w K U K H E E C H O O

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Girls Return Home:

Portrayal of Femininity
in Popular Japanese
Girls’ Manga and
Anime Texts during the
1990s in Hana yori
Dango and Fruits Basket

D URING the later months of 2005, a live-action television drama entitled

Hana yori Dango (the Japanese term for ‘Boys over Flowers’) aired on
Tokyo Broadcasting System (TBS) in Japan. This drama was based on a
record-breakingly popular shōjo manga (the term for girls’ comic books;
no italics henceforth) that was serialised from 1992 to 2004, and which
resulted in a series of thirty-six books, a television animation that aired in
1 Two drama series were Japan from 1996 to 1997, and two live-action television drama series
produced in Taiwan,
from 2001, under the
(shown in Taiwan).1 The Japanese television drama was such a success
title Meteor Garden. that the sequel aired on TBS from 5 January 2007 to 16 March 2007.
Additionally, the four Additionally, in a TBS weekly report on 23 February 2007, Hana yori
male characters (F4)
featured in the
Dango topped the charts with 26.3 per cent of viewer ratings (on the
Taiwanese drama Ōsama no Buranchi television programme). What is significant about this
maintain their popular example is that many of the current Japanese live-action television dramas
entertainer status in
Taiwan under the are being adapted from popular comic books, mostly shōjo manga, and
same group name. this trend has gradually increased since the early 1990s.
....................................................................................................................................
Women: a cultural review Vol. 19. No. 3.
ISSN 0957-4042 print/ISSN 1470-1367 online # 2008 Taylor & Francis
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals DOI: 10.1080/09574040802137243
 276 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW
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When a series such as Hana yori Dango is continuously reproduced,
over a fifteen-year span, in various media such as anime (the Japanese term
for animation; no italics henceforth) and live-action television drama, one
may wonder what elements attracted such unprecedented popularity.
Analysing such texts, as John Fiske states, is to ‘Expose their contra-
dictions, their meanings that escape control, their producerly invitations;
to ask what it is within them that has attracted popular approval’ (1989:
105). The emergence of the shōjo manga industry during the 1960s to
1970s may have provided female artists and their viewers with a sphere
where they could openly resist, subvert and reappropriate the limited
social participatory roles to which they were confined. However, since
the 1990s there has been a shift towards a more domestic portrayal of
femininity that seems to suggest a new formation of gender relationships.
By scrutinising the trends of popular Japanese shōjo manga, I hope to
provide a broader understanding of the gender dynamics in contemporary
2 Anime adapted from Japanese popular culture and media. This article will examine the
manga series may portrayal of idealised femininity as depicted in contemporary popular
sometimes differ in shōjo manga and anime texts in order to better understand how Japanese
narrative content *
which may highlight females construct their own concepts of femininity.2
violence that was not In 2005, the four highest-grossing shōjo manga were Nana (2000),
depicted in the original Hana yori Dango (1993), Fruits Basket (1999) and Peach Girl (1998). I have
manga (as in the case
of Fruits Basket). selected Hana yori Dango (1993, 1996) and Fruits Basket (1999, 2001)
However, the overall manga and anime series because of their vast popularity in both the
portrayal of idealised domestic and global market. Spanning over eleven years, Hana yori Dango
femininity does not
change very much has been the highest-grossing shōjo manga series in Japanese history.
when manga is cross- Fruits Basket has occupied the annual top-ten sales position in Japan since
produced into anime its first publication in 1999. Most importantly, the series is the highest-
(Hana yori Dango is
identical in terms of
grossing Japanese shōjo manga series in the US market.3 This paper
narrative content). All examines the narrative content of such highly popular series to illustrate
the images provided in what kind of femininities are being produced, consumed and appropriated
this paper are from the
anime series.
in Japan and the global market. Both Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket
3 According to the feature a female protagonist who enters into the male protagonist’s
Tokyopop website, household as a housekeeper or maid. Through exhibiting domestic
the official US devotion to prove themselves worthy of acknowledgement by the male
distributor of the
series, Fruits Basket is protagonists’ families, the females endure domestic drudgery and even
the top grossing shōjo violence inflicted upon them. To analyse this pattern in the popular shōjo
manga title sold in the manga plot structure, I will raise the following questions: How are these
US. Furthermore,
among the USA Today female protagonists portrayed within the gender relations in the
150 Best-Selling Books narratives created by female authors? How do the texts construct ideal
Database, Fruits Basket femininity and how is it manifested in the texts? And how is the
ranked at #93 in 2005
and #96 in April, relationship of domesticity and social independence negotiated within
2006. these narratives? As more and more Japanese anime, television live-action
 GIRLS RETURN HOME × 277
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drama and manga series continue to flood the global market, tackling
these questions may not only give us insight into the representation of
gender relationships in Japanese culture, but also contributes to a
geographical feminist resistance against gender stereotypes on a global
media scale.

The Popularity of Japanese Manga

According to the Japanese 2005 Information Media White Papers (2004),
manga publication reaches up to forty per cent of the entire Japanese
publication industry*a statistic that makes manga a medium whose
scope and social influence cannot be ignored (Fukushima 1992: 29).
Manga is divided into various genres in Japan, and the division between
genders is the most prominent: shōnen (boys), shōjo (girls), women,
young men, boys’ love and so on. Furthermore, shōjo manga accounts for
approximately thirty per cent of the entire manga publication industry.
The majority of authors are female and the readership consists mainly of
females of all ages.4 Although shōjo manga mainly targets adolescent girls,
women in their twenties, thirties and forties may well continue reading
popular shōjo manga even when beyond the targeted age group. Gender
stereotypes may be strengthened through simplistic narratives aimed at
children, and the fact that readership continues on into adulthood may
have an internalising, recycling effect.
It might be difficult for people who are not familiar with Japanese
culture to grasp the domination of manga as a print media industry. With
annual publications of over 20,000 titles, many of the manga titles are
serialised in weekly, bi-weekly and monthly magazines, ranging up to 300
magazines per year (Figure 1). Furthermore, the average annual manga
sales figure in Japan is approximately $4.5 billion, accounting for forty
per cent of the entire publication market share (Information Media White
Papers, 2005).
Manga magazines are divided into various sub-genres with approxi-
mately thirty-seven per cent (GirlsWomenBoys’ love) aimed at
female audiences of all ages (Figure 2). However, this number excludes
4 Although shōjo manga Hobbies/Sports and Adult-oriented manga magazines, providing an
includes male
authorship and
estimated additional three to five per cent, which adds up to a total of
readership, it is still forty to forty-two per cent (my estimation).
considered less Although the Japanese government launched a fully fledged interna-
acceptable for a male
tional promotion of anime and video games into the global market after
to openly associate
himself with the passing the Contents Industry Act in 2004, there was a lack of emphasis
female genre in Japan. on promoting manga because it is not as popular as anime in the West.
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300

66 63
65 63 65 61 64
66

200

For Children

228 For Adults

215 215 223 216 217
100 207 209

0
1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003

Figure 1. Total number of published manga magazines.

Resource: Japan’s Information Media White Papers, 2005.

However, the massive anime industry depends on the solid presence of

the manga industry in Japan because the majority of anime are adapted
from popular manga titles. This is also true for many contemporary live-
action television dramas and films. The scope of manga’s influence on
Japan’s mainstream media culture is unmatchable.
In general, shōjo manga artists may start their career during their teens
and then move onto producing more mature content as they grow older.
There is no age limitation on becoming a manga artist. However, it seems
likely that shōjo manga artists might have more restrictions because of
their marital conditions; shōjo manga artists may start during their teens

Adult-oriented Comics Boys' Comics 23 (8%)

56 (19.2%)
Girls' Comics
40 (13.7%)
Hobby/Sports
4 (1.4%)
Boys' Love Comics
11 (3.8%)

Pachinko
26 (8.9%) Young Men's Comics
58 (19.9%)
4 Frames
18 (6.2%)

Women's Comics
55 (18.9%)

Figure 2. Detailed genres of the 291 manga magazines published in 2003.

Resource: Japan’s Information Media White Papers, 2005.
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and may more or less disappear from the scene after getting married,
unless they become successful. If an artist is able to produce a ‘hit’, then
the magazine publisher would demand that the artist drag out the series in
order to sell more issues over a longer period, as was the case for Kamio
Yōko, the creator of Hana yori Dango. The series lasted for over eleven
years and the stories became formulaic as the series continued. Since there
are no accessible official records of contract details or payment records to
artists, it is difficult to accurately enumerate Kamio Yōko’s net profit.
Nonetheless, considering the licensing of her manga series into anime
production, numerous international live-action drama productions and
the vast-ranging, related merchandising goods, it is not difficult to imagine
the scale of her success.

Japanese Shōjo Manga and Anime Studies

Even with such high circulation and popularity, manga and anime studies
are still underdeveloped both inside and outside Japan. Though many
studies on anime have emerged in the West since the late 1990s, few have
become established as trend-setting. Anne Allison has explored the
relationship between the male gaze and fetishised female body parts in
erotic manga (1998). Sharon Kinsella focused on the shifting organisa-
tional aspect of manga as both a subculture and a mainstream industry
5 Napier’s analysis (2000). Sharalyn Orbaugh, who examines the visual hybridity of gender
focuses on Urusei in shōjo manga, anime and video games, has provided an analysis of how
Yatsura, Oh My the female body has crossed over into the male realm, thus producing
Goddess and Video
Girl Ai, none of visually androgynous shōjo characters (2003). In her book, Anime: From
which were produced Akira to Princess Mononoke (2000), Susan Napier examines the character-
for the shōjo audience. istics of shōjo in Miyazaki Hayao’s anime films and romantic comedy
6 A study by Mary anime (2000: 141). Although Napier provides an analysis on shōjo,
Grigsby fails to
mention the targeted however, her argument is mostly based on female protagonists within
age-group for selected shōnen titles popular in the United States.5
Nakayoshi readership, Since the late 1990s, many studies have emerged focusing on both
which is considered an
introductory Pokemon and Sailor Moon as global phenomena, with some of them
magazine to manga for paying attention to gender dynamics. Sailor Moon, however, was
pre-adolescent girls. primarily targeted at pre-school and pre-adolescent girls, an age group
As Schodt states, if the
female readership of
that does not accurately fall under shōjo (which would generally be
manga ranges from comprised of elementary school girls in their later years and upwards).6
five to eighteen years Overall, many of the western studies on the shōjo genre have either been
old (35), then
untimely (analysing titles from the 1970s or 1980s), inaccurate (undiffer-
Nakayoshi is aimed at
five years and entiating in relation to the children and shōjo manga audiences) or
upwards. misleading (focusing on the homoerotic ‘boys’ love’ Yaoi genre, that only
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accounts for 3.8 per cent of the manga publication industry). This trend
has dominated the field of manga and anime studies in the West and
painted for the western audience an obscure picture of shōjo manga and
its readership in Japan. As for Japanese scholars, manga and anime are yet
to be considered worthy of academic attention.
The literature on manga and anime is mostly on the history, genre
distinction or personal impressions of certain manga. Ōtsuki Takahiro’s
study on the rabukome (love comedy) formula in shōjo manga is one such
example. He argues that the differentiation of the shōjo manga genre from
shōnen manga is meaningless because of the cross-over effect of the love
comedy narratives into the boy’s realm, and the ‘blood, sweat, and tears’
sports’ spirit themes into the girl’s realm (2003: 16871). Furthermore,
Ōtsuki claims that owing to this spill-over effect, many male readers
regularly enjoy shōjo manga and, thus, it has become unnecessary to
differentiate between shōnen/shōjo (172). Although interesting, Ōtsuki’s
argument focuses on his own experience and seems to trivialise the shōjo
genre as a spin-off imitation of the shōnen, confirming the gender bias
within Japan, which assumes that shōjo manga could never be as
important as shōnen manga.

What Girls Want: Trends in Popular Shōjo Manga and Anime

Popular shōjo manga of the 1970s and 1980s focused on female
protagonists who were active in public realms, such as sports, entertain-
ment, art or politics. This is evidenced by series such as The Rose of
Versailles (1972), Aim for the Ace! (1973), Candy Candy (1975), The Mask of
Glass (1976), Swan (1976), Yukan Kurabu (1982) and Encore ga Sankai
(1985). Although these titles also focused on romance, the careers of the
female protagonists were the major driving force of the narrative. For
example, in Candy Candy, the female protagonist Candy is an orphan
who enters a wealthy family as a maid, but ends up being adopted by a
wealthier benefactor and travels around the world receiving a good
education. Candy then gains employment as a social worker after she
receives her education. Although romance is an important element
throughout the plot, it does not preclude Candy from pursuing her
own ambitions in the public realm, nor is it the driving force of the
narrative. In contrast, popular series during the 1990s seemed to focus
more on the romance itself, without the female protagonist having any
particular public goals. Unlike the wish-fulfillment narrative structure of
the 1970s and 1980s, where the female protagonist would prioritise her
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career (and romance would come naturally), contemporary shōjo
narratives focus more on the romance itself*how to get the boy-of-
their-dreams is the driving force of the narrative. Like the shōnen genre
that often follows the narrative trend of ‘loser male surrounded by many
females’, the contemporary shōjo genre focuses on ‘loser female gets
prince charming’ (Ninomiya 2005: 11).
Kinsella notes that since the 1960s, Japan has equated ‘[t]he qualities of
introspection, immaturity, escapism, and the resistance to entering
Japanese society’ with ‘youth, youth culture, and manga’ (1998: 292).
Yet, I would argue, the seemingly immature and escapist narratives were
empowering tools and outlets for the female political voice. Kinsella
further asserts that

In the mid-1970s early girls’ manga was perceived by some leftist

critics as a reactionary cultural retreat from politics and social issues to
petty personal themes. Girls’ manga and soft (yasashii) culture were
associated with the decline of political and cultural resistance in the
early 1970s, sometimes referred to in Japanese as the ‘doldrums’
(shirake). But by the 1990s, individualistic personal themes in girls’
manga were being perceived as stubbornly self-interested, decadent,
and antisocial (Kinsella 1998: 314).

From the 1960s to the 1980s there was a lack of social venues for shōjo to
be politically active. This may explain the trend towards empowered
female individuals (with individual desires and success) in shōjo narratives.
They might have been fulfilling their political desires through ‘escapist’
narratives that centred on romantic European periods in political turmoil,
such as in The Rose of Versailles (1972) and Candy Candy (1975).
Furthermore, Kinsella seems to collate the individualism of the 1970s
(in terms of personal, social and political success) with the individualism
of the 1990s (and a self-absorbed personal success in being ‘getting the
boy’). The shifting narratives in mainstream shōjo manga over the 1990s
seem actually to counter what Kinsella notes as being ‘antisocial’*where
successful relationships with the male protagonist only conform to the
hetero-social norms, thus making the female protagonists more ‘social’
than ‘antisocial’. More noteworthy is that many of the highly popular
series depict the female protagonists as housekeepers who enter the male
protagonists’ households. Though this may simply appear to be a loss of
social status, especially from a western feminist standpoint, it is important
to understand the Japanese context of being a housekeeper, and how it
may function in these shōjo texts. This cultural context does not
necessarily negate the fact that being a maid appears to be a step-down
from previous shōjo depictions.
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The overwhelmingly popular series Hana yori Dango, and many other
contemporary top-ten popular shōjo manga series, such as Kaikan Phrase
(1997), Fruits Basket (1999) and Paradise Kiss (2000), all contain this typical
romance-driven plot structure. Although series such as Peach Girl (1998),
Kareshi Kanojo no Jijō (1999), Nana (2000) and Nodame Cantabile (2002)
seemingly portray the male and female protagonists on equal grounds in
terms of ability, the female protagonist’s unconditional acceptance of the
male remains unchallenged. Such ‘unconditionally-accommodating’,
‘ideal’ female figures have been one of the trademarks for shōnen manga,
yet why has it been emerging as a mainstream narrative trend among
shōjo manga as well?
The following sections will analyse the intricate gender relationships
in contemporary shōjo manga, especially the dynamics of female figures
in the multi-faceted role of mother, strong independent girl, and cute and
sexualised female. Not only do the recent female characters have to be
strong and independent, like those in the earlier shōjo manga narratives,
but they also have to be cute, submissive, sexy and even be willing to
endure physical abuse. Where is the pleasure in all of this for female
readers? A thorough analysis of the portrayal of femininity in Hana yori
Dango and Fruits Basket will give us a better grasp of the shifting gender
dynamics in Japan.

Plot Summaries of Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket

Created in 1992 by Kamio Yōko for Magaret, a shōjo comic magazine,
Hana yori Dango is about a modern day Cinderella. Female protagonist
Makino Tsukushi, a poor student who enters a private high school
beyond her family’s means, wants to spend her high school days
peacefully, without being noticed, since the school has a notorious ijime
(bullying) gang called F4 (Flower 4). F4 consists of four of the wealthiest,
most good-looking, and thus most spoiled male students at the school.
When F4 posts a red flag on a targeted student’s locker, the rest of the
student body will voluntarily bully the marked student. No one dares to
stand up to F4 except Tsukushi who, after witnessing a classmate being
harassed, loses her temper and kicks the leader of F4, Dōmyōji Tsukasa,
in the face. Since this incident, Tsukushi has been subjected to endless
bullying and harassment by F4 and, consequently, by the rest of the
student body. However, after declaring war against F4 by placing red flags
on each of their foreheads, Tsukushi becomes a semi-heroine among the
weak students. Before long, Dōmyōji becomes infatuated with Tsukushi
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because she reminds him of his headstrong older sister. Hence the long
courtship begins.
The entire series centres around Tsukushi’s oscillating behaviour
towards Dōmyōji. Tsukushi and Dōmyōji struggle to learn how to adapt
to each other’s communication style and class differences. Tsukushi
constantly tries to throw Dōmyōji off, yet whenever he seems to give up
on her, Tsukushi reconfirms her affection towards him. However, as the
storyline introduces various characters that interfere with the protago-
nists’ romance, including Dōmyōji’s snobbish mother Dōmyōji Kaede,
the destiny of the two seems to drift apart. However, when Tsukushi
enters the Dōmyōji household as a maid, to gain the approval of his
mother, the romance between the two protagonists blossoms.
The other popular series, Fruits Basket, was created by Takaya Natsuki
for the Hana to Yume shōjo comics magazine in 1999. Aired on TV
Tokyo from July to December 2001, the anime series was popular not
only among female viewers, but also among male viewers. Importantly,
this series was purchased by FUNimation Entertainment Ltd., a
distribution company in the US that already holds rights to famous
series such as Dragon Ball Z. The story is based on twelve Chinese
traditional mythological animal gods (junishi) in a modern setting. The
Sōma clan is cursed by fate to carry on the twelve animal gods’ spirits into
their family members. Depending on the corresponding animal spirit that
a Sōma clan member is born with, s/he turns into that animal when a
person of the opposite sex embraces them. The female protagonist Honda
Tōru is an orphaned high school student who ends up living in a tent on
the Sōma family’s premises after her mother dies (her father died when
she was a child). After Sōma Yuki, the student president of Tōru’s high
school, and other Sōma members discover her tent, they invite her to stay
with them. Tōru agrees to become their housekeeper in order to pay back
the favour.
Tōru is considered incompetent in many aspects of her daily life.
Because of her weaknesses, she has a hard time asserting herself when
difficult situations arise. However, after Tōru befriends Sōma Yuki, her
lifestyle changes drastically. Through various encounters with other Sōma
clan members, Tōru learns about their family secret and the pain that
each member experiences because of the curse. Through Tōru’s emotional
acceptance and support, each Sōma member learns how to deal with their
problems, and Tōru also receives the benefit of having their support in
return. Furthermore, when Tōru becomes the target of bullying by the
head of the Sōma clan, Sōma Akito, the other Sōma members fight to
protect her. Throughout the series, Akito is portrayed as a violent male.
However, towards the end of the series, it is revealed that he is in fact a
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female raised as a male, and thus his/her angst has another gender twist.
By accepting and forgiving Akito, Tōru is able to win his/her heart in the
end. The series shows how Tōru slowly becomes a part of the wealthy
and powerful Sōma family, and her status as a housekeeper is bizarrely
appropriate throughout this process.

How Kawaii! (cute): The Shōjo’s Struggle for Independence

Being a shōjo in Japan not only requires behaving according to one’s
physical age, but it also necessitates behavioural traits that are related to
kawaii (cuteness). John Treat explains, ‘The word most often associated
with this shōjo culture is kawaii, or ‘‘cute’’’ (1996: 281). Though the term
‘cute’ may be associated with a more positive, out-going attitude in the
West, the Japanese idea of cuteness includes a degree of weakness that
makes the shōjo dependent on others. According to Sharon Kinsella, the
terms ‘cute’ (kawaii) and ‘pitiful’ (kawaisō) may produce similar reactions
in Japan:
Although cute was principally about childishness, a sense of weakness
and disability*which is a part of childishness*was a very important
constituent of the cute aesthetic. In fact cute and pitiful were often the
same thing (Kinsella 1995: 236).

In Hana yori Dango, Tsukushi works part-time at a traditional

Japanese bakery in order to help her family. They send Tsukushi to an
expensive private high school beyond their means, expecting that she will
one day marry a rich man. After her father loses his job, Tsukushi feels as
though she is pushed by her family to marry Dōmyōji under financial
constraints*the source of the constant oscillation of her feelings towards
him*which causes her to further evade his love. The series portrays
Tsukushi as a headstrong girl who wants to help her family without
receiving any help from Dōmyōji. Her attempt to help her family
financially, ‘on her own’, without the means to do so, makes Tsukushi
appear to be kawaisō (pathetic) and kawaii (cute) at the same time: kawaisō
because she cannot substantially help her four-member family living in a
single-room house; kawaii because of her attempt to avoid the acceptance
of financial help from Dōmyōji by being independent. She eventually
gives in to his affluent support (although she tries to pay it back through
being a maid in his house).
In Fruits Basket, Tōru’s kawaisō (pitiful) life*her struggle to earn her
meagerly wage as a night janitor*is glossed over by her kawaii attitude: a
smiley, absent-minded and childlike behaviour. Tōru’s overcompensating
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Figure 3. Tōru standing with Arisa (left) and Saki (right), who are considered marginalised characters
in the series. Tōru appears to be the most innocent and ‘cute’ in her maid outfit.
# 2001 Natsuki Takaya/HAKUSENSHA×TV×TOKYO×NAS Fruba

behaviour further entices the Sōma family members and her friends to feel
more sympathetic towards her. Even though Tōru experiences more
hardship than her friends Arisa and Saki, both of whom are considered
marginalised by Japanese society for being a gangster and a ‘goth’, it is
Tōru who offers emotional support to both of them by being optimistic
and innocent (Figure 3). Even though Tōru works amongst older women
at a tough night job, she is not jaded by the harshness of her reality and
maintains her ‘cute’ attitude. The same can be said about Tsukushi, who
does not lose her innocence and integrity even when surrounded by
wealthier girls who consider money to be the most important aspect of
life: Tsukushi is considered to be ‘cuter’ than her high-class school mates
who are dependent on their family’s wealth.

Sex, Violence and Shōjo

In contemporary Japan, a shōjo being kawaii is not always related to
innocence alone*it can be sexualised as well. As Treat states, ‘A kawaii
girl is attractive, and thus valorised, but lacks libidinal agency of her
own’, which can be applied to both Tsukushi and Tōru because they do
not have any sexual agency. However, as Treat further adds, ‘Others may
sexually desire the shōjo’ (1996: 281). Brian McVeigh (2000) also explains
that this cuteness and weakness can be used by the media to portray
sexual images of females that are less threatening to men:
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The strong association of the characteristics of children with women
indicates a symbolic attempt on the part of men to place females in
a controllable social position. This is most clearly seen in the
portrayal of women in commercials, manga (comic books; read by
all ages in Japan) and pornography (pornography cuteness) (McVeigh
2000: 147).

If such is the case for shōjo sexuality, being cute (and weak) may mean
that the shōjo has a resigned disposition when they encounter a sexual
situation, which is often accompanied by violence in many manga
texts. Referring to ero manga (erotic comics) in Japan, Anne Allison notes
that, ‘Sexuality is heavily imbricated with violence in Japanese comics’
(2000: 71). Both protagonists in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket appear
to be innocent and pure, yet it is through the subtle manifestation of
violence that they are sexualised.
In Hana yori Dango, Tsukushi is attacked by a group of male students
when she is blacklisted by F4. The male students chase Tsukushi around
and when they finally ‘capture’ her (Figure 4), they pin her to the ground
and start to assault her in a manner that resembles gang rape. The students
tear Tsukushi’s school uniform, but fail to follow through with more
violence when Dōmyōji appears and stops them. As Dōmyōji is
responsible for the attacks on Tsukushi by blacklisting her, he is also
the one who can protect her from the aggression of other males. In this
regard, Dōmyōji owns Tsukushi’s body because he gets to decide when,
where and by whom her body can be sexualised.
Another scene where violence is mixed with sexual aggression is when
Dōmyōji finds out that Tsukushi has feelings towards Rui, another F4

Figure 4. Tsukushi is bullied by a gang of fellow schoolmates after being blacklisted by the F4
members.
# 2003 Yoko Kamio/Shueisha, Toei Animation
 GIRLS RETURN HOME × 287
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male student. Out of jealousy, Dōmyōji randomly assaults fellow
students at school and eventually chases after the fearful Tsukushi. After
Tsukushi stumbles and falls to the ground, Dōmyōji grabs onto her and
ignores her plea to let go (Figure 5). After kissing Tsukushi, Dōmyōji
attempts to tear off her clothes. When Tsukushi starts to cry, he feels
remorseful and apologises for his actions. Dōmyōji’s violent aggression
is absolved through Tsukushi accepting his apology. This scene leaves
the viewers with mixed emotions about how to process Dōmyōji’s
behaviour*whether to accept or condemn it.
The main violent offender in Fruits Basket is Sōma Akito, the head,
and the so-called ‘god’, of the Sōma clan who is destined to die for the
family in order to ‘contain’ the curse. Each reincarnation cycle has a
designated sacrifice and Akito is the current generation’s victim. Out of
sympathy (and perhaps filial piety), Sōma family members allow Akito
to behave according to whim and often endure the physical violence he
7 At the time of writing, inflicts upon them.7 Akito is jealous and obsessed with Tōru because he
only the anime series feels that his relatives pay more attention to her than to him. He lurks
was completed.
Although Akito is behind Tōru’s every move for an opportunity to find fault with her. In
revealed to be a female the final anime episode, Tōru visits the main Sōma household where
at the end of the Akito resides. Although she tries to empathise with Akito’s painful
manga series, she is
portrayed as a male destiny, he ends up brutally attacking her. Akito grabs Tōru by her hair
throughout the anime and pushes her body down as if to make her kneel. The other two Sōma
series. Thus, I will
members, Yuki and Hatori, try to stop Akito by holding him back, but
refer to Akito as a
male. However, after Akito does not let go of his grip on Tōru’s hair (Figure 6). However,
the manga series was she does not resist and appears to be submitting through bowing. This
completed in 2006, the
twist of the narrative
evokes a sexualised imagery that is commonly associated with adult
only further confirms manga. As Allison explains, the relationship between female submission
my analysis on gender
as performance.

Figure 5. Tsukushi struggles to get away from Dōmyōji as he grabs her.

# 2003 Yoko Kamio/Shueisha, Toei Animation
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Figure 6. Akito pulls Tōru’s hair while Yuki (right) and Hatori try to stop him.
# 2001 Natsuki Takaya/HAKUSENSHA×TV TOKYO×NAS×Fruba

and sexual violence is a common theme in manga texts geared towards

mature women:
‘Women,’ of course, is primarily what and who men attack, and the
construction of femaleness is based . . . on this position . . . Unlike
men, they do not, often cannot, run away; and despite being attacked,
they typically do nothing to defend themselves, let alone try to fight
back (Allison 2000: 17).
This type of violence was uncommon in early shōjo manga. In both Hana
yori Dango and Fruits Basket, the narratives position both protagonists in a
situation where they are subject to violence and enforced sexualisation,
which is similar to that of ero manga. Such a narrative undermines the
independence they experience by exposing them to situations where they
are dependent on the mercy of male characters.

Shōjo and Motherhood

Besides being kawaii, independent and sexualised, the female protagonists
in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket also take on the role of the ‘mother’.
Commenting on the role of being a caretaker and mother in a Japanese
household, Takie Lebra states, ‘The average woman is assumed to orient
herself primarily to her family and kinship, and her life to center in and
around the domestic realm’ (1984: 20). According to Lebra, this means a
‘corporate body of co-residents’ where each member performs his/her
role to maintain the structure. Most importantly, Lebra claims that ‘a
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functionally indispensable member may happen not to be a member of
the stem family, as in the case of a competent servant or household
employee’ (1984: 20). This point is crucial in understanding Japanese
women’s view of being a person who is in ‘service’ for others in a
household situation and how this concept is further manifested in texts
created by them.
As Tsukushi and Tōru both enter the male protagonists’ households
as housekeepers, we can see how they are constructed as replacements for
the absent mother figures. In Hana yori Dango, when Tsukushi enters the
Dōmyōji household as a maid, a grandmother-like character named Tama
trains Tsukushi. Tama has been a servant to the Dōmyōji family for many
years and used to be a nanny to Kaede (Dōmyōji’s mother). Tama’s
position in the Dōmyōji family is that of a mother, especially to Kaede.
An interesting trajectory is portrayed through how Tama trains Tsukushi
to become a good servant, or ‘mother’, to Dōmyōji, as Tama herself was
to Kaede. Tama is revealed to be the most indispensable person in the
Dōmyōji household, not only for being in charge of the household
chores, but also for providing solid emotional support for Kaede. She
trains Tsukushi to be a ‘mother’ to Dōmyōji, which becomes a threat to
his actual mother, Kaede. Not only does Tsukushi replace Kaede’s
position as a mother, but she also replaces her role as a daughter to Tama.
The power relationship within the household becomes obvious in a scene
where Kaede finds out that Tsukushi has been working as a servant in her
home. While trying to oust Tsukushi, Kaede is stopped by Tama, who
threatens to leave her life-long position in the household if Tsukushi is
made to leave. Tama, a short and crouched woman, stares defiantly at
Kaede, the tall, elegantly-dressed, career-oriented breadwinner of the
house. After a short pause, Kaede yields to Tama’s demands and allows
Tsukushi to stay*not doing so would indicate being a bad ‘daughter’.
This scene shows that Tama is in fact the central ‘mother’ figure of the
Dōmyōji household, even though her position is that of a housekeeper.
Similarly, in Fruits Basket, Tōru enters the Sōma household as a live-in
housekeeper. She takes care of cleaning, cooking and miscellaneous
household chores. Not only is Tōru a ‘mother’ through doing household
labour, but also through her taking care of the emotional needs of each
Sōma family member. When Tōru realises that most of the cursed Sōma
family members have been rejected by their own parents, she is able to
empathise with their pain. Having lost both her parents through illness
and a car accident, Tōru understands the importance of parental love. She
gives the Sōma family members a feeling of yasuragi (comfort), which
enables them to open up and emotionally rely on her (even Akito who
has been rejected by his own mother). As Lebra claims, ‘A woman
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through motherhood becomes the most indispensable person in the
household’ (1984: 160). Tōru’s role as a mother wins her unconditional
support and devotion from the Sōma family members, which resembles
that of motherchild relationships.
Contrary to Robertson’s argument that being a shōjo was considered
to be the antithesis of being a mother (1998: 174), the female protagonists
embody both the ‘mother’ and shōjo. Adapting to the position of a
caretaker may be a conscious role that the females take on to compensate
for their lack of social status. As evidenced in the cases of Tama and
Kaede, and Tōru and the Sōma family, the shōjo’s ability to perform the
role of a ‘mother’ seems to transcend the class barrier. In order for the
females to assert their status proportionate to all the Prince Charmings,
they may be reverting back to the most traditional and most con-
servative*the ‘ultra’ domestic and nurturing*‘mother’ figure.

Hierarchy of Gender Through Performance and Class

The class system in manga and anime texts is something that is
prominent, but rarely analysed. There are numerous shōjo narratives
featuring middle- or lower-class female protagonists longing for upper-
class male protagonists. In addition to Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket,
recent popular manga series such as W Juliet (1999), Kareshi Kanojo no Jijō
(1999), Kaikan Phrase (1997), Paradise Kiss (2000) and Nodame Cantabile
(2002) have female protagonists who are involved with male protagonists
from ‘high-class’ families. It is rare to see a female protagonist in a shōjo
text belonging to an upper-class family.
In a scene in Hana yori Dango, Dōmyōji visits Tsukushi’s one-room
tatami (traditional Japanese flooring) household*a stark contrast to his
western-style mansion. Tsukushi feels embarrassed by her humble living
conditions. When her mother serves him dinner, he is not familiar with
some of the common Japanese dishes. However, after witnessing how
elegantly Dōmyōji conducts himself while eating, Tsukushi admiringly
thinks to herself, ‘No wonder he is from an extremely wealthy family.’
Tsukushi does not behave like an ojōsan (lady) as her fellow classmates do.
Tsukushi is emotional and spontaneous. She talks loudly and can be
physically aggressive, which makes her what Russo calls an ‘unruly
woman’ (1986: 216) (Figure 7). Although Tsukushi claims that she is
proud of her lowly background throughout the series, the fact that she is
awed by Dōmyōji’s high-class mannerisms indicates her secret desire to be
ladylike.
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Figure 7. Dōmyōji is surprised at Tsukushi’s unladylike language.

# 2003 Yoko Kamio/Shueisha, Toei Animation

Interestingly enough, it is not the female characters who exhibit and

define what ladylike femininity should be. Rather, more often than not, it
is the male characters who embody feminine physical traits such as pretty
faces, slender bodies and the aforementioned graceful mannerisms that
place the female subject as inferior to the male. In shōjo texts, being
effeminate does not detract from the male character’s appeal. Instead, it
only enhances his charm and social status. As a matter of fact, the female
subject is put in a lesser position because she is not able to ‘perform’
femininity better than the male characters. As Judith Butler notes about
gender construction, ‘Identity is performatively constituted by the very
‘‘expressions’’ that are said to be its results’ (1990: 25). What Butler claims
is that the performance aspect of one’s gender is itself the process of
constructing one’s own gender identity.
In an episode of Hana yori Dango, Tsukushi is kidnapped by Dōmyōji
and taken to his mansion, where he pampers her with spa treatments,
expensive fashion items and a proposition for her to ‘become’ his
girlfriend. When Tsukushi realises that Dōmyōji is trying to ‘buy’ her
love, she points out his arrogance and refuses the offer. Feeling rejected,
Dōmyōji exclaims that he is a ‘walking brand’ and asks Tsukushi what
makes her think a poor girl like her can refuse him. Tsukushi answers, ‘I
am a no-brand woman.’ Since fashion and femininity are closely
associated with each other, Dōmyōji’s knowledge of beauty and fashion
makes him much more feminine than Tsukushi*as Butler argues that
‘regulatory norms of sex’ are constructed through repeated performance,
which further normalises gender (1993: 532, 538). In shōjo manga,
feminised masculinity is normalised through repeated performances of
femininity. Associating gender construction with the modernisation
process in Japan, Ayako Kano, following Butler, explains that acting
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like a woman in Japan was ‘taught, learned, rehearsed, and repeated’
(2001: 5). Kano uses male Kabuki actors as an example of gender
8 Kano explains that performance.8
since theater Similar to taking on the role of ‘mother’, embodying traditional
performance in Japan
was related to the male Japanese qualities may function as a tool to narrow class discrepancy.
domain, they also When Tsukushi counters Dōmyōji’s materialistic proposal by stating that
took up performing he should not view her like the other girls around him, he then truly falls
‘female’ roles. Kano
notes that in love with Tsukushi. Although Dōmyōji initially viewed Tsukushi as a
‘prostitution temporary girlfriend, after Tsukushi claims that she is ‘different’ from
continued to be other western-fashion-brand-driven ‘high-class’ girls, he then becomes
associated with the
theater, with the male more serious in his pursuit of her as a future bride. Tsukushi’s lowly
actors available as background accentuates her domesticity and, thus, that she is authenti-
sexual partners for cally Japanese and, ironically, this elevates to her a position equal to
male patrons, but the
practice of onnagata Dōmyōji.
eventually led to the By contrast, the high-class environment in Fruits Basket is depicted
development of a through the Sōma household that strictly adheres to Japanese traditions.
stylised art and made
idealised femininity The architecture in which the head of the Sōma clan resides resembles
something that was that of a historical palace, indicating how powerful and wealthy the Sōma
represented by men’ household would be in a Japanese context. Furthermore, Sōma Yuki
(Kano 2001: 5).
speaks in a very polite manner with a feminine voice*aspects which
symbolise gentility*and he has a pretty face (Figure 8). Not only Tōru’s
social position, but also her femininity, is no match for that of Sōma
Yuki. For her to be accepted by Sōma family standards, she has to follow
their traditional rules, such as delivering extremely respectful locution
and by becoming a household caretaker.
As the examples have shown, the inferiority of the female characters is
not established solely through the discrepancy in social status, but also
through the physical beauty that the male protagonist embodies. With the
female subject looking up to the male subject, who emits signs of more
adequate femininity, the male body becomes the source of oppression for

Figure 8. Tōru (centre), Yuki (right) and Kyō (left) in Fruits Basket.
# 2001 Natsuki Takaya/HAKUSENSHA×TV TOKYO×NAS×Fruba
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the female protagonist. The female subject has to work hard, often by
enacting traditional feminine nurturing roles, to match not only the male
protagonist’s superior social position, but also his femininity. This is why
the females may take on a role in which the males could not position
themselves without threatening their masculinity: that of the domestic
realm.

Summary and Conclusion

Recent popular Japanese shōjo manga and anime texts portray femininity
as embodying both the traits of a mother-like caretaker and an
independent sexualised girl. This portrayal differs from the dualistic
media portrayal that, until the 1980s, was previously strictly divided into
public versus domestic, and onto separate female bodies (Lebra 1984: 9).
Through performing certain roles, the protagonists construct a femininity
that is becoming more complex and demanding for an audience that may
look up to such portrayals as desirable. If we agree with McVeigh that
popular media texts in Japan function as self-presentation and self-
preservation for Japanese women (2000: 147), neither the domestic nor
the independent female is troublesome within their own realm. However,
when debating which role to take, the female authors may be manifesting
their own struggles.
In the past, the shōjo manga and anime narratives focused on female
protagonists aiming for higher public roles in the texts. One explanation
could be that during the 1970s and 1980s there were less public positions
for Japanese women, and there was more social discrimination against
women who were publicly active, as witnessed in media portrayals up to
the 1980s (Lebra 1984; Fukunishi Suzuki 1995). However, as Japanese
women gained more social power through increased participation in the
public domain, a nostalgic romanticisation seemed to be surfacing in
relation to the domestic role. Moreover, with the increase in males taking
on roles of fashion-conscious consumers during the 1990s (Brasor 1995)*
an area that was previously accepted as belonging to women*Japanese
women may feel pressure to reclaim their femininity and thus push for
the ‘more’ feminine. This would be through positioning themselves in a
role that even feminised males cannot perform*that of a traditional
mother who is bound to domesticity.
Similar to the female protagonists who often transform from an
independent high school student to a traditional role of ‘mother’, the
female manga artists themselves might also face similar struggles between
work and family. Tsukushi has the option of accepting Dōmyōji’s love
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and becoming a wealthy housewife, and Tōru could live with her relatives
who are financially secure. But both female protagonists choose to live in
poverty and work in part-time menial jobs in the public domain. This
contradictory fragmentation of roles embodied in each protagonist is
troublesome, in that it complicates and confuses the social identity of
these females. On the one hand, they are an epitome of independent
shōjo, but on the other, they are domestic ‘mothers’ who take care of
other characters in the series. By taking on both roles, the female
characters go through hardships and are placed under many emotional
and physical burdens. However, this aspect is erased through the romance
code of getting the male(s).
With the Japanese government enthusiastically promoting the con-
tents industry on a global scale, manga and anime have become ever more
important means to showcase culture and values. The type of cultural
ideology manifested in these texts is no longer significant to Japan alone.
As audiences around the globe become more accustomed to manga and
anime texts, so are the texts produced with the understanding that they
may some day be consumed by a global audience. Gender relations within
both manga and anime media, regardless of whether shōnen or shōjo,
become important to western audiences as well. What are the implica-
tions of the glamorised Japanese-style shōjohood and motherhood, along
with the implied virtue in enduring sexually-nuanced violence, for the
younger audience in Japan and overseas? As shōjo anime texts are
becoming more complex in their construction of femininity, and in order
to better understand how these texts may be influencing females,
especially girls, further media studies exploring the production industry
and audience reception for both shōjo manga and anime are called for.

Note

The Japanese names in this paper follow the Japanese order, which is family
name first.

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