ZÄS 135 (2008) D.
Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
DAVID KLOTZ
Domitian at the Contra-Temple of Karnak
Hierzu Tafel XVII–XVIII
* 3
“Not only were Domitian and his planners interested
in the axial alignment of his monuments (. . .) but
they wanted to assert the Flavian ascendancy by
possession of the most venerated, or, at least, the
most ancient sites in the city.”
D’Ambra, Private Lives, Imperial Virtues, pp. 45–
46.
During the rather turbulent reign of Domi-
tian, which ended in his assassination and sub-
sequent damnatio memoriae, Egypt had little effect
on the Roman Empire apart from its usual agri-
1
cultural and economic importance . The only
particularly Egyptian episode involving Domi-
tian was early in his career, when he disguised
himself as an Isiac priest and hid in the Sarapei-
2
on of Rome to save his life . Domitian later re-
stored the Iseum and Serapeum located in the
* This is an expanded version of a paper presented
at the 2007 meeting of the American Research Center
in Egypt, and an elaboration on material covered in the
author’s Ph.D. Dissertation “Kneph: The Religion of
Roman Thebes” (Yale University, 2008). The author
would like to thank Prof. John C. Darnell, as always, for
many fascinating and useful suggestions and comments
which are found throughout this article, as well as Prof.
Hans-Werner Fischer-Elfert for further comments.
1
For the reign of Domitian, see A. Ga r zetti, trans.
J. R. Foster, From Tiberius to the Antonines: A History
of the Roman Empire, AD 14 –192 (London, 1974),
pp. 265 – 95; B. W. J ones, The Emperor Domitian
(New York, 1992); P. Southe r n, Domitian: Tragic
Tyrant (New York, 1997); for the details of the damnatio
memoriae of Domitian and the proscription of his titulary
from public monuments, cf. A. Mar t in, La titulature
épigraphique de Domitien, Beiträge zur klassischen
Philologie 181 (Frankfurt am Main, 1987); E. R. Var -
ner , Mutilation and Transformation: Damnatio Memoriae
and Roman Imperial Portraiture, Monumenta Graeca et
Romana 10 (Leiden, 2004), pp. 111 – 135.
2
Taci tus, Hist., III, 74; Suetoni us, Domitian, I, 4.
63
*
Campus Martius , and commissioned the erec-
tion of a large obelisk inscribed with hiero-
4
glyphs . Domitian’s reign also saw the erection
5
of two additional obelisks in Benevento .
In Egypt, religious life proceeded as usual,
and in fact the reign of Domitian appears to
have seen a surge in religious activity relative to
those of his predecessors, Vespasian and Titus .
6
3
K. Lembk e, Das Iseum Campense in Rom: Stu-
die über den Isiskult unter Domitian, Archäologie und
Geschichte 3 (Heidelberg, 1994).
4
For this obelisk, now in the Piazza Navona, see
E. Iv er sen, Obelisks in Exile, I: The Obelisks of Ro-
me (Copenhagen, 1968), pp. 80 –2; L. Hab a chi, The
Obelisks of Egypt. Skyscrapers of the Past (New York,
1977), pp. 141 –4; J.-C. Gr eni er , “Les inscriptions
hiéroglyphiques de l’obélisque Pamphili. Un témoi-
gnage méconnu sur l’avènement de Domitien,” Mé-
moire de l’école française de Rome. Section Antiquité
99/2 (1987): 937– 961; idem, “L’obelisco di Domiziano
nel Circo di Massenzio,” in: La Villa di Massenzio sulla
Via Appia, II. Il Circo (Rome, 1999), pp. 128–141.
5
H. W. Müll er , Der Isiskult im antiken Benevent
und Katalog der Skulpturen aus den ägyptischen Heilig-
tümern im Museo del Sannio zu Benevent, MÄS 16
(Berlin, 1969), p. 82; E. Iv er sen, “The Inscriptions
from the Obelisks of Benevento,” Acta Orientalia 35
(1973): 15 –28; F. Colin, “Domitien, Julie et Isis au
pays des Hirpins (CIL IX 1153 et l’obélisque de Bé-
névent),” CdE 68 (1993): 247–60.
6
For the Egyptian religious activity during the reign
of Domitian, cf. M. Mala ise, Les conditions de pé-
nétration et de diffusion des cultes égyptiens en Italie,
ÉPRO 22 (Leiden, 1972), pp. 144– 7; L. K ák osy,
“Probleme der Religion im römerzeitlichen Ägypten,”
in: ANRW II.18.5 (Berlin; New York, 1995), pp. 2915–
6; D. Ar nold , Temples of the Last Pharaohs (New
York, 1999), pp. 260 –3; G. H ölbl, Altägypten im
Römischen Reich. Der Römische Pharao und seine
Tempel, I: Römische Politik und altägyptische Ideologie
von Augustus bis Diocletian, Tempelbau in Oberägyp-
ten (Mainz am Rhein, 2000), pp. 35 – 6.
64 D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
7 19
Just as in Rome and the other provinces , Domi-
tian’s reign is notable for the extensive temple
construction and decoration projects in Egypt;
as with other Roman emperors, this building
program was focused primarily on Upper Egypt
8
and the Oases . Domitian built, renovated, or
9 10
decorated temples in Hermopolis , Akhmim ,
11 12 13 14
Dendera , Coptos , Esna , Kom Ombo , Kom
15 16 17 18
er-Resras , Aswan , Dush , Deir el-Haggar ,
7
For the prolific building activity of Domitian in
Rome itself, cf. J ones, The Emperor Domitian, pp.
79 –98; Sout her n, Domitian: Tragic Tyrant, pp. 126 –
132; M. E. Bl ak e, Roman Construction in Italy from
Tiberius through the Flavians, Carnegie Institution of
Washington Publication 616 (Baltimore, 1959), pp. 99–
124, 134 –141; J. B. War d -Per k ins, Roman Impe-
rial Architecture (London, 1981), pp. 73– 84; E.
D’Am br a, Private Lives, Imperial Virtues: The Frieze
of the Forum Transitorium in Rome (Princeton, 1993),
pp. 26– 46; J. W. Stampe r , The Architecture of Ro-
man Temples: the Republic to the Middle Empire
(Cambridge, 2005), pp. 159 – 72. For the provinces, cf.
Gar ze tti, From Tiberius to the Antonines, pp. 278,
651– 3.
8
The new temple constructions, but not the decora-
tion programs, are summarized by Ar nold , Temples of
the Last Pharaohs, pp. 260 –3; an extensive list of
Domitian’s titulary on monuments and documents can
be found in J.-C. Gr eni er , Les titulatures des em-
pereurs romains dans les documents en langue égyp-
tienne, Papyrologica Bruxellensia 22 (Brussels, 1989),
pp. 40–5.
9
S. R. Sna pe, A Temple of Domitian at El-
Ashmunein, British Museum Occasional Paper No. 68
(London, 1989).
10
K. P. Kuhlmann, Materialien zur Archäologie
und Geschichte des Raumes von Achmim, DAIK Son-
derschrift 11 (Mainz am Rhein, 1983), p. 45.
11
Construction of the Propylon: PM VI, p. 43.
12
Construction of bridges: C. Tr aun eck er , Coptos.
Hommes et Dieux sur le parvis de Geb, OLA 43 (Leu-
ven, 1992), § 22; A. B er nan d , La prose sur pierre dans
l’Égypte hellénistique et romaine, I (Paris, 1992),
pp. 136 – 9; II, pp. 154 – 5.
13
Domitian’s reign saw the completion of a large
amount of the interior decoration, especially the col-
umns; see the indices in Esna II, p. 321; Esna III,
pp. xxii and 392; Esna IV:1, p. xviii.
14
J. d e Mor gan, Kôm Ombo I, Nos. 58–75; II,
Nos. 957–9; for the dedication of the Hathor chapel, cf.
M. McCr u m and A. G. Wo od hea d , eds., Select
Documents of the Principates of the Flavian Empe-
rors Including the Year of Revolution, A.D. 68–96
(Cambridge, 1961), p. 63, No. 178.
15
A. H. Sa y ce, “Excavations at Gebel Silsila,”
ASAE 8 (1907): 102–5.
ZÄS 135 (2008)
and Bahariya . Temple construction and decora-
tion under Domitian was just as prolific in The-
20
bes, specifically in the temples of Deir Shelwit ,
21 22
Medamud , Medinet Habu , and most impor-
tantly Karnak.
With the number of obelisks built in Rome
during the reign of Domitian (cf. supra) it is
quite interesting that the only modifications in
Karnak took place at the contra-temple of East
23
Karnak , an edifice which faced the famous
16
C. d e Wit, “Les inscriptions du temple de Domi-
tian à Assouan,” CdE 35 (1960): 108– 19; H. J ar itz,
“Untersuchungen zum ‘Tempel des Domitian’ in As-
suan,” MDAIK 31 (1975): 237–57.
17
P. Dils, Der Tempel von Dusch. Publikation und
Untersuchungen eines ägyptischen Provinztempels der
römischen Zeit (Disst.; Cologne, 2000), pp. 14 –5.
18
O. E. Kape r , “Temple Building in the Egyptian
Deserts during the Roman Period,” in O. E. Kape r ,
ed., Life on the Fringe: Living in the Southern Egyptian
Deserts during the Roman and early-Byzantine Periods,
CNWS Publications 71 (Leiden, 1998), p. 149.
19
F. Colin, “Un temple en activité sous Domitien
au Kôm al-Cheikh Ahmad (Bahariya) d’après une dédi-
cace grecque récemment découverte,” BIFAO 104
(2004): 103 –33; the Naos of Domitian in the Egyptian
Museum is of uncertain provenance: V. R ond ot, “Le
naos de Domitien, Toutou, et les sept flèches,” BIFAO
90 (1990): 303 – 37; it is also worthy of note that during
this reign the Buchis bull of Armant was properly bur-
ied and commemorated with a traditional funerary stela,
for which see L. G old br unner , Buchis: eine Unter-
suchung zur Theologie des heiligen Stieres in Theben
zur griechisch-römischen Zeit, Monographies Reine
Élisabeth 11 (Brepols, 2003), pp. 72 – 3, 115, 158, Pl. 8.
20
Completion of the decoration of the Propylon,
begun by Galba, Otho, and Vespasian: C. Z iv ie ,
Le temple de Deir Chelouit, I, Nos. 34 –35.
21
Decoration of the exterior wall, first major work
there since Tiberius: PM V, p. 142 (53)–(61).
22
Gate apparently built behind the 18th Dynasty
Temple: PM II2, p. 475; U. Hölsc her , The Excavation
of Medinet Habu, II: The Temple of the Eighteenth
Dynasty, OIP 41 (Chicago, 1939), p. 62, Pl. 42.
23
PM II2, pp. 215-8; A. Varille, “Description som-
maire du sanctuaire oriental d’Amon-Rê à Karnak,”
ASAE 50 (1950): 137 –247; P. Bar gu et, Le temple
d’Amon-Rê à Karnak: essai d’exégèse, RAPH 21 (Cairo,
1962), pp. 220–3; C. F. Ni ms, “The Eastern Temple of
Karnak,” in: Aufsätze zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert
Ricke, BeiträgeBf 12 (Mainz, 1971), pp. 107–11; W.
Gugli elmi, “Die Funktion von Tempeleingang und
Gegentempel als Gebetsort. Zur Deutung einiger Wid-
der- und Gansstelen des Amun,” in R. Gund lach and
M. Rochholz, eds., Ägyptische Tempel – Struktur,
Funktion und Programm, HÄB 37 (Hildesheim,
ZÄS 135 (2008) D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
24
“sole obelisk” (Lateran obelisk) . This obelisk
was the largest in all of Egypt, and it was said to
have “dominated the whole structure” of Kar-
th 25
nak until the 4 century CE . The contra-
temple, begun by Hatshepsut and completed by
Thutmosis III, was placed against the rear exte-
rior wall of the main Amun temple. Other simi-
larly placed shrines are often associated with
popular cults, as places where those not permit-
ted to enter into the inner sanctuary could still
26
approach the divine . Indeed the contra-temple
of Karnak, with its Osiride statues, obelisks, and
statues of Amun and Amunet literally repro-
duced on a smaller scale the view that one would
27
have entering the main Amun temple . Exam-
ples of such shrines abound in the Graeco-
1994), pp. 59– 60; L. Bell, “The New Kingdom ‘Divi-
ne’ Temple: The Example of Luxor,” in B. E. Shaf er ,
ed., Temples of Ancient Egypt (Ithaca, 1997), pp. 181,
300– 1, n. 172. Contra-temples were built at all other
major temples of Karnak; cf. F. L ar och e and
C. Tr aune c k er , “La chapelle adossée au temple de
Khonsou,” Cahiers de Karnak 6 (1980): 174.
24
P. Bar gue t, “L’obélisque de Saint-Jean-de-
Latran dans le Temple de Ramsès II à Karnak,” ASAE
50 (1950): 269 – 80; C. De sr och es-N o bleco ur t, “À
propos de l’obélisque Saint-Jean-de-Latran et d’un
sanctuaire en vogue à Karnak à la fin de la XVIIIe dy-
nastie,” ASAE 50 (1950): 257 –67; K. Mar t in, Ein
Garantsymbol des Lebens, HÄB 3 (Hildesheim, 1977),
pp. 159 – 171; Hab achi, The Obelisks of Egypt, pp.
112– 7; M. A zim, “La fouille de la cour du VIIIe pylô-
ne,” Cahiers de Karnak VI (1980): 124 –7, Fig. 13;
G. Fowd en, “Nicagoras of Athens and the Lateran
Obelisk,” JHS 107 (1987): 51–57; B. Br yan, The Reign
of Thutmose IV (Baltimore, 1991), pp. 176-9; L. Bell,
“Divine Kingship and the Theology of the Obelisk Cult
in the Temples of Thebes,” in H. Beinlich, J. Hallof,
H. Hu ssy, and C. von Pfeil, eds., 5. Ägyptologische
Tempeltagung, Würzburg, 23.–26. September 1999,
ÄAT 33 (Wiesbaden, 2002), pp. 23– 6.
25
Ammian us M ar cell inus, Res Gestae, XVII,
4.12.
26
Only a certain class of priests were given full ac-
cess to the main temple of Amun; cf. J. M. Kr uchte n,
Les annales des prêtres de Karnak (XXI– XXIIImes
Dynasties) et autres textes contemporains relatifs à
l’initiation des prêtres d’Amon, OLA 32 (Leuven, 1989),
pp. 251 – 63.
27
Noted by L. G a bold e, Le “Grand Chateau
d’Amon” de Sésostris Ier à Karnak. La décoration du
temple d’Amon-Rê au Moyen Empire, MAIBL, N.S. 17
(Paris, 1998), § 21.
65
28
Roman period , and similar practices existed
29
already in the New Kingdom .
In a text listing his various building projects
at Thebes, Thutmosis III refers to the contra-
temple as “a proper place of the ear (s.t mt.t nt
30
msDr)” . Ptolemaic period inscriptions from the
31
East Temple of Ramesses II , placed directly to
the east of the contra-temple, confirm that this
32
continued as a place of popular worship . There
Amun is specifically designated as “Amun who
33
hears prayers (Imn sDm nH.wt)” , also said to
28
E.g. at Dendera, Kom Ombo, and Dush; cf.
A. Gutbub, “Eléments préfigurant le relief cultuel de
Kom Ombo,” in H. Mae hler and V. Str oc k a, eds.,
Das ptolemäische Ägypten (Mainz, 1978), pp. 165 –76;
P. Dils, Der Tempel von Dusch, pp. 219–224;
C. Z iv ie, et al., Le temple de Deir Chelouit, IV: Étude
architecturale (Cairo, 1992), pp. 50 – 1; for comparable
devotional sites on exterior walls at Thebes, cf. P. J.
Br and , “A Graffito of Amen-Re in Luxor Temple
restored by the High Priest Menkheperre,” in G. K.
Knop per s and A. Hir sc h, eds., Egypt, Israel, and the
Ancient Mediterranean World. Studies in Honor of
Donald B. Redford, PdÄ 20 (Leiden, 2004), pp. 257–
266; idem, “Veils, Votives, and Marginalia: The Use of
Sacred Space at Karnak and Luxor,” in P. F. D or ma n
and B. M. Br yan, eds., Sacred Space and Sacred Func-
tion in Ancient Thebes, SAOC 61 (Chicago, 2007),
pp. 59– 65.
29
W. J. Mur nane, “False Doors and Cult Practices
Inside Luxor Temple,” in: P. Posener - Kr iég er , ed.,
Mélanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar, II, BdE 97 (Cairo,
1985), pp. 135 – 148; L. Bell, “Luxor Temple and the
Cult of the Royal Ka,” JNES 44 (1985): 270 –1.
30
C. F. Nim s, “Thutmosis III’s Benefactions to
Amon,” in Studies in Honor of John A. Wilson, SAOC
35 (Chicago, 1969), pp. 70, cols. X + 13, 73.
31
For this temple, cf. Bar gu et, Le temple d’Amon-
Rê à Karnak, pp. 223 – 42; L. Gal let, “A propos d’un
bas-relief ptolémaïque: le bloc Berlin Inv. 2116,”
BIFAO 101 (2001): 183– 96; J.-F. Ca r lotti and L.
Galle t, “Le temple d’Amon-qui-écoute-les-prières à
Karnak. Œuvre de Ramsès II ou d’un prédécesseur?” in
J.-C. Goyo n and C. Car d in, eds., Proceedings of the
Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, I, OLA
150 (Leuven, 2007), pp. 271 – 82. Lætitia Gallet is pre-
paring a full publication of this monument (Galle t,
BIFAO 101 [2001]: 183).
32
For the connection between the contra-temple
and the East temple, cf. Nims, in Fs. Ricke, 107 – 11;
Guglielmi, in Gundlach and Rochholz, eds.,
Ägyptische Tempel – Struktur, Funktion und Pro-
gramm, pp. 59 – 60; Bell, in Sha fer , ed., Temples of
Ancient Egypt, pp. 300 – 1, n. 172.
33
E.g. Urk. VIII, 161b, 165b; Bar guet, Le temple
d’Amon-Rê à Karnak, p. 233, line 1; the temple is
66 D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
34
“listen to supplications (ndb spr.w)” , to be
35
“mighty of hearing (on m sDm)” and “open of
36
ears (wbA anx.wy)” . This form of Amun is said
to heal and to protect those who are loyal to
37
him . In the same texts, elements of the popular
38
cult are briefly alluded to :
nis n=f nTr.w mry.w
wn-aA.wy-p.t m sns n Hr=f
Gods and commoners call unto him,
39
the “Opener of the Doors of Heaven” worships
40
before him .
referred to as “this good place of hearing prayers
(s.t tn nfr.t nt sDm nH.wt)” (ibid., pp. 234– 5, col. 5); for
the cult of “Amun who hears” at East Karnak, see
A. Sa d ek , Popular Religion in Egypt during the New
Kingdom, HÄB 27 (Hildesheim, 1987), p. 46; Mur -
nane , in Mélanges Mokhtar, II, p. 148, n. 40; for gen-
eral remarks on “Amun who hears,” cf. G. Wagner
and J. Qua egeb e ur , “Dédicace grecque au dieu
Mestasytmis,” BIFAO 73 (1973): 54 –8; W. Gug-
lielmi , “Zur Bedeutung von Symbolen der Persön-
lichen Frömmigkeit: die verschiedenfarbigen Ohren
und das Ka-Zeichen,” ZÄS 118 (1991): 116– 27; The
Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs and Inscriptions at Luxor
Temple, 2: The Facade, Portals, Upper Register Scenes,
Columns, Marginalia, and Statuary in the Colonnade
Hall, OIP 116 (Chicago, 1994), p. 55; for places
of making “prayers (nH.wt)” in Late temples, cf. also
C. Tr a uneck er , Coptos, pp. 164– 5, n. (f).
34
Bar g uet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak, p. 236,
col. 2.
35
Barguet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak,
p. 236, col. 4; for this epithet, see P. Wilson, A Ptole-
maic Lexikon, OLA 78 (Leuven, 1997), p. 1061.
36
Barguet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak,
p. 235, col. 8; for this epithet, cf. also Tr aun eck er ,
Coptos, p. 223, n.b.; D. Kl otz, Adoration of the Ram:
Five Hymns to Amun-Re from Hibis Temple, YES 6
(New Haven, 2006), pp. 169 – 70, n.c.
37
Urk. VIII, 161b: “mighty in sustaining life (on m
sanx)”; Bar guet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak,
pp. 236 – 7, cols. 5 – 6: “tireless in healing (tm wrD n
snb) . . . who lets breathe the throats of gods, men,
birds, snakes, and fish (sro Hty.t nTr.w rmT Apd.w HfA.w
rm.w)”; ibid., pp. 234– 5, col. 7: “nest of air for all noses,
great of marvels in rescuing (from) pestilence (sS n TAw r
fnD nb, aSA biA.wt n Sd (m) iAd.t)”; ibid., pp. 233– 4, l. 2:
“giving breath to everybody there (Hr rdi.t Xnm.t n bw nb
im)” (for this spelling of Xnm.t “breath,” instead of wp.t
as read by Ba r guet, op. cit., p. 234, see S. Sau ner on ,
La porte ptolémaïque de l’enceinte de Mout à Karnak,
MIFAO 107 [Cairo, 1983], p. 32).
38
Barguet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak,
pp. 234 – 5, col. 4.
39
For this priestly title associated with Amun, see
most recently: I. Guer m eur , Les cultes d’Amon hors
ZÄS 135 (2008)
41
The presence of mry.w “commoners” invok-
ing the divinity recalls other descriptions of pub-
lic cult practices in Karnak. A foundation stela
of Tiberius commemorates efforts taken to pro-
tect “all commoners who come to bring their
tribute, encircling it (sc. Mut temple) in order to
make their supplications (mry.w nb.w ii.(w) r mzi
42
inw=sn, pXr=sn sw r nH(.t) spr.w=sn)” . Thiers
assumed that these commoners were unwel-
come in the Mut Temple, and doubted that the
tribute (inw) “dont il est difficile d’appréhender
le sens réel” was related to religious ceremo-
43
nies . However, a hymn to Imhotep, also from
the time of Tiberius, explains precisely what
kind of tribute (inw) is brought by the masses :
44
de Thèbes. Recherches de géographie religieuse, Biblio-
thèque de l’École des Hautes Études, Sciences Religieu-
ses, Vol. 123 (Brepols, 2005), p. 28, n. (e) (and the refer-
ences cited therein).
40
Compare similar descriptions from the Graeco-
Roman Period: “It is the ‘Opener of the Doors of Hea-
ven’ who conducts rituals for his (sc. Amun’s) Ka
(wn-aA.wy-nw-p.t ir x.t n kA=f )” (Edfou I2, 338, 7 = Ed-
fou XV, Pl. 9b); “the ‘Opener of the Doors of Heaven’
praises him (sc. Amun) (HfA sw wn-aA.wy-p.t)” (Esna II,
25, 11A) graffito of two high-ranking priests beseeching
Amun is inscribed in a niche on the southern edge of
the East temple: C. Tr au neck e r , “Les graffiti des
frères Harsaisis et Haremheb. Une famille de prêtres
sous les derniers Ptolémées,” in W. Clar yss e, et al.,
eds., Egyptian religion: the last thousand years. Studies
dedicated to the memory of Jan Quaegebeur, II, OLA
84 (Leuven, 1998), pp. 1191 – 1229; esp. p. 1200.
41
For the original nuances of the term mry.w, cf.
S. All am, “Une classe ouvrière: les merit,” in B. Men u,
ed., La dépendance rurale dans l’Antiquité égyptienne
et proche-orientale, BdE 140 (Cairo, 2004), pp. 123– 55.
42
Stela BM 398, lines 5 – 7; A. E rman, “Geschicht-
liche Inschriften aus dem Berliner Museum,” ZÄS 38
(1900): 124; C. Thier s, “Civils et militaires dans les
temples: Occupation illicite et expulsion,” BIFAO 95
(1995): 505 – 6, 511; Hölbl , Der Römische Pharao und
seine Tempel, I, p. 25, Abb. 19.
43
Thier s, BIFAO 95 (1995): 506, n. 1.
44
Urk. VIII, 213 (4)– (5); for this hymn, cf. S. S au-
ner on , “Un hymne à Imouthès,” BIFAO 63 (1965):
73 –87; D. Wild ung, Imhotep und Amenhotep: Gott-
werdung im alten Ägypten, MÄS 36 (Munich, 1973),
pp. 207 – 9; idem, Egyptian Saints. Deification in Pha-
raonic Egypt (New York, 1977), pp. 58– 9; M. Lich t -
heim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, III: The Late
Period (Los Angeles, 1980), pp. 104 – 7; C. Leitz , Quel-
lentexte zur ägyptischen Religion I: Die Tempelinschrif-
ten der griechisch-römischen Zeit, Einführungen und
ZÄS 135 (2008) D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
TAy.w Hr swAS=k Hm.wt Hr Hf=k
nty.w iwty.w Hr siw bnr=k
Dr snb=k [s]t
twt ir anx=sn
smAw.n=k nHp it=k
mzi=sn n=k inw=sn
rmn=sn n=k gA.wt=sn
xrp=sn n=k ixt=sn
n ib TAms=k m gs-pxA
sam=k m Dsr
Men worship you, women revere you,
those with and those without praise your sweetness,
since you healed [th]em.
You are the one who made their lives,
having renewed the potter’s wheel of your father.
Just as they bring to your their tribute,
so do they carry their vessels to you,
so they might consecrate for your their offerings,
from the desire that you eat of the bread,
and that you might drink of the beer.
This passage from the Imhotep hymn beauti-
fully describes popular religious practices of
Roman Period Thebes. Commoners could ap-
proach the contra-temple of the Ptah sanctuary,
bringing gifts of food and beer for the god who
healed them .
45
At Luxor Temple, the Eastern gate to the Co-
lonnade hall of Ramesses II was also a place for
46
the common people (rxy.t) to make prayers . A
text on the Kushite chapel of Osiris-Heqa-Djet,
also in East Karnak, similarly mentions a gate
47
for “popular worship (dwA rxy.t)” . The interior
reveals of the Ptolemaic gate in the temple of
Ramesses II at East Karnak, meanwhile, con-
tains the label “all commoners worship (dwA-
Quellentexte zur Ägyptologie, Band 2 (Münster, 2004),
pp. 113, 116–7, Text B.
45
See already the comments of Sau ner on , BIFAO
63 (1965): 85, n. (tt), regarding this passage: “Il s’agit
des offrandes que déposent les ‘consultants’, soit pour
obtenir l’intervention du dieu, soit pour remercier de sa
bienveillance, si le malade a guéri (. . .) le sens pourrait
aussi bien être que les malades font une offrande (ali-
mentaire) au dieu.”
46
PM II2, 306–7 (19); T. Grothoff, Die Torna-
men der ägyptischen Tempel, Aegyptiaca Monasterien-
sia 1 (Aachen, 1996), pp. 67 – 70, 384– 5; Bell, in Sha-
fer , ed., Temples of Ancient Egypt, p. 167, Fig. 71.
47
Grothoff, Die Tornamen der ägyptischen Tem-
pel, pp. 103, 454.
67
rxy.t nb),” as well as similar icons for all gods,
48
trees, and plants . The eastern location for all of
these popular shrines may have some solar con-
notations (cf. infra), but may also be explained
since the general population of Thebes would
have lived to the east of the temples, just like
today.
The location of the contra-temple and its
connection to the East Temple of Karnak high-
light its function as a place for the general popu-
lace to make praise and supplications to Amun.
Therefore it is somewhat surprising that the
texts added during the reign of Domitian, at a
time when popular cult practices were if any-
49
thing on the rise , mention nothing about mak-
ing supplications or about “Amun who hears
prayers.” Nonetheless, these Roman period texts
do not represent a late reinterpretation of the
religious significance of this edifice. Rather, as
will be seen by studying the inscriptions of
Domitian, these texts explain certain features of
the contra-temple and East Temple which have
50
heretofore been unrecognized .
After the Thirtieth Dynasty no further build-
ing activity took place in the contra-temple until
the reign of Domitian. At this time, decoration
of the encasements of the two flanking obelisks
of Hatshepsut was completed with reliefs on the
51
north wall of the north obelisk , and the south
48
Bar guet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak, p.
238, with a good photo on Pl. XXXIb; for similarly
elaborate variations on this emblem, cf. A. el- Hami d
Z ayed , “Miscellaneous Notes. I: Some Variations on
the rxjj.t Symbol,” ASAE 57 (1962): 115 – 120; for an
interpretation of this emblem, see especially Bell, in
Shaf e r , ed., Temples of Ancient Egypt, pp. 164 – 7; for
another example of a gate for “popular worship,” see
Ch. Thier s, Tôd II, No. 286, 2.
49
D. Fr ank fur ter , Religion in Roman Egypt: as-
similation and resistance (Princeton, 1998).
50
Cf. the recent comments of Cabrol regarding the
East Temple: “L’importance de l’ouverture vers l’est du
temple de Karnak est évidente. Mais le matériel hétéro-
clite et dispersé de Karnak-est ne permet pas d’en con-
naître toutes les facettes fonctionnelles (. . .) L’im-
portance de l’une de ses issues les plus vitales et
fréquentées de Karnak est aujourd’hui occultée par la
pauvreté du matériel archéologique” (Cabr o l, Les
voies processionnelles de Thèbes, pp. 700– 1).
51
PM II2, p. 218 (41); Var i lle, ASAE 50 (1950):
161– 2, Pl. XXIX.
68 D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak ZÄS 135 (2008)
52 2
wall of the south obelisk . In addition, a scene That I have come before you,
of Domitian praising a child god and Amun was is with my arms in praise,
my mind equipped with transfiguration spells,
added to the east face of the northern obelisk so I might worship your majesty with choice
53
encasement , and a parallel scene most likely utterances,
existed on the now damaged southern chapel. with beautiful thoughts of [. . .]
3
Most notable, however, was the addition of a [. . .] to the limits of the sky,
new eastern portal to the temple, constructed making proscynesis to the whole circuit of
54
and decorated in the reign of Domitian . the earth,
so I might praise you with that which aggran-
A lengthy hymn, paralleled to a large extent dizes your bAw-manifestation,
by a similar hymn to Amun from the Ptah Tem- as your Ka is greatest of the gods,
ple at Karnak, accompanies the scene of Domi- I am correct of speech in [. . .]
4
tian praising Amun. [. . .] lord of utterances.
I hereby provision your Ka in [your] sanctuary,
55
Text 1 (= Tf. XVII) and I act as your staff over all foreign lands,
1 directing their tribute to [your] high-gate [. . .]
nTr nfr ir iAw n it=f
a [. . .] through [your] command,
sA-tA n nTry n Ra 5
b [app]earing as the King of Upper and Lower
HfA tyt n kA-nsw.t-anx
Egypt upon the throne of Horus, foremost of
nH.t n ir [sw m] HH.w
the Kas [of the living].
Dd md.w
2
ii.n=i xr=k To the left of Domitian, the end of the re-
a.wy=i m iAw sponse of Amun is preserved:
ib=i apr.ti m sAx.w
c [di.n=i n=k . . .] Hr nH.t n=k anx=sn
dwA=i n Hm=k m DAis.w stp.w
[I give to you the . . .] entreating to you that they
m mAT.w nfr.w nw [...]
3 might live.
[...] r-Aw n gb.t
a
sni-tA r Sn n pA tA This epithet of Amun is paralleled in the Ptolemaic
56
dwA=i nTr n=k m swr bAw=k gate of the East temple ; it appears to read “divinity
d
mi wr kA=k r nTr.w of Re” (so Barguet). However an occurrence of the
e
iw=i m aoA Dd.w m[...] word nTry “heart/mind (of Re),” which occurs pri-
4 57
[..] nb tp-rA.w marily in Ptolemaic texts , is more likely.
b
The “living Royal Ka” appears as one of the Bas of
Hn=(i) kA=k m xm=[k]
f Amun in the Invocation Hymn from Hibis Temple,
ir=i n=k mdw=k Hr-tp n xAs.wt nb
g with parallels in the Edifice of Taharqa and the
Hr xrp bAk.t=sn r arry.t[=k...] 58
Roman period crypt of the Opet Temple in Karnak .
[...] m wD[=k]
5 The mention of the Royal Ka here is particularly
[x]a.ti m nsw.t-biti Hr s.t-@r xnty kA.w [anx.w]
interesting, as the decoration of the contra-temple
1
The good god, who praises his father, under Thutmosis III indicates that much like the
who makes acclamation for the heart of Re, “Temples of Millions of Years,” this edifice was
who praises the image of the living Royal Ka,
who beseeches he who made [himself into] millions.
Words spoken:
56
Barguet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak,
p. 234, col. 3; noted already by Bar g uet, op. cit.,
52
PM II2, p. 218 (34); Var i lle, ASAE 50 (1950): p. 235, n. 5; other examples for Amun include Opet I,
167-8, Pls. XXXVI– XXXVII. 233, 5, and an unpublished text from the Mut Temple:
53
PM II2, p. 218 (38); Var i lle, ASAE 50 (1950): Br ugsch, Thesaurus, 756 (c) and 1308 (3).
57
163– 5, Pls. XXXI, 1 and XXXIII. Wb. II, 365, 5–7; Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexikon,
54
PM II2, p. 216 (14) (a)–(b); Varille, ASAE 50 p. 559; there may be some connection with Amun “who
(1950): 168, Pl. XXII; Bar g uet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê comes forth from the heart of god” as a reference to his
à Karnak, pp. 221 –2; the reading of the cartouche as falcon-manifestation, cf. A. E gber ts, In Quest of
Domitian was established by Sau ner on , BIFAO 53 Meaning: A Study of the Ancient Egyptian Rites of
(1953): 149– 52. Consecrating the Meret-chests and Driving the Calves,
55
Varille, ASAE 50 (1950): 163–5, Pls. XXXI, 1 I, Egyptologische Uitgaven 8 (Leiden, 1995), pp. 151– 4,
and XXXIII; a color photo can be found in Hölb l, n. 6.
58
Altägypten im Römischen Reich, I, p. 57, Abb. 53. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, pp. 35 –6, n.B.
ZÄS 135 (2008) D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
59
visited by the Ka-statue of the reigning king . In
particular, the north interior wall of the alabaster
shrine of Amun and Amunet depicts a Iunmutef
priest presenting a large food-offering towards the
60
statues, with the following label :
[. . .] n kA-nsw.t (Mn-xpr-Ra)|
n kA=sn [. . .]
iw wAb(.w) zp snw
[. . .] for the Royal Ka of (Menkheperre)|,
for their Ka [. . .],
they are pure, they are pure.
This partially damaged text seems to allude to the
fusion of the Kas of Amun and Thutmosis III,
similar to that described for Amenhotep III at Luxor
61
Temple .
c 70
Paralleled in the Ptah Temple of Karnak (Urk.
62
VIII, 203d) and at Edfu (Edfou I, 41, 10–11) .
d
Also paralleled in the Ptah Temple of Karnak (Urk.
VIII, 203d) as well as at Chonsu Temple (Urk. VIII,
70b) .
63
e
The emphasis on the correctness of the King’s
speech is quite common in scenes of “praising god
64
(dwA nTr)” (see infra) .
f
These two initial sDm=f verb forms could be taken
as a Wechselsatz, but the lack of gemination in the
verb iri would be troublesome even for an inscrip-
st
tion from the late 1 century CE. Alternatively, these
statements could be understood as circumstantial to
65
the scene , namely Domitian praising Amun while
bringing offerings and foreign prisoners/tribute (cf.
infra).
59
M. Ullman n, König für die Ewigkeit – Die Häu-
ser der Millionen von Jahren. Eine Untersuchung zu
Königskult und Tempeltypologie in Ägypten, ÄAT 51
(Wiesbaden, 2002).
60
Varille, ASAE 50 (1950): 146, Pl. XII, 1.
61
Bell, JNES 44 (1985): 251– 94; note that the
Opet Festival likely began in the Akh-Menu before
proceeding to Luxor, cf. Be ll, in S hafer , ed., Temples
of Ancient Egypt, pp. 158–60.
62
For further references to “select utterances (DAis.w
stp.w),” see E. O tto, Gott und Mensch nach den ägyp-
tischen Tempelinschriften der griechisch-römischen
Zeit, AHAW, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 1964
(Heidelberg, 1964), pp. 162– 3.
63
For the phrase swr bAw=k/T in similar texts, cf.
F. La br ique, Stylistique et théologie à Edfou, OLA 51
(Leiden, 1992), p. 214, n. 971.
64
For the specific phrase aoA-Dd, cf. Otto, Gott und
Mensch nach den ägyptischen Tempelinschriften der
griechisch-römischen Zeit, pp. 114 – 5; for the quality of
the King’s speech in general, cf. ibid, pp. 77–9.
65
For the so-called “dramatic sDm=f,” cf. H. J. Po-
lotsk y , Egyptian Tenses, Israel Academy of Sciences
and Humanities 2/5 (Jerusalem, 1965), § 11, n. 6;
M. Gilula, “Coffin Texts Spell 148,” JEA 57 (1971):
15, n. 2.
69
g 66
The arry.t “high gate” or “temple approach” is a
common designation for the area near the eastern
67
gate of a temple, palace , or even the Netherworld
68
itself . The description of the contra-temple of
Karnak as an arry.t is particulary interesting, as a New
Kingdom papyrus describes how Thutmosis III
sought to solve a health epidemic by looking in
69
ancient writings, and praising god within the arry.t .
As the contra-temple was built primarily by
Thutmosis III, it is quite possible that the papyrus
refers to prayers addressed Amun at his “proper
place of hearing.”
This hymn is notable for mention of directing
tribute of foreign lands to the “portal” of Amun
and providing for his Ka . The entrance of an
Egyptian temple is the appropriate place for
bringing tribute to the resident divinity. At Kar-
nak temple, there appears to have been little
room to accomplish such a task at the main
western entrance, since the western tribune was
71
too small for anything but ceremonial use , and
moreover, the decoration of the First and Sec-
ond Pylons mention nothing about bringing in
72
food offerings or foreign tribute . The dromos
66
For the nuances of the word arry.t, cf. P. Spe n-
cer , The Egyptian Temple: A Lexicographical Study
(London, 1984), pp. 147 –57.
67
G. Haeny , “Zum Hohen Tor von Medinet Ha-
bu,” ZÄS 94 (1967): 71 –8; for the word arry.t designat-
ing the temple of East Karnak already in the New
Kingdom, cf. J. Quaeg eb eur , “La justice à la porte
des temples et le toponyme Premit,” in C. Ca nnuye r
and J. M. Kr uchte n, eds., Individu, société et spiritu-
alité dans l’Égypte pharaonique et copte. Mélanges
égyptologiques offerts au professeur A. Théodoridès,
(Ath-Bruxelles-Mons, 1993), p. 201.
68
E. Hor nung, Das Amduat, die Schrift des ver-
borgenen Raumes, II, Äg. Ab. 7 (Wiesbaden, 1963),
p. 5, n. 22; J. Z and ee, Death as an Enemy, According
to Ancient Egyptian Conceptions (Leiden, 1960), pp.
115– 6.
69
P. Ver nus, “Un décret de Thoutmosis III relatif
à la santé publique,” Orientalia 48 (1979): 181, nn. i– j.
70
For the arry.t as a place for bringing offerings, cf.
C. Fa v ar d -Meek s, Le temple de Behbeit el-Hagara,
p. 177, n. 765.
71
All that appears to have officially passed through
the First Pylon were the sacred barks and holy water
used for temple rituals; cf. C. Tr a uneck er , “Les rites
de l’eau à Karnak d’après les textes de la rampe de Ta-
harqa,” BIFAO 72 (1972): 195– 236.
72
For the scanty decoration of the First Pylon, cf.
Lauff r ay, Kêmi 20 (1970): 102–3, Fig. 3; the struc-
tures before the Second Pylon all appear to be proces-
sional in nature: (1) the bark-shrine of Sety II (Ull-
70 D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak ZÄS 135 (2008)

and First Pylon to the west were used primarily
73
for bark processions of Amun . However, the
eastern gate of Karnak, built by Nectanebo I and
decorated partially in the reign of Ptolemy II
Philadelphus, includes the following speeches of
Amun.
74
North :
di=i iw n=k tA-mHw m ksw n Hr=k
Hry.w-Sa (Hr) sni-tA n bAw=k
di=i n=k tA pn m s.t-Xr=k
HoA=k tA.wy m Aw.t-ib
di=i n=k rA-a n Sww
Sn n tA Hr Aw=f
I cause Lower Egypt to come bowing before you,
the desert dwellers kissing the earth to your bAw-
manifestation.
I put this land under your command,
so you might rule the two lands in happiness.
I give you the limit of the sun,
and the circuit of the entire earth.
75
North :
di=i iw n=k tA-Sma m ksw n snD=k
xAs.wt rsy.t ks.w n bAw=k
di=i iw n=k nHsy.w nw xnt-Hn-nfr
Xr bAk n tA-sTi
mann, König für die Ewigkeit, pp. 409– 15), (2) the
temple of Ramesses III (The Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs
and Inscriptions at Karnak, I– II, OIP 25 and 35 [Chi-
cago, 1936]); (3) the collonade hall of Taharqa (J. L auf -
fr ay, “La colonnade propylée occidentale de Taharqa à
Karnak et les mâts à emblème. Compte-rendu de la
seconde campagne de fouilles (1970– 1971),” Cahiers
de Karnak 5 [1975]: 77 –92).
73
For the western entrance to Karnak, see primarily
J. Lau ffr ay, “Note sur les portes du 1er pylône de
Karnak,” Kêmi 20 (1970): 101– 110; idem, “Abords
occidentaux du premier pylône de Karnak. Le dromos,
la tribune et les aménagements portuaires,” Kêmi 21
(1971): 77 –144; J. Lauffr a y, S. S auner on, R. Sa’ ad ,
and P. Anu s, “Rapport sur les travaux de Karnak.
Activités du Centre Franco-Égyptien en 1968– 1969,”
Kêmi 20 (1970): 57 –61; J. Lauffr a y, C. Tr aune ck er ,
and S. Saune r on, “La tribune du quai de Karnak et
sa favissa. Compte rendu des fouilles menées en
1971 –1972 (2e campagne),” Cahiers de Karnak 5
(1975): 43 – 76; cf. also A. Cabr o l, Les voies proces-
sionnelles de Thèbes, OLA 97 (Leuven, 2001),
pp. 581 – 9.
74
LD IV, 8abis; Urk. VIII, 51e; R. A. Sch wall er d e
Lubic z, The Temples of Karnak (London, 1999),
Pl. 242.
75
LD IV, 8a; Urk. VIII, 52e; Sch wall er d e L u-
bicz, The Temples of Karnak, Pl. 242.
di=i n=k ptr nb n ir.ty=i
Sn n p.t Hr ifdw=s
I cause Upper Egypt to come to you bowing from
fear of you,
the southern countries bent to your bAw-manifesta-
tion.
I cause the Nubians from Khenthennefer to come to
you,
bearing tribute from Ta-Seti.
I give you all sight of my eyes,
and the circuit of the entire sky.
These promises of Amun to Ptolemy II, na-
mely control over foreign peoples and their
goods, resonates with the fragment of Amun’s
reply to Domitian in the hymn from the contra-
temple. Although the beginning of that text is
damaged, other parallels suggest Amun tells
Domitian that he gives him a certain group of
foreigners bringing tribute and “praying to you
76
that they might live (Hr nH.t anx=sn)” .
While the hymn to Amun spoken by Domi-
tian suggests that the contra-temple was in some
way a place to bring offerings and tribute, the
primary religious texts from this edifice are the
two fragmentary inscriptions carved on either
side of the main door, also from the reign of
77
Domitian . The text on the left is an abbreviated
solar hymn, reminiscent of the King as Solar
Priest text.
78
Text 2 (= Tf. XVIII)
1
[. . .] Htp=k m-[xn]t=s m irw=k n Ra-Itm
sDr im=s iwr.tw ra nb
a
dwAw <ms.tw>=k m syf Sps
b
ao m rA [. . .]
2 c
[Ssp] zAb.w nwH=k
d
sTA gspty.w wiA=k
sDm=k hAy im n imy.w wiA=k
zA-tA [. . .]
3
[. . .] n nsw.t-biti nb-tA.wy (Awtw[krtwr] kysrs)|
zA-Ra nb[-xa.w] (t[mtinys] nt[y]-xwy)| anx(.w) D.t
76
For the phrase Hr nH.t anx=sn in this context, see
for example Urk. VIII, 49a; Wilson, A Ptolemaic
Lexikon, p. 531.
77
Varille, ASAE 50 (1950): 168, Pl. XXII; Bar-
guet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak, pp. 221–2.
78
PM II2, p. 216 (14) (a); Varille, ASAE 50 (1950):
168, Pl. XXII.
ZÄS 135 (2008) D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
1 84
[. . .] you set wi[thin] it in your form of Re-Atum,
who spends the night therein, and is conceived,
every day,
who 〈is born〉 in the morning as the august child,
who enters into the mouth [. . .]
2 Hay.t n nb-nTr.w
Just as the jackals [receive] your tow-rope,
so do the gspty.w drag your bark,
so you might hear the jubilation there of those
within your bark,
the celebra[tion. . .]
3 zA-[Ra] nb xa.w ([t]mtins nty-xwy)|
[. . .] for the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord
of the Two Lands, (Imper[ator] Caesar)|,
Son of Re, Lord of [Glorious Appearances],
(Do[mitian] Augustus)|, may he live eternally!
a rise [. . .]
This sequence of events occurs quite often in
Egyptian solar hymns. The restoration is based on a
79
common formula .
b the divine land which came about in the beginning,
This is clearly an allusion to earlier Egyptian
cosmological texts, such as the King as Solar Priest
treatise or the Book of the Night, where Re “enters
80
in the mouth, and exits from the thighs (of Nut),”
81
and not rA[-pr] “temple” as Barguet suggested .
c Son of Re, Lord of Glorious Appearances,
The verb Ssp “ to receive” is restored from simi-
82
lar passages from solar hymns .
d upon the throne of Horus, [living like] Re
The gspty.w are frequently said to drag the solar bark
83
in Graeco-Roman astronomical texts .
The text on the right side is much more frag-
mentary:
79
Wb. IV, 390, 16; J. Assmann, Liturgische Lieder
an den Sonnengott, Untersuchungen zur altägyptischen
Hymnik I, MÄS 19 (Berlin, 1969), pp. 120, 175, n. (5).
80
J. Assman n, Der König als Sonnenpriester. Ein
kosmographischer Begleittext zur kultischen Son-
nenhymnik in thebanischen Tempeln und Gräbern,
ADAIK 7 (Glückstadt, 1980), pp. 26 –7, n. 4, 40 – 43.
81
Barguet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak,
p. 222, n. 1.
82
Wb. II, 223, 10; cf. also Hibis III, Pl. 33, col. 9
(= Kl otz, Adoration of the Ram, p. 86, Pls. 6 and 39):
Ssp tw X.t nt zAb.w, sTA=sn <tw> m wiA=k “The corpora-
tion of jackals receives you, as they drag 〈you〉 in your
bark.”
83
F. Labr ique, “L’escorte de la lune sur la porte
d’Évergète à Karnak,” in R. Gund lach and M. R och -
holz, eds., 4. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung. Feste im
Tempel, ÄAT 33,2 (Wiesbaden, 1998), p. 117, with
many references; cf. also J. F. Quack , „Die Götterliste
des Buches vom Tempel und die überregionalen Deko-
rationsprogramme,“ in B. Haring and A. Klug, eds.,
6. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung. Funktion und Ge-
brauch altägyptischer Tempelräume, Königtum, Staat
und Gesellschaft früher Hochkulturen 3 (Wiesbaden,
2007), pp. 224 – 5, 231.
71
Text 3 (= Tf. XVIII)
1 a b
[. . .].t n snb xAw.t pw [. . .]
b
[. . . d]r(.w) Da snb iAd.t [. . .]
2 c
[. . .] mnw gs.w-pr wr biA.wt
d e
zAT nTry xpr m HA.t
ATt spA[.wt . . .]
3
[. . .] aHa oA [n]
nsw.t-biti nb-tA.wy (Awtwkrtr [kys]rs)|
Hr s.t-@r [anx.w mi] Ra [D.t]
1
[. . .] it is the [place] of ascending the altar [. . .]
[. . .] the storm is [rep]elled, the inundation waters
2
[...] monuments and temples, great of marvels,
the palace of the Lord of Gods,
the Nurse of the nom[es . . .]
3
[. . .] a long lifetime [for]
the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the
Two Lands, (Imperator [Caes]ar)|,
([Do]mitian Augustus)|,
[eternally].
a 85
This sign slightly resembles the wDA-pectoral , but
no word beginning with wDA- would make much
sense in the present context, except perhaps wDA.t
86
“temple roof” . More accurately, this hieroglyph
87
appears to depict the so-called “horned altar” ,
notably the one located directly to the east of the
contra-temple containing a staircase that one indeed
require ascending (cf. infra).
b
Clearing the sky of storms and hindrances is often
mentioned as a prerequisite for ensuring the passage
of natural phenomena, such as the solar course or
84
PM II2, p. 216 (14) (b); Varille, ASAE 50 (1950):
168, Pl. XXII.
85
Wb. I, 401, 10; Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexikon,
pp. 283 – 5.
86
Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexikon, p. 288.
87
For the “horned altar,” cf. primarily G. Souk ias-
sian, “Les autels ‘à cornes’ ou ‘acrotères’ en Égypte,”
BIFAO 83 (1983): 316– 333; J. Quae gebeu r , “L’autel-
à-feu et l’abattoir en Égypte tardive,” in: J. Qu aeg e-
beur , ed., Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near
East, OLA 55 (Leiden, 1993), pp. 329– 353; H. E r nst,
“Der Opferkult in den Vorhöfen der Tempel in Edfu,
Medamud und Kom Ombo,” ZÄS 129 (2002): 12,
14 –5; the hieroglyph of the “horned altar” also appears
in other Roman Period inscriptions such as Esna III,
388, 11, and A. Grimm, D. Kessler, and H. Meyer,
Der Obelisk des Antinoos (Munich, 1994), p. 44.
72 D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
88
the arrival of the inundation . Alternatively, one
could see these phrases as describing parallel events:
“the storm cloud is repelled, and pestilence passes
away/is healed (sbn/snb iAd.t).”
c
Epithets such as wr/aA/aSA biA.wt apply both to Amun
89
and to Ramesside Pharaohs , notably in the bandeau
inscription of Ramesses II on the exterior wall of
90
Karnak temple in close proximity to this text .
d
This word appears to be identical to Ha.t “Palast”
recorded by the Wörterbuch, noted in particular as a
91
place for bringing tribute .
e
The “Lord of Gods” is a specific epithet for the
portable bark of Amun of Karnak, used both in
92
processions and oracular decisions . The mention of
the bark of Amun calls to mind the relief on the
south face of the contra-temple which depicts
Domitian before one god and two goddesses, with a
93
text at the back claiming :
[. . .] nTr.w nTr.yt Hr ir(.t) Hb-Xn.t n Imn-Ra nsw.t-nTr.w
[. . .] gods and goddesses carry out the Navigation
94
Festival of Amun-Re-Sonther.
While this text could refer to the Opet Festival, the
Decade Festival, or the Beautiful Festival of the
95
Valley , the proximity of the contra-temple to the
Sacred Lake suggests a bark procession on the lake
itself. The word Xn.t “navigation,” moreover is used
96
to describe bark processions of Mut on the Isheru .
88
Cf. J. C. Dar nell , “The Message of King Wah-
ankh Antef II to Khety, Ruler of Heracleopolis,” ZÄS
124 (1997): 102 –5; for the Inundation referred to as
iAd.t, cf. D. v an d er Plas, L’Hymne à la crue du Nil, I
(Leiden, 1983), pp. 70 – 1, 75 – 6.
89
N.-C. Gr imal, Les termes de la propagande roy-
ale égyptienne de la XIXe Dynastie à la conquête
d’Alexandre (Paris, 1986), pp. 352– 4.
90
Bar guet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak, p. 217.
91
Wb. III, 39, 17; as the editors of the Wörterbuch
noted, this may just be a variant for the more common
aH “palace.”
92
J. M. Kr uc hten, “Le ‘Maître des dieux’ de Kar-
nak,” in U. Verhoeven and E. Graefe, eds., Religion
und Philosophie im alten Ägypten (Fs Derchain), OLA
39 (Leuven, 1991), pp. 179 – 87; idem, Les annales des
prêtres de Karnak, p. 288, s. v. Nb-nTr.w; idem, “Profane
et sacré dans le temple égyptien. Interrogations et hypo-
thèses à propos du rôle et du fonctionnement du tem-
ple égyptien,” BSEG 21 (1997): 27, 31 –2, 34 –5.
93
Varille, ASAE 50 (1950): 168 and Pl. XXXVI
(collated by the author in situ).
94
Collation shows that this sign is the Hb-vessel, not
the k-basket as read by Varille, ASAE 50 (1950): 168.
95
The Theban nome text from Edfu lists the four
major festivals as “the Opet Festival, the Khoiak (festi-
val), I Shomu (Chonsu Festival), II Shomu (the Valley
Festival)” (Edfou I2, 338, 7– 8 = Edfou XV, Pl. 9b).
96
E.g. Saune r on, La porte ptolémaïque de l’en-
ceinte de Mout à Karnak, No. 11, col. 31: “The [maj-
esty] of Mut is rowed in it (sc. the Isheru) together with
ZÄS 135 (2008)
These texts from the doors of the contra-
temple are significant in associating a Heliopo-
litan solar hymn (Text 2), an altar (Text 3,
col. 1), and the Hay.t “palace,” (Text 3, col. 2) a
place for bringing offerings and tribute, just like
the “high gate” to which “all foreign lands direct
their tribute” (Text 1, col. 4). This gives the
“horned altar” east of the contra-temple a par-
ticular solar significance, and connects the con-
tra-temple cultically to the nearby “sole obelisk.”
Many scholars have assumed the “sole obelisk”
of Thutmosis III, placed to the east of Karnak
temple, was dedicated to a solar, Heliopolitan
97
form of Amun . Redford assumed that the
Theban Hw.t-bnbn of Akhenaten was likely con-
nected to the “sole obelisk” of East Karnak, and
that Gempa’aten was similarly located to the east
of Karnak .
98
This notion is confirmed by Ptolemaic in-
scriptions from Karnak, which refer to “Amun-
Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands,
99
within the Hw.t-bnbn” . The Hw.t-bnbn, literally
her Ennead on the first of Peret (Xn.tw [Hm] n Mw.t im=f
Hna psD.t=s m tpy pr.t).”
97
E. g. Bar gu et, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak,
pp. 220 – 3; Nims, in Fs Ricke, pp. 107 –11; Br ya n ,
The Reign of Thutmose IV, pp. 176 – 9; Bell, in Sha -
fer , ed., Temples of Ancient Egypt, pp. 181, 300 –1,
n. 172; idem, in Beinlich , et al., eds., 5. Ägyptolo-
gische Tempeltagung, pp. 23 – 6.
98
D. B. R ed for d , Akhenaten, the heretic king
(Princeton, 1984), pp. 72 –78; idem, “The Beginning of
the Heresy,” in R. E. Fr eed , Y. J. Mar k owitz, and S.
H. D’ Aur ia, eds., Pharaohs of the Sun. Akhenaten –
Nefertiti – Tutankhamen (Boston, 1999), pp. 57– 8; for
further arguments locating Akhenaten’s Hw.t-Bnbn near
the solar obelisk at East Karnak, see R. Ver gn ieux ,
Recherches sur les monuments thébains d’Amenhotep
IV à l’aide d’outils informatiques. Méthodes et résultats,
I, CSÉG 4 (Geneva, 1999), pp. 154 – 67.
99
Urk. VIII, 137b and k; 158b (collated in situ); the
Hw.t-bnbn is not to be confused with the Bnn.t, the site
of Chonsu temple, contra McClain, who recently sug-
gested that the Hw.t-bnbn “may also indicate an actual
structure within Thebes, a shrine with a benben-stone,
provisionally located on the roof of the temple of
Khonsu, where a graffito refers to the Hw.t-nTr nt
bn[b]n.t” (J. B. McCl ain, “The Terminology of Sacred
Space in Ptolemaic Inscriptions from Thebes,” in P. F.
Dor man and B. M. Br yan, eds., Sacred Space and
Sacred Function in Ancient Thebes, SAOC 61 [Chi-
cago, 2007], p. 88); Medinet Habu is also referred to as
the Hw.t-bnbn in an inscription from the Courtyard of
ZÄS 135 (2008) D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
“temple of the obelisk,” was named after a simi-
100
lar edifice in Heliopolis . This particular form
of Amun is thus appropriately called “Atum the
Heliopolitan, who came about in the initial mo-
101
ment” , and “he who shines in heaven and rises
102
from the Akhet” . The specific offering he
receives is the sphinx incense-burner, and his
epithet “Lord of Lords” is written with the
103
sphinx ( , , , and ) , all allu-
Antoninus Pius (PM II2, p. 461 [4a] = Br ugsch , The-
saurus, p. 1304; collated in situ), probably a reference to
Kematef as Atum (for Atum-Kematef, see Z iv ie, Le
temple de Deir Chelouit III, 135, 8; Klotz, Adoration
of the Ram, p. 138, n. A).
100
For Amun and the Hw.t-bnbn in earlier religious
texts, cf. Assmann, Liturgische Lieder, p. 311, n. 47;
J. Z and ee, Der Amunhymnus des Papyrus Leiden I
344, Verso, II (Leiden, 1992), pp. 440– 1; for the Hw.t-
bnbn of Heliopolis, see J. Yoyott e, “Héra d’Héliopolis
et le sacrifice humain,” Ann. ÉPHE, Ve Section – Sci-
ences Religieuses 89 (1980 – 1981): 100 – 1; D. R aue,
Heliopolis und das Haus des Re: eine Prosopographie
und ein Toponym im Neuen Reich, ADAIK 16 (Berlin,
1999), p. 15, notes that the bnbn-temple does not ap-
pear in any administrative texts or titles, and thus ap-
pears to be primarily a mythical toponym even in
Heliopolis.
101
Urk. VIII, 137b; 158b; in Urk. VIII, 142 (8), The-
bes is called “the bnbn-obelisk of the Lord of Lords,
Atum the Heliopolitan in the initial moment.” Note
that Drioton’s bizarre attempt to read the words “Atum
the Heliopolitan” as an elaborate, acrophonic crypto-
gram (i(tm) + w(x) + D(.t) = i(A.t)-wDA.t “Mound of the
wedjat-eye”; E. Dr ioton, “Les dédicaces de Ptolémée
Évergète II sur le deuxième pylône de Karnak,” ASAE
44 [1944]: 127 – 8, n. [g]) is belied by the clear parallels
for this epithet.
102
Urk. VIII, 137b.
103
Urk. VIII, 45 (= S. H. A ufr èr e, Le propylône
d’Amon-Rê-Montou à Karnak-Nord, MIFAO 117
[Cairo, 2000], § 136); 142 (8), 137b, and Bar gu et, Le
Temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak, p. 238, respectively; the
epithet is also interpreted as “fashioner of fashioners
(nbi nbi.w)” (Urk. VIII, 137k; Marseille 5194, a block
from the East Karnak temple = Gallet, BIFAO 101
[2001]: 196); note the palindromic relation between the
epithets: bnbn – nb-nb(.w), a type of paranomasia at-
tested since the Pyramid Texts: G. R oquet, “Un cas
d’entrave stylistique à la palatalisation du [k] dans les
Textes des Pyramides – Poétique et phonétique histori-
que,” BIFAO 78 (1978): 480; note also that the various
orthographies conclusively show that Aufrère’s alterna-
tive reading “possesseur de sphinx (nb Sspw)” (Au-
fr èr e, Montou, p. 110, n. [e]) is incorrect.
73
sions to the leonine form of Atum at Heliopo-
104
lis .
The identification of the Theban Hw.t-bnbn
with the temple complex of East Karnak is con-
firmed by a text from the north interior of the
Ptolemaic gate of East Karnak, where the text
105
facing the “sole obelisk” reads :
1
imy dwA=n n nb-nb.w Imn-Ra [. . .]
2
sDm nH.wt sanx=f n mi ir=f [n]
1
Let us worship the Lord of Lords, Amun-Re [. . .]
2
who hears prayers, may he keep us alive as he
created [us]!
The Heliopolitan nature of East Karnak is
due primarily to its eastern – and thus solar –
106
location . Although the design for Karnak was
in many ways modelled on predecessors at Heli-
107
opolis , the temple is primarily oriented west,
towards the Nile. Although this orientation al-
lows for bark processions along the east-west
axis, it causes a problem for the Daily Cult Rit-
108
ual performed on the statue of Amun . This
ritual includes singing an invocation hymn
(“may you awake in peace/from rest! (rs=k m
Htp)”) to the deity at the beginning of the morn-
ing, when the naos was opened and the first rays
104
K. Myśliwi ec, Studien zum Gott Atum, I: Die
heiligen Tiere des Atum, HÄB 5 (Hildesheim, 1978)
pp. 12 – 16; for Amun-Atum as a lion, cf. Klo t z, Ado-
ration of the Ram, pp. 36 –7.
105
Barguet, Le Temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak,
p. 238.
106
The solar significance of the “sole obelisk” of
Karnak was still understood as late as the Byzantine
Period. The historian Ammianus Marcellinus explains
that Augustus did not remove it from Karnak because
“it was dedicated as a special offering to the Sun God
and placed in the sacred precinct of a magnificent tem-
ple, to which access was forbidden.” (Ammian us
Marcellinus, Res Gestae, XVII, 4.12)
107
Gabold e, Le “Grand Chateau d’Amon” de Sé-
sostris Ier à Karnak, §§ 222 –238.
108
A. Mor et, Le rituel du culte divin journalier en
Égypte, d’après les papyrus de Berlin et les textes du
temple de Séti 1er, à Abydos, Annales du Musée Gui-
met: BdÉ 14 (Paris, 1902); H. Ne lson, “Certain reliefs
at Karnak and Medinet Habu and the Ritual of Ameno-
phis I,” JNES 8 (1949): 201 –232, 310– 345; W. Gu-
gliel mi and K. Br oh, “Die Eingangssprüche des
Täglichen Tempelrituals nach Papyrus Berlin 3055
(I,1 – VI,3),” in J. v an Di jk , ed., Essays on Ancient
Egypt in Honour of Herman te Velde, Egyptological
Memoirs 1 (Groningen, 1997), pp. 101– 66.
74 D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
109
of sunlight would hit the cult statue . Such a
sequence of events is impossible with the west-
ward orientation of Karnak, and the naos of
Amun in the Akh-Menu most likely faced to the
110
south . In order to get around this difficulty,
Egyptologists have pointed to the northern sec-
tion of the Akh-Menu, referred to as the “solar
111
complex” . Within these solar chapels, a stair-
case leads to a roof chapel which faces east and
contains an altar built in the reign of Thutmosis
112
III . This roof chapel has been quite reasonably
connected to the “temple of Re(-Harakhty) on
113
the roof of the temple of Amun” . The cult
statue of Amun would presumably exit his sanc-
tuary in the Akh-Menu and ascend the staircase
114
in order to “join with the sundisk (Xnm itn)” .
However, such rooftop ceremonies are not tex-
109
Moret, Le rituel du culte divin journalier en
Égypte, pp. 121 –38; general M. Patan è, Les hymnes
du matin (Disst.; Geneva, 1989); H. Go ed ick e, “Rs m
Htp,” SAK 34 (2006): 187– 204.
110
For the sanctuary, cf. N. Beaux , “L’architecture
des niches du sanctuaire d’Amon dans le temple de
l’Akh-menou à Karnak,” Cahiers de Karnak IX (1993):
101– 8; idem, Le cabinet de curiosités de Thoutmosis
III: plantes et animaux du “Jardin Botanique” de Kar-
nak, OLA 36 (Leiden, 1990); L. G abold e, “Canope et
les orientations nord-sud de Karnak établies par
Thoutmosis III,” RdE 50 (1999): 278 –81.
111
J. Lauffr ay , “Le secteur Nord-Est du temple
jubilaire de Thoutmosis III à Karnak. État des lieux et
commentaire architectural,” Kêmi 19 (1969): 179 – 218;
F. Da umas, “L’interprétation des temples égyptiens
anciens à la lumière des temples gréco-romains,” Ca-
hiers de Karnak 6 (1980): 264 –5; R. Stad e lman n,
“^wt-Raw als Kultstätte des Sonnengottes im Neuen
Reich,” MDAIK 25 (1969): 174– 5.
112
H. E r nst, “Ein Weihgeschenk Thutmosis’ III.
an Amun-Re: Der Sonnenaltar im Re-Heiligtum im
Achmenu zu Karnak,” ZÄS 128 (2001): 1– 6.
113
Bar guet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê à Karnak, pp.
291– 2; D. Meek s, Le grand texte des donations au
temple d’Edfou, BdE 59 (Cairo, 1972), pp. 72– 3, n.
(63); R. el-S ayed , “À propos de l’activité d’un fonc-
tionnaire du temps de Psammétique I à Karnak d’après
la stèle du Caire 2747,” BIFAO 78 (1978): 462– 3, n. (e);
the roof chapel at Karnak is also alluded to in P. Leiden
I 350, III, 13– 14; J. Z and ee, De Hymnen aan Amon
van Papyrus Leiden I 350 (Leiden, 1948), p. 49; the cult
of Re-Harakhty in Karnak appears to be distinct from
that of “Amun in the Hw.t-bnbn,” at least in the Graeco-
Roman period; cf. Urk. VIII, 148b and g.
114
Daumas, Cahiers de Karnak 6 (1980): 264– 5.
ZÄS 135 (2008)
tually recorded for the daily statue cult but only
for festivals such as the New Year.
The contra-temple at Karnak solves this par-
ticular problem of orientation, as its cult statues
face east, and thus the first rays of light would
illumine them as soon as the doors to the naos
were opened in the morning. Such a use of the
contra-temple may be confirmed by the Karnak
redaction of the Daily Statue ritual (P. Berlin
3055), which includes an additional episode of
115
opening the naos (wn-Hr) . This section begins
with a reference to the solar complex at East
116
Karnak :
wn(.w) Hr n Ra m Hw.t-bnbn
Imn mn m WAs.t
The face of Re has been revealed in the Hw.t-bnbn,
(namely) Amun who dwells in Thebes.
The proper sequence of rites in the Daily Cult
Ritual after opening the naos includes (1) “see-
ing god (mAA nTr),” (2) “kissing the earth (sni tA),”
117
followed by (3) “praising god (dwA nTr zp 4)” .
The lengthy hymn recited by Domitian (Text 1)
strongly resembles similar texts recited in other
118
scenes of dwA nTr , and is in fact contains direct
parallels to the hymn spoken upon opening the
119
naos of Horus at Edfu . The text even men-
tions the rite of “kissing the earth” (Text 1, col.
3). This adoration of the specifically Helioplitan
Amun in his manifestation of the sun is further
confirmed by the excerpt of the solar hymn
found on the door to the sanctuary (Text 2) in
the contra-temple.
115
Moret, Le rituel du culte divin journalier en
Égypte, pp. 108– 120; it is unclear if the following
hymns of P. Berlin 3055 (ibid., pp. 120– 38), are to be
recited at this particular opening of the naos.
116
P. Berlin 3055, X, 6 – 8 = Mor et, Le rituel du
culte divin journalier en Égypte, pp. 108 –9; note that a
similar introduction appears in pChester Beatty IX, r°
14, 4 and Tôd II, 304, 1; note that the latter example
occurs at the entrance to the “Salle des Offrandes” (cf.
infra).
117
Labr ique, Stylistique et théologie à Edfou, pp.
196– 220.
118
For a partial list of other scenes, cf. La br ique,
Stylistique et théologie à Edfou, p. 213, n. 965; cf. also
Dendara I, 6, 17; Dendara II, 55, 14; 67, 15; etc.
119
Edfou I, 41, 10–11; cf. M. Alliot, Le Culte
d’Horus à Edfou au temps des Ptolémées, BdE 20
(Cairo, 1949), p. 80.
ZÄS 135 (2008) D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
The solar hymns and rituals associated with
the contra-temple are closely tied to the “horned
altar” and sole obelisk located directly to the
east. Such an association of the bnbn-obelisk and
giant altar is known already from the sun tem-
120
ples of Userkaf and Niuserre at Abu Ghurab
and the Great Temple of the Aten from
121
Amarna . Large meat offerings are particularly
associated with the cult of Re, and thus the pla-
cement of the “horned altar” next to the contra-
temple of Karnak is quite appropriate. Although
122
it was most likely built in the Ptolemaic period,
the “horned altar” seems to have merely re-
th
placed an earlier offering table of the 25 Dy-
123
nasty . An earlier altar, perhaps portable, was
probably used already in the reign of Thutmosis
III, as a number of reliefs in the contra-temple
124
depict him presenting offerings to Amun .
The texts and decoration of the contra-
temple designate it as a place for bringing tribute
and food offerings (Texts 1, col. 4; 3, col. 2)
directed presumably to the “horned altar” or to
the earlier altars which preceded it. As noted
above, the texts on the the east gate at Karnak
describe the subjugation of enemies, and their
subsequent bearing of tribute to the king (su-
pra). This general theme is prevalent at East
Karnak, and series of Hapi figures are depicted
125
in the east collonade hall of Taharqa and in the
contra-temple itself, carrying food offerings
120
M. Lehner , The Complete Pyramids (London,
1997), pp. 149 – 152.
121
Barguet already compared the contra-temple of
the Great Aten Temple in Akhetaten, with its eastward
orientation, bnbn-obelisk and altar, to the contra-temple
of Thutmosis III at Karnak: P. Ba r guet, “Note sur le
grand temple d’Aton à el-Amarna,” RdE 28 (1976): 151.
122
For the date of the altar, cf. Q uaeg e beur , in
Quae gebeu r , ed., Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient
Near East , p. 333, n. 27.
123
Varille, ASAE 50 (1950): 169–70, Pl. XXXIX;
for the date, cf. J. L ecla nt , Recherches sur les monu-
ments thébains de la XXVe dynastie dite éthiopienne,
BdE 35 (Cairo, 1965), p. 59.
124
Varille, ASAE 50 (1950): 146, Pl. XII,1; 148,
Pl. XIV; 149, Pl. XV.
125
J. Leclant , “La colonnade éthiopienne à l’est de
la grande enceinte d’Amon à Karnak,” BIFAO 53
(1953): 152 –8; Recherches sur les monuments thébains
de la XXVe dynastie dite éthiopienne, pp. 56 –8.
75
126
from the east into the temple . The decision to
conduct food offerings through the east gate
may have been based on economic and logistic
reasons. As noted above, there was little room
for such food supplies to land at the small dock-
ing station before the western First Pylon, and
moreover that area was primarily used for bark
127
processions . The east gate, however, bordered
the large cultivated landscape to the east of Kar-
nak, an agricultural area from which many plant
and meat offerings would have surely derived.
The location of the “horned altar” in the so-
lar complex of East Karnak, particularly the
contra-temple, had strongly symbolic religious
connotations as well. Quaegebeur recently dem-
onstrated that the “horned altar” was used pri-
marily for Vernichtungsopfer, symbolic offerings in
which the entire animal would be burnt up and
128
destroyed . The primary purpose of such offer-
ings was not to feed the gods, but rather to de-
stroy enemies of Re at the boundary of the tem-
ple in a fiery ritual. However, unlike similar
apotropaic images of the Pharaoh smiting ene-
mies which could be placed on any exterior wall
of the temple, the “horned altar” is specifically
located in the eastern section of Karnak, within
a distinctly solar architectural and theological
context. The topography of Karnak is thus a
projection of the mythological solar cycle, and
the contra-temple represents the Eastern Hori-
zon. In mythological terms, the Eastern Horizon
is the location of the Htmy.t “the place of de-
struction,” where the enemies of Re are ulti-
mately destroyed by the newborn and recharged
solar disk in a fiery bloodbath, the cause of the
129
red sky immediately before sunrise . In relation
126
Similar processions of Hapi figures are ubiqui-
tous on altars from the Old Kingdom onwards; cf.
Ernst, ZÄS 128 (2001): 4 –5 (with many references).
127
For the subtle logistics required to manouevre
the riverine bark of Amun onto land and through the
First Pylon, see the interpretation of Cl. Tr aun eck er ,
F. La Saout, O. Masson, La Chapelle d’Achôris à
Karnak, II: Texte (Paris, 1981), pp. 89 –93.
128
Quaegeb e ur , in Quae gebeu r , ed., Ritual and
Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East, pp. 342 – 7; Cabr ol,
Les voies processionnelles de Thèbes, p. 717.
129
For the destruction of enemies in the Eastern
Horizon, cf. A. Gu tbub, Textes fondamentaux de la
théologie de Kom Ombo, I, BdE 47 (Cairo, 1973),
76 D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
to Karnak, it is interesting to note the famous
description of Amun as judge in the Late Egyp-
tian Miscellanies, where he is said to send the
innocent to the West, and the guilty to “the pla-
ce of rising,” that is the East, spelled, however,
130
as if the word were a type of furnace .
The contra-temple served as a complex inter-
face between Amun and the populace. It was the
place where one brought gifts and offerings, and
where the beneficent Amun would hear requests
and heal the sick. At the same time, the contra-
temple was a place of judgement, where the
violently solar Amun would rise from his temple
131
and mercilessly punish the enemies of Re .
The analysis of the texts of Domitian has
thus added another dimension to our under-
standing of the contra-temple and its associated
structures in East Karnak. Previously this small
chapel was thought to be a place for popular cult
worship, a location where one could supplicate a
more accessible form of Amun “who hears
p. 14, n. (aw); J.-C. Gr eni er , “Djédem dans les textes
du temple de Tôd,” in Hommages à Serge Sauneron, I,
BdE 81 (Cairo, 1981), pp. 381 –90; C. L e itz, Tagewäh-
lerei: Das Buch HAt nHH pH.wy Dt und verwandte Texte, I,
ÄgAb 55 (Wiesbaden, 1994), pp. 52 –3; M. Smith ,
“P. Carlsberg 462: A Fragmentary Account of a Rebel-
lion Against the Sun God,” in P. J. Fr and se n and
K. R y holt, ed., A Miscellany of Demotic Texts and
Studies, CNI Publications 22 (Copenhagen, 2000),
p. 97, n. 17; J. C. Da r nell, Theban Desert Road Survey
in the Egyptian Western Desert, I, SAOC 119 (Chicago,
2002), p. 118; idem, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books
of the Solar-Osirian Unity, OBO 198 (Fribourg; Göt-
tingen, 2004), pp. 145 – 6.
130
Discussed by Dar nell, The Enigmatic Nether-
world Books, p. 146, n. 498.
131
For the gate as a place of both popular worship
and capital punishment, cf. Qua egeb e ur , in Can-
nuyer and Kr uc hten, eds., Individu, société et spiri-
tualité dans l’Égypte pharaonique et copte, pp. 201 –
220; idem, “L’appel au divin: le bonheur des hommes
mis dans la main des dieux,” in J.-G. He intz, ed., Ora-
cles et prophéties dans l’Antiquité. Actes du Colloque
de Strasbourg, 15 –17 juin 1995, Travaux du Centre de
Recherche sur le Proche-Orient et la Grèce Antiques 15
(Paris, 1997), pp. 28– 9; note that the contra-temple is
described as the arry.t (Text 1, col. 4), the gate where
one brings offerings, but also a place for administering
justice; cf. G. P. F. van den Boorn, “WDa-ryt and
Justice at the Gate,” JNES 44 (1985): 1– 25; I. Guer -
meur , “Le groupe familial de Pachéryentaisouy. Caire
JE 36576,” BIFAO 104 (2004): 270, n.j.
ZÄS 135 (2008)
prayers,” emerging from his sanctuary to face
the living population of Thebes in the east.
While this is indeed true, this statue of Amun
can simultaneously be understood to represent
Re emerging from the Duat, entering heaven
from the eastern Akhet. This solar image is un-
derscored by the sole obelisk, a representation
of the primeval bnbn-stone emerging from the
watery chaos of Nun. The statue cult of the
contra-temple would worship this solar form of
Amun-Re at his first appearance. The burning of
offerings on the “horned altar” would symboli-
cally destroy the enemies of Re who might hin-
der the solar journey, a ritual essential for the
proper maintenance of the cosmos, and alluded
to figuratively in the texts of Domitian as “as-
cending the altar” and “repelling the storm-
clouds” (Text 3, col. 1).
This mythological and apotropaic function of
East Karnak could be surmised simply from
New Kingdom religious texts, as it is clear from
many studies that the Egyptian temple often is a
132
map of the cosmos . However, the inscriptions
added to the contra-temple during the reign of
Domitian are the only texts from the monument
to make explicit its solar connotations. These
texts are not merely a random assemblage of
Roman period hieroglyphs, but carefully selected
excerpts from other hymns with allusions to
solar cosmological texts popular in the royal
tombs of New Kingdom Thebes. While it is
quite impressive that priests of the late first cen-
tury CE were still quite aware of complex theo-
logical mysteries of their Pharaonic predeces-
sors, it should not be altogether surprising.
Similarly detailed cosmological texts were carved
133
in the same reign in the architraves of Esna ,
and hymns carved in the reign of Hadrian (117–
138 CE) from nearby Deir Shelwit make subtle
allusions to Netherworld books of the New
132
There are many studies on this topic, cf. R. Fin-
nesta d , Image of the World and Symbol of the Crea-
tor, on the Cosmological and Iconological Values of the
Temple at Edfu (Wiesbaden, 1985).
133
Esna IV:1, Nos. 424 –425; cf. A. v on Lie v en,
Der Himmel über Esna, eine Fallstudie zur religiösen
Astronomie in Ägypten, ÄgAb. 64 (Wiesbaden, 2000),
pp. 96– 107.
ZÄS 135 (2008) D. Kl otz: Domitian at Karnak
134
Kingdom . Even though they did not build a
giant pylon or erect an obelisk, the Roman Pe-
riod priests of Thebes displayed considerable
knowledge of and respect for their own religious
heritage by redecorating a monument of the
great Thutmosis III with carefully “selected
utterances” (Text 1, col. 2), expressing a deep
understanding of the mythological-topographi-
cal layout of Karnak temple.
Summary
A new translation of the Roman Period inscrip-
tions on the Eighteenth Dynasty contra-temple of
77
Karnak, attached to the rear of the Akh-Menu. These
religious texts lead to a reconsideration of the cultic
function of this and other contra-temples, previously
considered exclusively as locations for popular
worship. The inscriptions from the reign of Domi-
tian are primarily solar, associating the contra-temple
with the nearby horned altar, sole obelisk, and East
temple of Ramesses II, in the section of Karnak
called ’the Benben temple (Hw.t-bnbn).’ The form of
Amun in this section was simultaneously ‚Amun who
hears prayers (Imn sDm nH.wt)’ and the newly reborn
sundisk who massacres his enemies in the Eastern
horizon. The dual role of Amun as healer and
punisher (i.e. ‚Good Ka, Bad Ka’) combines Helio-
politan theology with the traditional role of gates as
places for administering justice, appropriate for the
one location where Amun of Karnak could approach
the masses, both the faithful and the wicked.

134
Deir Chelouit III, No. 124, 31, quotes the famous
religious formula: “Re rests within Osiris (. . .) and vice
versa (Ra Htp(.w) m Wsir . . . Tz-pXr)”; Deir Chelouit III,
No. 154, 4, invokes Isis in her form of “the sow who
eats her piglets and births them at their times (id.t wnm.t
rr.w=s ms(.t) sn r nw=s[n]),” a direct quote from the
Book of Nut (also paralleled in the Demotic
P. Carlsberg I); cf. H. Gr apow , “Die Himmelsgöttin
Nut als Mutterschwein,” ZÄS 71 (1935): 45 –7;
Y. Koenig, Le Papyrus Boulaq 6, BdE 87 (Cairo,
1981), p. 23, n. (o); E. Hor nung , Zwei ramessidische
Königsgräber, Ramses IV. und Ramses VII., Theben 11
(Mainz am Rhein, 1990), pp. 93 –4.
 TAFEL XVII

Text 1: Hymn to Amun in the contra-temple at Karnak (from: Varille, ASAE 50 (1950): Pl. XXXIII)
(zu Klotz, Domitian at Karnak).
TAFEL XVIII

Texts from the doors of the contra-temple (from: Varille, ASAE 50 (1950): Pl. XXII).
(zu Klotz, Domitian at Karnak).