Aidit and Politic 1950-1965

Satriono Priyo Utomo

Student of Program Master of History Science, University of Indonesia
utomo_satrio@rocketmail.com

Abstract:
This paper is talk about Dipa Nusantara Aidit's thought and his political
activities. Source that used in discuss Aidit thought is Aidit's writings are
contained in a collection of Aidit writings in three volume. And also Aidit
writings has been published in each title. With literature study, this paper discuss
about Aidit life history and his political thought. And also, the relation between
his political thought with political activity, associated with Indonesia Communis
Party (PKI), nor with national political situation.
Keywords: Aidit, PKI, Politic, Marxism.

INTRODUCTION
Indonesia Communist Party (PKI) under the leadership of Dipa Nusantara
or D.N. Aidit believed that its duty was to fix the damage ideology which had
been there due to the fault of its formers conception. Aidit considered the party
should open people's minds for communism as a solution to the Indonesian crisis
after the revolution. According to Aidit the national revolution had not yet been
completed, but was blocked both in the political and social fields, thus abandoning
Indonesia in a "semi-feudal" and "semi-colonial" state.
When Aidit led the party in the early 1950s, party activity was emphasized
on the agitation of a strong education element. Because by the 1950s, Indonesians
in general and Java in particular could be said as having relief culture. Culture had
run statically, without any political guidance. In this post-traditional position
emptiness did the political parties start to attack. At about 1955-1965 culture had
been running more dynamic. This was signed by the emergence of several cultural
institutions, such as Lekra (PKI), Lesbumi (NU), and Leknas (PNI). This situation
influenced the great politicization of cultural, class, local, and personal
competitions. This was what Aidit belief that the PKI must perform through its

1
activities in order to attract masses to fulfill its important ambition to become a
big party.
Although most of its activities were organizing and mobilizing people,
PKI was a consistent organization with its thinking tradition. PKI always analyzed
both international and national situational in each of its activities. PKI succeeded
writing discussions of either Marxism or other theories. The results of his writing
became academic consumption and flyers that aimed as propaganda. Infrequently
the results of his writing was capable of producing renewal. That in its journey,
PKI always brought up figures who had unique and brilliant thoughts. Like
Semaun, Tan Malaka, Alimin and other figures in the 1920s. Amir Syarifuddin,
Musso and some other figures emerged when PKI was still an illegal party in the
1930s.
Interesting thing to be observed was that PKI could always rise from
several phases of its downfall. This was because PKI always came up with an
easy solution for various problems. Such a special attention to political education
and political courses. Almost in every phase of doing its activities with the
challenges of the era. This was the key that made PKI fascinated many people. In
the midst of an underdeveloped national education system, the number of schools
and teachers were limited, the activities initiated by PKI for various levels were
the road to modernity.
Such conditions of PKI did not establish independently. Of course it was
based on the ideas of its figures. After the events of 1948, PKI always produced
figures who turned this party to be again. This be seen in the 1950s, Aidit, who
emerged as a PKI leader through the publication of a journal entitled Bintang
Merah, produced not only theoretical ideas but also practical ideas in mobilizing
people. This was certainly useful for the PKI, and also to the socio-political
conditions of Indonesia at that time.
There were similarities to the birth of Aidit with other PKI figures who
had intellectual tradition proximity sticked to them. However, Aidit had a
different approach to Musso regarding the study of Marxism-Leninism. If Musso's

2
conception stopped at the terrorist level, Aidit ha echoed his conception to a
practical level.
Musso in the Jalan Baru talked about the formulation of Indonesian
revolution through the agrarian struggle, without clearly explaining the Indonesian
Revolution to the reality of farmers’ society condition at that time. His idea of
agrarian struggle was not based on the empirical condition of Indonesian society.
Aidit, on the contrary, he answered Marxism-Leninism on a praxis level and
gave three concepts of practice: working together (doing whatever the farmer
does), eating together (eating whatever the farmer eats), and sleeping equally
(sleeping in a farmers place and behave as farmers).1
Based on those, the author is interested to examine Aidit's thoughts and
political activities. Because it is still infrequently found a research that discusses
PKI with its figures as objects and parties as the subject of thought
experimentation. Thus, Aidit deemed exactly representing it. Because this
character was unique and different from other PKI figures who were difficult to
compromise with ideas from outside themselves. Aidit invited his cadres to be
flexible addressing Marxism-Leninism and based on Indonesia condition which
remained in the remnants of feudalism and the remnants of colonialism at that
time. The presence of Aidit gave color to political talk which in 1945-1965 was
filled with populism and anti-imperialism spirit.
The writing which used this literature study will discuss Aidit's thoughts and
his political activities. The sources used to know Aidit's thoughts will rest on
Aidit's writings which are included in Aidit's writing collection of three volumes.
And other Aidit’s writings that had been recorded in each title.

AIDIT’S LIFE HISTORY

Dipa Nusantara Aidit or D.N. Aidit was born in 30th July 1923 in a house
located at Belantu Road number 3 Pangkal Lalang, Tanjung Pandan, Belitung.2
D.N. Aidit, whose by his parents was named Achmad Aidit, was the eldest of six

1 Suar Suroso, Akar dan Dalang: Pembantaian Manusia Tak Berdosa dan Penggulingan Bung
Karno (Bandung: Ultimus, 2013), 210.
2
Murad Aidit, Aidit Sang Legenda (Jakarta: Panta Rei, 2006), 27.

3
siblings—two of whom were stepsiblings. His father, Abdullah Aidit, was an
employee of Boswezen (forestry), people knew him as a "mantri", a considerable
position at that time in Belitung. His mother, Mailan, a part of a noble family in
Belitung, daughter of a man honored as Ki Agus. Mailan had a father named Ki
Agus H. Abdul Rachman and a mother named Nyayu Aminah.3
Abdullah enrolled Aidit in Holland Inlandsche School (HIS) in Tanjung
Pandan. Abdullah greatly freed his children to play with anyone as long as it did
not interfere his study. Although he was educated in Dutch schools, Abdullah's
children grew up in a family who diligently worship God. Abdullah educated his
children to stick to the religion. Pray in the mosque and the recite the Qur’an must
be an awareness for his children. While he was being on duty in Kelapa Sampit,
Abdullah entrusted his children to his sister and asked her not to forget to teach
them the Qur’an. In Kelapa Sampit Aidit and his younger siblings were taught to
recite Qur’an by his uncle named Busu Rahman.
Busu Rahman was a very firm person in giving lessons so Aidit and his
younger siblings were allowed to go to bed at night after completing the study
session. Busu Rahman taught unlike others who overseen his students, but he also
did other things like fixing fishing gear. Sometimes giving lessons while he ate
dinner, but when Aidit and his younger siblings were wrong in reading the Quran
then he immediately fixed it. Wherever Busu Rahman was, he would shout to
warn mistakes and tell his students to repeat the recitation. If the mistake
remained there, then he came to fix his recitation (Arabic recitation sign).4 Busu
Rahman formed Aidit's thinking in discipline and persistence. This was Aidit's
initial process in becoming a marxist later on.
Aidit's childhood life was spent learning, playing and reading Qur’an. He
always took time to write his activities it in his diary. Asahan also acknowledged
that his brother, Aidit, since in his childhood had already shown his intellectual
advantages from his other siblings. Before graduated from elementary school,
Aidit had read all the books stored in the school library, which were hundreds.

3
Ibid., 34.
4
Ibid., 56-57.

4
Before he came in his teenage, he had finished reciting the Quran three times.5
What Asahan said was made clear by Sobron that Aidit liked to read books
especially when he was in Jakarta. Her favorite book was brought when Aidit
returned to Belitung. According to Sobron, Aidit loved classical books on politics
and economics. Aidit read the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Hegel Feurbach,
Nietszche, Mao Tse Tung and other Chinese leaders.6 In addition to writing and
reading, Aidit was very intelligent and very quick to learn mastering a foreign
language, especially the Dutch language he had learned it since his childhood.
This made him easier to study the ideological literature of the world which at that
time was still limited to Dutch.
In friendship, Aidit was more advanced than children in his age. Aidit
made friend with fishermen's children. Beside children of his age, in Belitung
Aidit hang out and gathered with tin workers. This interaction with tin workers,
according to Murad, was what determined Aidit’s way of thought and political
attitude in the future. Because since his childhood Aidit was a person who always
cared and very eager to know others’ life wherever he was. Unlike his siblings
who considered what happened in society was a normal and common thing.7 This
was the reason why young Aidit did not want to continue his study to abroad.
Although his access to it could be fulfilled by his father. But Aidit was still
thinking about of his siblings’ fate and the option of continuing study in the
country so that he can truly understand his society who had hard work ethics but
their life were still suffer.
In a speech to a children's party organized by Fajar Harapan organization
on 22nd May 1960 at Lapangan Merdeka Selatan, Jakarta Aidit told his childhood.
He said:
“Aku sendiri waktu berumur 6 atau 7 tahun sudah mulai harus bekerdja berat.
Waktu masih kanak2 aku beruntung dapat masuk Sekolah Rakjat. Ajahku bukan
orang mampu, dia buruh kehutanan, tinggalnja djuga djauh dari kota. Oleh
karena sekolah hanja ada di kota kecil, aku harus menumpang dirumah paman.

5
Budi Kurniawan dan Yani Andriansyah, Menolak Menyerah: Menyingkap Tabir Keluarga Aidit
(Yogyakarta: Era Publisher, 2005), 69-70.
6
Sobron Aidit, Aidit: Abang, Sahabat dan Guru di Masa Pergolakan (Bandung: Nuansa
Cendekia, 2003), 43.
7
Murad Aidit, op.cit., 44.

5
 Dirumah paman aku djadi pembantu rumahtangga. Saban pagi sebelum
berangkat kesekolah aku harus mengangkut air dari kali jang djauh untuk masak,
harus mengurus ternak dan harus menjapu di dalam rumah. Sepulang sekolah
aku harus mentjutji piring jang kotor, menjapu halaman rumah, mengurus
ternak, mengisi lampu dengan minjak tanah serta ngemong adik2 jang kecil.
Hampir saban minggu aku harus kehutan untuk mengambil kaju bakar. Djadi,
kapan aku belajar? Pada malam hari, tetapi tidak bisa lama2, karena badan sudah
lelah dan mata tidak kuat karena lampunja tidak terang.”8

In early 1936, after graduated from HIS, Aidit was sent to Jakarta to
continue his study to Meer Uitgebreid Lager Onderwijs (MULO). This was done
because in Tanjung Pandan there was no secondary school. Whether to continue
studying in Medan or Jakarta and Abdullah himself chose to send Aidit to Jakarta,
as his own son request. Aidit’s efforts to continue studying in MULO (equivalent
to junior high school) was hampered due to MULO’s registration was closed
when Aidit arrived in Jakarta. Since his father wanted Aidit to go to a government
school, he eventually attended Middenstand Handel School (MHS).9 An
intermediate trading school in Jakarta.
Aidit, when he was 16 years old (1939) started to enroll himself to the
national movement, by becoming a member and then became the chairman of the
commissioners of central leadership of Persatuan Timur Muda (Pertimu) board in
Jakarta.10 Right after that, he also joined the ranks of Gerakan Rakyat Indonesia
(Gerindo), the youth branch under the pre-independence nationalist organization.
Gerindo was known under the influence of communists, where one of its leaders
Amir Syarifuddin involved. During the Japanese occupation, the organization was
unity-based and anti-fascist-oriented. This organization was the intersection of
Aidit with politics that increasingly intense. Besides being chairman of Pertimu,
Aidit was also a caretaker in Gerindo. Aidit's life in Jakarta had always been
working from organization to organization, because Aidit believed that by
organizing for the weak he would become strong.
Aidit joined Gerindo because he was interested in the views of the left. He
was well-aware of the Marxist influence in world-level organizations, but until the
Japanese war over Dutch rule erupted, Aidit never came into direct contact other

8
D.N. Aidit, Pilihan Tulisan Jilid III (Jakarta: Yayasan Pembaruan, 1965), 254-255.
9
Murad Aidit, op.cit., 63.
10
Bintang Merah 9, 1953, 479.

6
than knowing vaguely the notion of Marxism. It could be said, that during the
Japanese occupation Aidit began to go deeper into the left-wing ideas, so unlike
most other Indonesian youths, he was not interested in Japanese propaganda to
establish a "Great Asia". From the beginning of the period of occupation, Aidit's
interest grew rapidly under the direct cultivation of M. Jusuf, the PKI's first leader
after the war of independence, and from it Aidit borrowed a copy of the Dutch-
language Karl Marx Das Kapital. In 1943, Aidit joined the illegal PKI.11
Around this time Aidit decided to change his name. He changed his name
to Dipa Nusantara commonly abbreviated as D.N. By keeping his father's name
Aidit. This change was felt that his political choice field contained a high risk,
both for himself and his family.
According to Leclerc, Dipa Nusantara's name was to honor Dipenogoro's
heroic struggle and to inspire Aidit in his effort to liberate the Nusantara.
Changing name or choosing a degree that had political meaning was somewhat
common among the youth nationalist (e.g. A.M. Hanafi was given title of
Marhaen's Son).12
In Jakarta, his involvement in Gerindo made Aidit knew the movement
figures of the PKI such as Wikana, Hutabarat, Sumarto and others. During the
Japanese occupation of Indonesia, high schools and high universities were closed,
and youth organizations, like other organizations, were banned. Aidit, who was
not in school anymore, joined the youngsters around Sukarno and Hatta. He
followed the lectures of the two while he was looking for the administrative work
headed by the two. This was where Aidit met Lukman who had got a job as a
scribe in the Central Office of the People Power Department which was
administered by Hatta.13 His relationship with Lukman led him to Widarta, the
responsible PKI underground organization in Jakarta. With Wikana, Aidit merged
into the activities in Asrama Menteng Raya 31.

11
Rex Mortimer, Indonesian Communism Under Sukarno: Ideologi dan Politik 1959-1965
(Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2011), 26.
12
Jaques Leclerc, Mencari Kiri: Kaum Revolusioner Indonesia dan Revolusi Mereka (Jakarta:
Marjin Kiri, 2011), 107.
13
Ibid., 108.

7
 Di Asrama Menteng Raya 31 the members were given political courses.
This was where Aidit chosen to take a political course organized by the
Indonesian New Generation where his lecturers were Sukarno, Hatta, Amir
Syarifuddin, Yamin, Ki Hajar Dewantara, Subardjo and others. It was the place
that educated Aidit to be a youth movement during his education in high school
trade to be stalled due to the Japanese occupation. In the dormitory, Aidit got the
idea of nationalism, economy, politics, sociology and Marxism. In a Harian
Rakyat’s interview report in 1965, Aidit claimed that Sukarno was the one who
gave him the first training of Marxism in this place.14
In that politics courses, the learning of communism was also given. They
emphasized the importance of production nationalization, namely anti-
imperialism and anti-capitalism. The communism which was taught in this
political course was international by nature. The youth were taught to view the
struggle of Indonesian independence in the eyes of the international struggle
against the capitalist imperialism. The purpose of the teachings of communism
was social justice for the world as a whole, not just for Indonesia.15
In Jakarta, Aidit became a political activist. His involvement in youth and
trade union organizations became experiences that shaped his political thinking.
Like most other movement figures, being a fugitive political was a consequence.
For his political activities, during the Revolution Aidit had been in jail. After his
imprisonment, Aidit's activities were mostly spent with PKI. After plunging with
the PKI, Aidit's interested in becoming a thinker and theorist of Marxism-
Leninism began to emerge from his revival of the publication of the Red Star
magazine. In order to strengthen the knowledge of the theories. In early January
of 1948 in Jogja was formed a Commission of Translators, consisting of D.N.
Aidit, M.H. Lukman, A. Havil, P. Pardede and Njoto to translate the Communist
Party Manifesto by Karl Marx and Engels.16

14
Harian Rakyat, 13 Maret 1965.
15
George McTurnan Kahin, Nasionalisme dan Revolusi Indonesia (Depok: Komunitas Bambu,
2013), 165.
16
Ibarurri Putri Alam, Roman Biografis Ibarruri Putri Alam Anak Sulung D.N. Aidit (Jakarta:
Hasta Mitra, 2006), 10.

8
 In 1950 Aidit was elected as General Secretary of the CC PKI and with
other three youths Lukman, Nyoto and Sudisman revived the PKI movement.
With PKI Aidit continued to be productive in writing. His favorite activity was
not hampered, even though his duties and work as a leader of the people's party
must be done every day. Some of his writings that had become books which were
once banned and seized by the Jakarta police from a number of bookstores in the
capital city in September 1951.17

AIDIT’S SOCIAL-POLITICAL THOUGHT

Talking about Aidit's socio-political thought. The author will give a little
portray of Aidit's claim that the party he led from the 5th PKI Congress in 1951
was a party with the only ideology of Marxism-Leninism in Indonesia. Here ware
Aidit's statements:
“Adalah satu kenjataan, bahwa hasil daripada kongres kita merupakan bukti
daripada kemenangan marxisme-leninisme atas musuh2nja didalam partai, pada
akhirnja ia pasti akan terbongkar, dan semakin tinggi tingkat ideologi dan
tingkat kewaspadaan politik daripada segenap anggota, semakin tjepat pula
elemen non-komunis didalam partai terbongkar dan disingkirkan dari partai.” 18

By this Aidit made PKI the only clue to Indonesian communists in

experimenting and actualizing Marxism-Leninism. This was done not to
monopolize the idea of Marxism-Leninism by the party. For in reality the party
was still open to the dialectics of Marxism-Leninism ideas. The aim was no more
to build unity among the communists’ society and Indonesians.
Through his writings, we can understand that Aidit was an intellectual
communist. We can find terms that have theoretical meanings in accordance with
the communist tradition. Because of its internationalism, Indonesian communists
were also based on the international Marxist tradition. The idea was based on the
Marxist theory of how the struggle against feudalism and imperialism were.19 In

17
Harian Rakyat, 13 September 1951.
18
Bintang Merah, Februari-Maret 1954, 140.
19
Olle Tornquist, Penghancuran PKI (Depok: Komunitas Bambu, 2011), 17.

9
writings his thoughts, Aidit's basic theory of Marxism was derived from the
writings of Karl Marx and Engels. In looking further at the context of Aidit's
thought, it must also relate to the general theory of struggle in the third world—as
found in the writings of Lenin, Stalin and Mao Tse Tung.
According to Aidit, Marxism was a science, it needed to be learnt as a
science.20 There were three parts of Marxism: philosophy, political economy and
socialism of science. And Marx's philosophy came from German’s classical
philosophy. Marxism's philosophy was materialism.
Aidit believed that the most important result of Marx in philosophy was
dialectics.21 It would lead to the notion of historical materialism in the philosophy
of Marxism. That historical materialism explained the existence of social classes
and private property was not a coincidence, but rather the inevitability of human
effort to secure and improve life.22 It was from this social class and private
property that there was human oppression of man. Aidit's way of explaining his
thinking on Marxism was adapted from the contradictions existed in Indonesia.
The following were Aidit's ideas about Marxism-Leninism which was
Indonesianized.

A. HISTORY OF INDONESIAN COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT

Aidit stated that "... Indonesia is a nation controlled by both the capitalist
system and the feudalism system, although certainly 100% pure feudalism is no
longer here but the remaining feudalism still exists”.23 The fact there was still a
monopoly on the landlords, land rent system in the form of crops or energy and
agricultural techniques were still underdeveloped. As well as the mystical belief
of society that was still on going. Therefore, Marxism in Europe which formulated
Marx was different and must be adjusted to the condition of Indonesia.

20
D.N. Aidit, Tentang Marxisme (Jakarta: Akademi Ilmu Sosial Aliarcham, 1964), 114.
21
Ibid., 8.
22
Franz Magnis Suseno, Karl Marx: Dari Sosialisme Utopis ke Perselisihan Revisionisme
(Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 2010), 135.
23
D.N. Aidit, Hari Depan Gerakan Tani Indonesia dalam Pilihan Tulisan Jilid I (Jakarta: Yayasan
Pembaruan, 1959), 159.

10
 The article entitled Masyarakat Indonesia dan Revolusi Indonesia written
by Aidit—endoresed by the Seventh Plenary Session of PKI CC, in July 1957—as
a form of Indonesia "self-knowledge". Although it uses the concept of historical
materialism and dialectical materialism formulated by Marx. The main source of
Aidit's social analysis came from the universal thesis found in Stalin's short
writings, Dialectical and Historical Materialism. But the writings of Indonesia
dan Revolusi Indonesia was the result of Aidit's profound contemplation of
Indonesia and Indoneisans. It described the historical movement of Indonesian
society development. The outlines according to Aidit were as follow: 1. Primitive
communes period, 2. Slave ownership period, 3. Feudal society period, 4. Feudal
and colonial society, 5. Colonial and semi-feudal society, 6. Free and semi-feudal
society, 7. Semi-colonial and semi-feudal society.24
In Indonesia, according to Aidit the formation of feudal society especially
in Java had occurred in the early BC. The main contradiction in feudal society
was the conflict between the feudal lords (kings, nobles, soldiers) with the
farmers. The country’s power was in the hands of the feudal lords, in other hand
the farmers were ruled.25
When Indonesia came to the stage of colonial society Aidit claimed for a
capital primitive accumulation.26 The Dutch were able to become the political
ruler. In the next change the order of Indonesian who had been living in
agriculture was pushed into the industry. This was what Marx called as the
capitalization process in which the emergence of the proletariat as a new social
category along with the dominance of the capitalist mode of production and the
proletarian process, was related to the disengagement of direct producer relations
by means of production.27 The real process in Indonesia at this stage where the
production patterns that had been done through human power have now become
the engine power.

24
D.N. Aidit, Revolusi Indonesia dan Tugas-Tugas Mendesak PKI (Peking: Pusat Bahasa Asing,
1964), 2.
25
D.N. Aidit, Pilihan Tulisan Jilid II (Jakarta: Yayasan Pembaruan, 1960), 257.
26
Ibid., 266.
27
Dede Mulyanto, Kapitalisme: Perspektif Sosio-Historis (Bandung: Ultimus, 2010), 77.

11
 Aidit saw in imperialism period, Indonesia became a source of raw
material for the imperial countries, as well as a cheap source of labor, a market for
selling the product of imperialist countries and foreign investment venues. For
Aidit the possibility of national capitalism development was greatly limited. As he
wrote as follow:
“Industri nasional dizaman imperialis sangat dihalangi oleh politik imperalis
untuk berkenalan dengan mesin2 modern. Hal inilah jang terutama menetapkan
Indonesia dalam kedudukan jang sangat sukar dalam memenuhi kebutuhannja
akan barang2 hasil industri selama perang dunia ke-2 dan selama revolusi 1945-
1948.”28

B. INDONESIA: A HALF-COLONIALIZED AND A HALF-FEODAL

COUNTRY
In the history of Indonesian society development, Aidit described
Indonesia had passed several stages of historical development which generally
accepted universally by historiography communist of the era—that primitive
communism through slavery to feudalism. The transition to each phase was
characterized by changes in the means of production that made the existing social
structures begin to wear out and evoked a desire to transform in a revolutionary
way.29 But colonial domination disrupts the evolution and transformation of the
feudal society into the stage of capitalism. By introducing the machinery and
economic system of money, the colonials were able to destroy the closure of this
feudal system, but feudal exploitation was left untouched, in fact, exploitation of
colonial capital went along with it. The resulting mix was what Aidit described as
a half-colonialized and half-feudal society.
Aidit's description of Indonesia was a half-colonialized countrywhich in
fact set out criticism of the Round Table Conference (Konferensi Meja Bundar
KMB) agreement signed by Hatta government and the Dutch government on

28
D.N. Aidit, Pilihan Tulisan Jilid II op.cit., 273.
29
Rex Mortimer, Indonesian Communism Under Sukarno: Ideologi dan Politik 1959-1965
(Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2011), 173.

12
November 2, 1949.30 From that agreement, Indonesian delegation agreed that
Indonesia would take over total debt of approximately 4.300.000.000 guilders
(nearly 1.130 million US dollars) from the Dutch East Indies government. On this
amount, 3.000.000.000 guilders made up the entire domestic debt of the colonial
government.31 For Aidit the agreement of KMB had made Indonesia independent
and sovereign as a half-colonialized country, a country that seems to have the
right to govern itself, but in real, its real power—especially lied in the economic
field—remains at the hands of the Dutch imperialists.32 This means that
equipment production was still controlled by the imperialists.
Indonesia as a half-feudal country described by Aidit is a reality that the
remains of feudalism still exist. In the form of land ownership owned by large-
land owners in monopolizing the land that was done by the farmers, and the
farmers in taking care the rice fields must rent on the terms decided by the
landlord. Besides, land rent payments in the form of goods, both in the form of
crops were still common. This resulted in the system of land rent that put the
position of farmers as servants. Aidit saw that the remains of feudalism had led to
the backwardness of agricultural engineering, the deprivation of peasant life, the
shrinking of local market and the impossibility of creating an independent
industrialization in Indonesia.33 Aidit then formulated the social classes in
Indonesia, namely feudal lords, comprador capitalists, national bourgeoisie, under
urban bourgeoisie, farmers and proletarians.34
Inspired by the idea of Mao Tse Tung written in 1939, The Chinese
Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party, Aidit's social class formulation, the
attitudes and positions of all classes, both the governor and the governed were
wholly determined by his social and economic level. Where landlord was a class
that exploited and oppressed the farmers and more opposes the political,

30
D.N. Aidit, Kembangkan Periode 1951! Dalam Pilihan Tulisan Jilid I op.cit., 275.
31
George McTurnan Kahin, Nasionalisme dan Revolusi Indonesia (Depok: Komunitas Bambu,
2013), 613.
32
D.N. Aidit, Jalan ke Demokrasi Rakyat Bagi Indonesia dalam Pilihan Tulisan Jilid I op.cit.,
227.
33
Ibid., 278.
34
Ibid., 289.

13
economic and cultural development of Indonesian cultures. In other hand, the
double-bourgeoisie: comprador and national. The bourgeois comprador directly
served the interests of foreign capitalists. National bourgeoisie as a class which
was also suppressed by imperialism and curbed its development by feudalism, this
class on the other hand, to some extent also had courage in opposing
imperialism.35
Rex Mortimer saw Aidit's social class analysis, more influenced by his
characterization in political and ideological criteria than his socioeconomic. Since
the 1954 congress, even far before, PNI had often been equated with the national
bourgeoisie, and during the period of Guided Democracy, this identification was
extended to the political elite who was more or less following the policy in
accordance with President Sukarno's guidelines.36 While Arbi Sanit called this an
attempt to pass the traditional contradictions that exist into the interpretation of
Marxism.37

C. INDONESIA REVOLUTION
In his writings of the Revolusi Indonesia Latar Belakang Sejarah dan Hari
Depannya published in late December 1964, Aidit invited Indonesian to learn
from October 1917 event of revolution in Russia. Aidit reasoned that we would
not be able to understand the peculiarities of Indonesia revolution without
understanding the realities of the historical revolutions.38 Aidit believed that the
revolution was not yet over, the revolutionary struggle of Indonesians, especially
the August 1945 Revolution, which demanded to this day still have to be fought
for.39 For Aidit, the revolution was essentially a struggle to overthrow the old

35
D.N. Aidit, Pilihan Tulisan Jilid II op.cit., 290.
36
Rex Mortimer, op.cit., 187.
37
Arbi Sanit, Badai Revolusi: Sketsa Kekuatan Politik PKI di Jawa Tengah dan Jawa Timur
(Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2000), 231.
38
D.N. Aidit, Revolusi Indonesia Latar Belakang Sejarah dan Hari Depannya (Jakarta: Yayasan
Pembaruan, 1964), 43.
39
Ibid., 38.

14
power, which hinders material and spiritual progress, and builds new power,
paving the way for political, economic and cultural progress.40
For Aidit the course of the Indonesian revolution could not solely be based
on the revolution socialist. Aidit stated as follows:
“Mengingat masih terbelakangnja ekonomi Indonesia, jaitu ekonomi agraris
setengah feodal jang sangat tergantung pada pasar luarnegeri, revolusi Indonesia
pada tingkat sekarang tidak mungkin mempunjai watak proletar-sosialis.
Revolusi Indonesia pada tingkat sekarang bukan hanja tidak bertugas
menghapuskan milik perseorangan atas alat produksi jang ada ditangan rakjat
Indonesia, tetapi malahan harus mempertahankan dan memberikan alat produksi
berupa tanah dengan tjuma2 kepada ber-djuta2 kaum tani dalam suatu revolusi
agraria. Dari sini djelaslah sifat bordjuasi daripada revolusi Indonesia pada
tingkat sekarang. Sifat bordjuasinja lebih jelas lagi dari keharusan revolusi
Indonesia pada tingkat sekarang membantu industri2 dan pedagang2 nasional
jang patriotik. Jang harus dilakukan oleh revolusi Indonesia pada tingkat
sekarang jalah menjita dan menasionalisasi alat2 produksi jang ada ditangan
kapitalis besar asing. Dari sini djelaslah sifat nasional daripada revolusi
Indonesia. Sesuai dengan watak revolusi Indonesia jang bukan proletar sosialis,
tetapi nasional demokratis atau bordjuis demokratis, maka pemerintah jang
harus didirikan sesuai dengan tuntutan revolusi Indonesia bukanlah pemerintah
diktatur proletariat melainkan pemerintah diktatur rakjat. Pemerintah ini
bertindak diktatoral terhadap musuh-musuh rakjat.”41

Thus, the nature of Indonesia revolution for Aidit must come the stage of
the national and democratic revolution. Its task was to run a national revolution to
overthrow the rule of imperialism, the enemy from outside and run a democratic
revolution to overthrow the feudal landlords in the country. The primary of these
two most important tasks was the national revolution to overthrow imperialism.42
According to Aidit this could be achieved by taking the path of nationalization.
Nationalization is a stage of struggle towards an independent economy.43

40
Ibid., 39.
41
D.N. Aidit, Introduksi Tentang Soal-Soal Pokok Revolusi Indonesia dalam Pilihan Tulisan Jilid
III (Jakarta: Yayasan Pembaruan, 1965), 29.
42
D.N. Aidit, Pilihan Tulisan Jilid II op.cit., 287.
43
Olle Tornquist, op.cit., 137.

15
 Aidit considered that the agrarian revolution was the essence of the
people's democratic revolution in Indonesia. The agrarian revolution was a
requirement for development, industrialization and economic prosperity for
Indonesia. With the impoverished farmers, landless or insufficient land, it was
impossible to carry out the development, industrialization, and economic welfare
of the country. So the first condition and condition that should not be missed for
the development of Indonesia, for industrialization and the country welfare, was
the implementation of the slogan “tanah untuk kaum tani”.44
Aidit shared the steps in realizing the course of revolution in the
Combination Metode Kombinasi Tiga Bentuk Perjuangan (MKTB) which is,
guerrilla struggle in villages, revolutionary actions, works well and intensively
among enemy armed forces. Socialist revolution course in Indonesia according to
Aidit should not imitate the theory of armed struggle abroad, but must adopt a
combination of three forms of struggle.45

AIDIT AND PKI

A month after the PKI temporary secretariat formation was formed, two
prominent figures from PKI group Aidit and Lukman appeared. In fact, in the
early 1949, Aidit and Lukman were in Jakarta. The issue of Aidit and Lukman's
presence in China was played in order to deceive Dutch police.46 This PKI youth
group who gave a statement about the opposition to the approval of the KMB
through the stenciled magazine Mimbar Revolusi published illegally in December
1949 in Jakarta.47
The first thing done by Aidit and Lukman when performing in the
community was to republish the Bintang Merah magazine as the centralization of
all party power to one central leadership.48 . The Bintang Merah magazine,

44
Busjarie Latif dan Lembaga Sejarah PKI, Manuskrip Sejarah 45 Tahun PKI 1920-1965
(Bandung: Ultimus, 2014), 337.
45
D.N. Aidit, Revolusi Indonesia dan Tugas-Tugas Mendesak PKI op.cit., 65.
46
Jaques Leclerc, op.cit., 102.
47
Busjarie Latif dan Lembaga Sejarah PKI, op.cit., 310.
48
D.N. Aidit, Tentang Tan Ling Dji-isme dalam Pilihan Tulisan Jilid I (Jakarta: Yayasan
Pembaruan, 1959), 268.

16
established in November 1945, which had been functioning as a theoretical
journal of the PKI, was banned in September 1948 and re-emerged since August
15, 1950, along with the official transition time of RIS to the Republic of
Indonesia (RI). Editorial secretary of Bintang Merah was Peris Pardede who
participated as editor since the beginning of this magazine. Peris residence was
used as Bintang Merah’s editorial office for a while in 1950-1951.49
PKI's new leadership struggle lied in the completion of the demands of the
national and democratic revolution embodied in liberating West Irian from the
Netherlands, removing the foreign economy and forming the national economy,
preventing Indonesia from entering the military block and maintaining peace in
Asia and the world.50 Aidit's strategy often seemed to be very contradictory to
PKI's roles under his control. In the superstructure, it played an official role but in
infrastructure run provocative actions. In fact, PKI became a driving force in the
strike actions that took place during the period of 1950-1951. The drivers of strike
action were generally carried out by SOBSI, BTI, PKI, which in turn were bad for
political situation, even for inflation in the economic sector.
The progress in the early 1950s was obtained by PKI through mass
mobilization with strikes and demonstrations. Among the workers of PKI made a
partnership with the national bourgeoisie which was generally a ruling group.51 .
In 1952 it was proved by PKI by encouraging 18,000 workers consisted of
government employees striking in West Java with demands on wage increases.52
Among the farmers, PKI was clearer for ordinary people when their expectations
of change was still very great.53 In two circles, PKI made demands for the
struggle of fate by proposing wage increases and land changes. Other support was
gained through "turba" activities to villages and activities purposed for social
welfare. Like literacy and politics courses. In support of party activities, PKI

49
Jaques Lecrec, op.cit., 103.
50
Tanya Jawab DN Aidit dengan Wladimir Baum. Lihat Bintang Merah 1956., 131.
51
Arbi Sanit, op.cit., 68.
52
Harian Rakyat, 8 Apri 1952.
53
Daniel S. Lev-Ruth McVey, Menjadikan Indonesia: Dari Membangun Bangsa menjadi
Membangun Kekuasaan (Jakarta: Hasta Mitra, 2008), 163.

17
relied on financial party resources through membership fees, productive economic
endeavors, and donations from donors.
In the midst of a dynamic national political constellation, an enormous
advance was the V PKI National Congress in Jakarta in March 1954. 54 This was
the first congress of the PKI after the Madiun 1948 event. This historic congress
was attended by PKI cadres from all regions except West Irian, and represented
49,042 members and 116,164 prospective members. Also present were delegates
from the Communist Party of Australia.55
The congress had chosen a new CC: Aidit, Achmad Sumadi,
Bachtaruddin, Djoko Sujono, Jusuf Adjitorop, Lukman, Nyoto, Nursuhud, Peris
Pardede, Sakirman, Sudisman, Supit and Zaelani.56 Besides, the results of the
congress had drawn a steady conclusion, which was to create a National Unity
Front of labors, farmers, intelligence, petty bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie
on the basis of anti-feudalism alliances rather than labors and farmers, and under
the leadership against Dutch colonialism.57 In order to widen the power of
movement, the results of the congress was paid attention to the agrarian struggle.
The activities of PKI in the later years, especially during the reign of Prime
Minister Ali Sastroamidjojo increasingly moved into the legal path.
The PKI had always pushed the ultimate goal of labors to embrace the
national bourgeoisie in order to destroy the foreign capital represented by the
imperialists. The goal was connected to the situation in November 1957 where
political tensions arose, one of them concerning West Irian issue. In December
1957, the PKI trade unions nationalized foreign assets, taking over the Dutch
shipping company KPM and the major Dutch trading companies.58 From PKI's
efforts to mobilize these workers the attention of the national political elite and
the government. Although Hatta and other Masyumi leaders condemned the
takeover and the workers failed to nationalize Royal Dutch Shell, but on

54
Busjarie Latif dan Lembaga Sejarah PKI, op.cit., 334.
55
D.N. Aidit, Pilihan Tulisan Jilid I, op.cit., 280.
56
Busjarie Latif dan Lembaga Sejarah PKI, op.cit., 334.
57
D.N. Aidit, Pilihan Tulisan Jilid I, op.cit., 287.
58
Herbert Feith, Sukarno-Militer dalam Demokrasi Terpimpin (Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, 1995), 21.

18
December 5, the Ministry of Justice ordered the expulsion of some 46,000 Dutch
citizens in Indonesia.59 PKI supported the Nationalization Law, intended to end
Dutch economic power over Indonesia. As a result, 11 Dutch companies had
successfully nationalized.60
When almost all Dutch assets were able to be taken over by the labors, the
Chief Army of Staff assigned the army control over all the expropriated
companies.61 The army immediately exploited the emergency powers of the war
to put the entire company under its control. Then after the nationalization of the
companies, the Army officers continued their participation in the management of
new companies, plantations, mining, banking and trade.62
Organizing and farmers organizing was still very limited. Aidit stated that
only about 7 percent of the peasants had been organized from the total of 70
percent farmers over the Indonesian population at that time.63 In order to achieve
the anti-feudal struggle by agrarian revolution PKI must took the path of radical
land reform.64 Land reform aimed to remove the landlord class whose land was
cultivated by the farmers, and reduce the number of farmers without land by
giving land on the basis of the land which had been worked on.65
In organizing the farmers, Aidit advised the party to focus on short-term
demands of the farmers. Questioning the decrease in land rent, lower interest, the
right to determine the amount of land rent farmers to plantations, democratization
of village officials and so on. Once organized, it should begin with concrete
action to defend the peasants, which was to spread fertilizer cheaply, to organize
the repair of irrigation channels, to build cooperatives, to teach and train farmers'
leaders, to advocate against people who brought to justice, eradicate illiteracy, and

59
M.C. Ricklefs, Sejarah Indonesia Modern 1200-2008 (Jakarta: Serambi, 2008), 542.
60
Harian Rakyat, 9 Juli 1959
61
Herbert Feith, 1995, op.cit., 22.
62
Harould Crouch, Militer dan Politik di Indonesia (Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, 1999), 38.
63
D.N. Aidit, Pilihan Tulisan Jilid I, op.cit., 234.
64
D.N. Aidit, Kobarkan Semangat Banteng: Maju Terus, Pantang Mundur! (Jakarta: Yayasan
Pembaruan 1964), 20.
65
Ernst Utrecht, Land Reform in Indonesia, Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 5(3): 71-88.
Look on Noer Fauzi Rachman, Land Reform dari Masa ke Masa (Yogyakarta: Tanah Air Beta,
2012), 48.

19
encourage the sports, art and culture of farmers.66 In this phase the slogan used by
the PKI was “aksi-kecil-hasil”, then in the 1954 PKI V Congress decision and
encouraged the 1959 National Farmers' Conference used the slogan “tanah untuk
petani dan rebut kemenangan satu demi satu”.67 By then PKI turned the farmers in
the villages. Thus in 1954 the PKI controlled the state of land and in 1957 the
plantation of lands companies belonged to foreigners such as the Netherlands, and
so on.68
The unilateral action launched by PKI did not depart from the
improvisation movement, but from experiences found based on empirical facts.
Aidit's disappointment with the implementation of the UUPA prompted him along
with the party to conduct research. For seven weeks, from 2 February to 23 March
1964, Aidit led a research group of 40 people and for each worked with farmer
leaders’ team at the sub-district and village levels.69
The research results underlined the importance of communist integration
with farmers. Because farmers played important roles in the revolution such as: 1.
Sources of food, 2. Sources of revolutionary soldiers, 3. Place to retreat when hit
in cities, 4. Bases to carry out attacks and reclaim cities.70 PKI encouraged
farmers to mobilize themselves when the landlords cooperated with the village
authorities did not want to implement the UUPA. The PKI claimed that the results
of the research which led to the mobilization of the peasants in the land reform
movement led to an increase in the number of PKI members from the farmers.
Recorded at the end of 1963 before the research of 7.099.103 members and the
end of 1964 after the research became 8.500.000 members.71

CONCLUSION

66
D.N. Aidit, Pilihan Tulisan Jilid I, op.cit., 166.
67
Busjarie Latif dan Lembaga Sejarah PKI, op.cit., 370.
68
Donald Hindley, The Communist Party of Indonesia 1951-1963 (Berkeley and Los Angels:
University of California, 1964), lihat Arbi Sanit, op.cit., 153.
69
D.N. Aidit, Kaum Tani Mengganyang Setan-Setan Desa (Jakarta: Yayasan Pembaruan, 1964), 7.
70
Ibid., 12.
71
Busjarie Latif dan Lembaga Sejarah PKI, op.cit., 405.

20
Aidit’s birthplace in Belitung encouraged him to have emancipation to the poor. It
was formed from the association of little Aidit who spent much time playing with
the children of the fishermen and hanging out with tin workers. The sociological
conditions of Belitung community that were close to religious activity provide a
spiritual value in shaping Aidit's disciplinary character.
When he arrived in Jakarta his struggle was dedicated for the labors. Aidit
joined the youths at Asrama Menteng Raya 31, formed the Gerakan Indoensia
Merdeka (Gerindom) in 1943 and mobilized the labors’ vehicles in Jakarta so that
he was trusted by the labors to be the vice chairman of the Persatuan Buruh
Kendaraan (PBK). In Jakarta, Aidit spent his time in organization, for him
politically trusted by organization to transform many weak poor to be strong.
His intersection with the practice of political education made Aidit dare to
produce theoretical and practical ideas on his experimental reading from Marx and
Lenin works. From Marx, Aidit drew conclusions on the history of society and
was able to create sharp analysis of Indonesian society history development. It can
be seen from the socio-political structure that shaped Indonesian society which
made Aidit conclude Indonesia was a half-colonialized and hald-feudal country.
From Lenin, Stalin and Mao Tse Tung Aidit concluded that development
movement of capitalism in Indonesia was different. The theories of liberation
movement against its people must also be adapted to the conditions in Indonesia.
Because in Indonesia, most people were came from agrarian society, they must
struggle to pay attention for their life. It is necessary to do the Indonesianization
fromMarxism-Leninism which was then represented by Aidit through his thoughts
on the emphasis of the agrarian struggle.
The Indonesianization of Aidit's marxism-leninism was well-defined in his
thoughts when he became PKI's leader in the early 1950s. For him, the class
struggle can be done while walking, more importantly, in national liberation. The
points of thought on the Indonesianization of Aidit's marxime-leninism were
evident in his analysis of the historical development of Indonesian society and the
two-stage national and democratic revolution he initiated. That was to run a
national revolution to overthrow the imperialist powers, the enemy from outside

21
and run a democratic revolution to overthrow the powers of the feudal lords in the
country. The primary of these two most important tasks was the national
revolution to overthrow imperialism. According to Aidit this could be achieved by
taking the path of nationalization. Nationalization was a stage in a struggle toward
an independent economy.
The Indonesianization idea of Aidit’s Marxism-Leninism were
emphasized on the importance of proper organization. This was evidenced by the
fact that PKI became the fourth largest party in a vote in the 1955 elections. The
obvious fact that Aidit was influential in politic was not because of personal
relations, but because Aidit led a mass organization, which had defended PKI's
general view as a machines that function rationally, not patron-clients, were very
different from the tangle of patronage relationships exhibited by most other
parties of the day. Syahdan, PKI ideology and practice harmony was proven
relatively large. PKI under Aidit's leadership did not rely on mass support based
on primordial sentiments. PKI under Aidit's leadership emphasized that the party
would continue to appear visible through its activities in order to attract
significant mass to fulfill its ambition to become a big party as well as a party of
cadres. Therefore, Indonesian-Marxism-Leninism was the main project of the PKI
under Aidit's leadership which emphasized that the languages of Marxism-
Leninism could be recognized by people who were encouraged to engage in
politics.
This was evidenced when PKI managed to mobilize the labors in 1950-
1960 period which led to the nationalization movement of assets, and involved the
labors and farmers in confrontation with the imperialists in the project to seize
West Irian and crush Malaysia in the early 1960s. That time too PKI under the
leadership of Aidit managed to create the agrarian revolution with the birth of the
UUPA and mass mobilization through land reform movement aimed to eliminate
oppression and create farmers welfare. Although PKI had to end by the 30th
September Movement of 1965, it had proved that the PKI under Aidit’s leadership
was a massive, disciplined and organized party.

22
REFERENCES
A. Book:
Aidit, D.N. 1959. Pilihan Tulisan D.N. Aidit Jilid I. Jakarta: Yayasan
Pembaruan.
________. 1960. Pilihan Tulisan D.N. Aidit Jilid II. Jakarta: Yayasan
Pembaruan.
________. 1965. Pilihan Tulisan D.N. Aidit Jilid III. Jakarta: Yayasan
Pembaruan.
________. 1964. Tentang Marxisme. Jakarta: Akademi Ilmu Sosial
Aliarcham.
________. 1964. Revolusi Indonesia dan Tugas-Tugas Mendesak PKI.
Peking: Pusat Bahasa Asing.
_________. 1964. Kaum Tani Mengganyang Setan-Setan Desa. Jakarta:
Yayasan Pembaruan.
_________. 1964. Revolusi Indonesia Latar Belakang Sejarah dan Hari
Depannya. Jakarta: Yayasan Pembaruan.
_________. 1964. Kobarkan Semangat Banteng! Maju Terus, Pantang
Mundur!. Jakarta: Yayasan Pembaruan.
Aidit, Murad. 2006. Aidit Sang Legenda. Jakarta: Panta Rei.
Aidit, Sobron. 2003. Aidit: Abang, Sahabat dan Guru di Masa
Pergolakan. Bandung: Nuansa Cendekia.
Alam, Ibarruri Putri. 2006. Roman Biografis Ibarruri Putri Alam Anak
Sulung D.N. Aidit. Jakarta: Hasta Mitra.
Crouch, Harould. 1999. Militer dan Politik di Indonesia. Jakarta: Sinar
Harapan.
Feith, Herbert. 1995. Soekarno-Militer dalam Demokrasi Terpimpin.
Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan.
Kahin, George McTurnan. 2013. Nasionalisme dan Revolusi Indonesia.
Depok: Komunitas Bambu.

23
 Kurniawan, Budi dan Yani Andriansyah. 2005. Menolak Menyerah:
Menyingkap Tabir Keluarga Aidit. Yogyakarta: ERA Publisher.
Latif, Busjarie dan Lembaga Sejarah PKI. 2014. Manuskrip Sejarah 45
Tahun PKI 1920-1965. Bandung: Ultimus.
Leclerc, Jaques. 2011. Mencari Kiri: Kaum Revolusioner Indonesia dan
Revolusi Mereka. Jakarta: Marjin Kiri.
Lev, Daniel S. And Team. 2008. Menjadikan Indonesia: Dari Membangun
Bangsa Menjadi Membangun Kekuasaan. Jakarta: Hasta Mitra.
Mortimer, Rex. 2011. Indonesian Communism Under Sukarno: Ideologi
dan Politik 1959-1965. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar.
Mulyanto, Dede. 2010. Kapitalisme: Perspektif Sosio-Historis. Bandung:
Ultimus.
Rachman, Fauzi. 2012. Land Reform dari Masa ke Masa. Yogyakarta:
Tanah Air Beta.
Ricklefs, M.C. 2008. Sejarah Indonesia Modern 1200-2008. Jakarta:
Serambi.
Sanit, Arbi. 2000. Badai Revolusi: Sketsa Kekuatan Politik PKI di Jawa
Tengah dan Jawa Timur. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar.
Suroso, Suar. 2013. Akar dan Dalang: Pembantaian Manusia Tak Berdosa
dan Penggulingan Bung Karno. Bandung: Ultimus.
Suseno, Franz Magnis. 2010. Pemikiran Karl Marx: Dari Sosialisme
Utopis ke Perselisihan Revisionisme. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama.
Tornquist, Olle. 2011. Penghancuran PKI. Depok: Komunitas Bambu.
B. Magazine
Bintang Merah
C. Newspaper
Harian Rakyat

24