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The following excerpt was adapted from Nothing to Envy, a nonfiction book written by Barbara Demick
that follows the lives of several North Korean defectors. This particular excerpt briefly examines the life
of Chang-bo, a Worker Party member in Chongjin in northeastern North Korea, and his wife Mrs. Song,
a devout believer in Kim Il-Sung and in communism, during the year 1989.

from Nothing to Envy

One night, Chang-bo and his wife Mrs. Song were at home watching television news with some
neighbors. Mrs. Song and her husband were among the few families in their apartment building to own
their own television set. In 1989, a television set cost the equivalent of three months’ salary, about $175,
and you weren’t allowed to buy one without special permission from your work unit. They were usually
bestowed by the government in the name of Kim Il-Sung as a reward for extraordinary service.

Televisions and radios in North Korea are preset so that they can receive only official government
channels. Still, the programming was relatively entertaining. Besides the usual speeches of Kim Il-Sun,
on a typical weeknight there would be sports, concerts, television dramas, and movies produced by Kim
Jong-il’s film studio. On weekends, you might get a Russian movie as a special treat. Mrs. Song and her
husband were proud of their television. They usually left the door open to their apartment when it was
on so that neighbors could wander in and watch with them. It was in keeping with the collective spirit of
the times.

The program that got Chang-bo in trouble was an innocuous business report about a shoe factory
producing rubber boots for the rainy season. The camera panned over crisply efficient workers on an
assembly line where the boots were being produced by the thousands. The narrator raved about the
superb quality of the boots and reeled off the impressive production statistics.

“Hah. If there are so many boots, how come my children never got any?” Chang-bo laughed aloud. The
words tumbled out of his mouth before he could consider the consequences.

Mrs. Song never figured out which neighbor blabbed. Her husband’s remark was quickly reported to
the head of the neighborhood watch, who in turn passed on the information to the Ministry for the
Protection of State Security. This ominously named agency is effectively North Korea’s political police.
It runs an extensive network of informers. By the accounts of defectors, there was at least one informer
for every fifty people – more even than East Germany’s notorious Stasi.

Spying on one’s countrymen is something of a national pastime. There were the young vigilantes from
the Socialist Youth League who had stopped Mrs. Song for not wearing a Kim Il-Sung badge earlier.
They also made sure people weren’t violating the dress code by wearing blue jeans or T-shirts with
Roman writing – considered a capital indulgence – or wearing their hair too long. The party issued
regular edicts saying that men shouldn’t allow the hair on top of their head to grow longer than five
centimeters. If a violation was severe, an offender could be arrested by the Public Standards Police.

There were also mobile police units who roamed the streets looking for offenders and who had the right
to barge into people’s houses without notice. They would look for people who used more than their
quota of electricity, a light bulb brighter than 40 watts, a hot plate, or a rice cooker. During one of the
surprise inspections, one of the neighbors tried to hide their hot plate under a blanket and ended up
setting their apartment on fire. The mobile police often dropped in after midnight to see if there were
any overnight guests who might have come to visit without travel permits. It was a serious offense, even
if it was just an out-of-town relative, and much worse if the guest happened to be a lover.
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But it wasn’t just the police and the volunteer leagues who did the snooping. Everybody was supposed
to be vigilant for subversive behavior or transgression of the rules. Since the country was too poor and
the power supply too unreliable for electronic surveillance, state security relied on human intelligence –
snitches. The newspapers would occasionally run feature stories on heroic children who ratted out their
parents. To be denounced by a neighbor for bad-mouthing the regime was nothing extraordinary.

Chang-bo’s interrogation lasted three days. The agents yelled and cursed at him, although they never
beat him. Chang-bo claimed later that his gift with language helped him talk his way out of the situation.
He cited the truth in his defense. “I wasn’t insulting anybody. I was simply saying that I haven’t been
able to buy those boots and I’d like to have some for my family,” Chang-bo protested indignantly.

He made a convincing case. He was a commanding figure with his potbelly and his stern expression. He
looked like the epitome of a Worker’s Party official. The political police in the end decided not to push
the case and released him without any charges.

When he returned home, however, Chang-bo got a tongue-lashing from his wife that was almost
harsher than the interrogation. It was the worst fight of their marriage. For Mrs. Song, it was not merely
that her husband had been disrespectful of the government; for the first time in her life, she felt the
stirrings of fear. Her conduct had always been so impeccable and her devotion so genuine that it never
occurred to her that she might be vulnerable. “Why did you say such nonsense when there were
neighbors in the apartment? Didn’t you realize you could have jeopardized everything we have?” she
railed at him.

In fact, they both realized how lucky they were. If not for Chang-bo’s excellent class background and
his party membership, he would not have been let off so lightly. It helped, too, that Mrs. Song had at
various times been head of the watch in the building and commanded some respect from the state
security officers. Chang-bo’s offhand remark was precisely the kind of thing that could result in
deportation to a prison camp in the mountains if the offender didn’t have a solid position in the
community. They had heard of a man who cracked a joke about Kim Jong-il’s height and was sent away
for life. Mrs. Song personally knew a woman from her factory who was taken away for something she
wrote in her diary. At the time, Mrs. Song hadn’t felt any pity for the woman. “The traitor probably got
what she deserved,” she’d said to herself. Now she felt quite embarrassed for having thought such a
thing.

The incident seemed to blow over. Chastened by the experience, Chang-bo was more careful about what
he said outside the family, but his thoughts were running wild. For many years, Chang-bo had been
fighting off the doubts that would periodically creep into his consciousness. Now those doubts were
forming into outright disbelief. As a journalist, Chang-bo had more access to information than ordinary
people. At his broadcasting job, he and his colleagues heard uncensored news reports from the foreign
media. It was their job to clean the news up for domestic consumption. Anything positive that happened
in capitalist countries or especially in South Korea, which in 1988 hosted the Summer Olympics, was
downplayed. Strikes, disasters, riots, murders – elsewhere – got plenty of coverage.

Chang-bo’s job was to report business stories. He toured farms, shops, and factories with a notebook and
a tape recorder, interviewing the managers. Back in the newsroom, he would write his stories in fountain
pen (there were no typewriters) about how well the economy was doing. He always put a positive spin
on the facts, although he tried to keep them at least plausible. By the time they were edited by his
superiors in Pyongyang, however, any glimmer of the truth was gone. Chang-bo knew better than
anyone that the supposed triumphs of the North Korean economy were fabrications. He had good reason
to scoff at the rubber boot reports.
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True/False: Decide whether each of the statements below is true or false. Then justify your answer
with a relevant, brief quotation from the text.

1. True/False: North Korea television only broadcasts military and government programs.
Justification:

2. True/False: The media in North Korea often slants or twists the truth.
Justification:

3. True/False: Chang-bo’s appearance made others not respect him easily.

Justification:

4. True/False: When Chang-bo was arrested, the police tortured him.

Justification:

Vocabulary: find the word on the right that has the closet meaning to the words on the left.

1. ____ bestow a. rant

2. ____ innocuous b. believable
3. ____ rave c. give
4. ____ blab d. whisper
5. ____ barge e. betray
6. ____ snoop f. polite
7. ____ tongue-lashing g. push
8. ____ plausible h. pry
i. force
j. intrude
k. inoffensive
l. scold
m. look after
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Short Answer: Give a short but complete (2-3 sentences) answer to each question.

1. Why is Mrs. Song so upset by this incident?

2. Based on the excerpt, what is North Korea’s economic state? What evidence tells you this?

3. What three “groups” of people keep watch in North Korea, according to the excerpt?
1.
2.
3.

4. Why did Chang-bo not get punished for his remark?

5. What were some offenses you could get in trouble for in this society?

6. What sorts of behavior would enable a person to survive or to move up in this society?

Discussion questions

1. Compare and contrast the different freedoms allowed in your society to the freedoms in this 1989
North Korean society. How would you feel living in North Korea at that time?

2. Which rules in North Korea would you find it difficult to comply with? Why?

3. How are the North Korean government and the authority in Fahrenheit 451 similar? How are
they different?

4. What are some ways that the North Korean government keeps people under control? Do you
think these ways are effective?

5. Why does the government in this country try to suppress its citizens’ freedom?

6. Given what you know about the current state of North Korea, do you think the societal situation
is still the same? Why or why not?