης υπάρ
χουν μορφές σλάβων αγίων, αλλά έχει το λαϊκό χαρακτήρα της επαρχιακής
τέχνης χωρίς την επίδραση των μεγάλων καλλιτεχνικών κέντρων.

•
1. The Inscription from 1712 in the Apse of the church of Archangels Michael and Gabriel
(1682-1728), Vithkuqi.
2. The Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom. The church of Archangels Michael and Gabriel
(1720-1725), Moschopolis.

•s
1
•s

5. The Three-Faced Christ and The Crowning of the Holy Virgin. The chapel of SS. Cos-
mas and Damian (1750), Vithkuqi.
№№ Щ^вЛНЩ. Щ
6. The Communion of Apostles. The church of SS. Peter and Paul (1764), Vithkuqi.

7. The GodSabbaoth. The church of St. Nicholas (1726), Moschopolis.
S. The GodSabbaoth. The church of St. Athanasios (1745), Moschopolis.

*m
9. Christ King of Kings and High Priest. The church of Archangels Michael and Gabriel
(1720-1725), Moschopolis.

10. In Thee Rejoiceth and The Orthodox Sunday. The church ofDormition of Holy Virgin
(1712), Moschopolis.
11. King's Deesis. The church of Archangels Michael and Gabriel (1682-1728), Vithkuqi.

MU f
..
I
•
12. St. John Vladimir, St. Nahum and Archangels Michael. The church of Archangels
Michael and Gabrìel (1682-1728), Vithkuqi.
13. Saints. The church of Archangels Michael and Gabriel (1720-1725), Moschopolis.

14. Saints and Scenes from St. Nicholas Vita. The church
of St. Nicholas (1726), Moschopolis.
15. Saints and the Healing of the Paralytic. The church of St. Nicholas (1726),
Moschopolis.

16. St. Aitalas and St. Gregory Dialogos. The church of SS. Peter and Paul (1764).
17. Apocalypses (1:12-18). The church of St. Nicholas (1750), Moschopolis.

18. Saints and Apocalypses. The church of St. Nicholas (1750), Moschopolis.
ι
). 'Γ-ν.:ί
19. The Last Judgement. The church of SS. Peter and Paul (1764).

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Μακεδονικά

Τομ. 35, 2006

Iconographic characteristics of the churches in

Copyright © 2006 R. Rousseva

To cite this article:

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1. Δ. Καλλίμαχος, Παναθήναια, τ. 26, 1913, σ. 5.

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Ochrid Archbishopric were restored. The printing house, established in

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above its southern door reads:

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12. Γεωργιάδης, op.cit., p. 32.

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21. Γεωργιάδης, op.cit., pp. 35-36.

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who reproduced it in Moschopolis.

24. Σ. Πελεκανίδης, Βυζαντινά και μεταβυζαντινά μνημεία της Πρέσπας, Θεσσαλονίκη

http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 03/01/2016 01:16:12 |

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39. R. Lozanova, «The Apocalypse in Moschopolis - Iconographie and Historiographie

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45. M. Chatzidakis, «Considérations sur la peinture postbyzantine en Grèce», Actes du pre-

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Ralitsa Rousseva, Εικονογραφικά χαρακτηριστικά των ναών της Μοσχό-

Οι ναοί, της περιοχής της Μοσχόπολης είναι από τα πιο αντιπροσωπευ­

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7. The GodSabbaoth. The church of St. Nicholas (1726), Moschopolis.

S. The GodSabbaoth. The church of St. Athanasios (1745), Moschopolis.

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17. Apocalypses (1:12-18). The church of St. Nicholas (1750), Moschopolis.

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Οι ναοί, της περιοχής της Μοσχόπολης είναι από τα πιο αντιπροσωπευ