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    patrimonio y economia

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    Heritage and Economics 2

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    7 Heritage in economic development strategies Introduction 1n 1862, when the question ofa public ecto involvement in clare ~in his ‘case architectural fons avi a was first tentatively discussed in The Netherlands te then Prime Miner declared to genera agreement tha at ‘Snot the basnes of government nr ithe government the site of ar OF stonce. By 1992, however, 2 Ministry of Economic Affairs national policy Sicument stated thar Duichenlrral henge could add greatly to the Saonal ad local economy and stimulate employment in the clutl seco {Minster van Economisce Zaken 1992}, Thi is but one example of a ‘Ringing ratonship through sme herween goverment and cre, which hare many cla ais an promanc, Pci depend the development roles of eulture does shift the focus from the intrinsic orth ofthe objec or performance to is value in support of some other pur- ose. Similaly, i may be argued thatthe increasing importance ofthe eco- ‘omic roles of culture may result in lite more than a privatization of what was previously azero-priced public ood (Hitters 1993). If heritage is held to valuable in economic development, then its other values are likely to be cooppennntscessncmmnnrenaans Doew € q sagraphy of her tnt hc 190) an re a, soap post cm nt ha Mercaos merit consumption the clural ck unlikely o be replenished seeilital curren economic use, The rlaonsip between economic Tie tern of exture are eqn feafal of economy they may Say heap im dcvelopmene, Somesce erage a asyaptom whe oh Sosa (1996) ance har heritage powered by nox, which na eee evo dccopmen: Hatori ead of poplar nova comesond as ding th 180s, 1930sand 1970% More general, the postmodernist aoe of df om an economic and socal oganiation based on pro: seen onc bred on conbumption ards esta = simpy consumo ele sz ety 1998, Hewson (DN?) gor faery cnc a hes pon World War Bish erage indus bok symptom eee lute of decline anda a contated abacevad vratig tmmancm that has couraged amps to met the challenges of einen forthe fur, factor which eps explain the country's compar sitet dior economic performance over that perio Noscot these couner arguments are wholly convincing bt they at es ‘Batu and ard economic development, while economic deveop- aan acre support and destroy hertage revouees. Rising, bere Tetinls oy ten rom economic promperty and the search for wider ae caeepepsnly comfortable sd dangerous complacnc. The mot see ee Goncical fo both economic development and heritage sree gy dey or indtecty producing a profitable return 2 each ree sisal jnied in deal, heritage investments are nov loaded aa een expectasons of many quite diferent antciated beneficial TH Mujer investments of money and the energy of public agencies at cee pees aon tan ath that someting must happen 3s & sa psec nature and elecinenest of al ofthese roles forms the prnipal content of his chapter, Heritage as an economic activity Cf the many and diverse ways of viewing the relationship beeween heritage ‘Gnd economic activities, the three most prevalent in policy applications are Heritage in economic development strategies onsidered here. Firs, heritage isan economic activity in itself, an industry commodifying past structures, associations and cultural productivity and rading these for an economic eturn that can be measured in jobs, profits oF ncomes. Second, heritage places can be treated as locations for economic tivities and assessed according to their ability to aeract, accommodate or epel economic functions. Third, and most indiectly, heritage in various anifestations can be used in the creation and promotion of place images for dominant economic purposes. Heritage as a culture industry fam economy is casiied according tits ndustral sectors thenit isnot di ical envisage the exience ofa roup of ‘clare induste within which ans mgt pens, ahr ie i such ets ste “building conservation’, “museum or hetage theme pak industri. The obvious fc n pursing such an approach tha: hese similar lations do not sppes in convensona economic satis, le the heritage industry isbyitvnaare dfs and dfiealt wo disentangle om many other activist which ts elated or within which t's offen lade A the national level the Minny of Canadian Heritage fo example, has csponsiliy, nor only for histocc building national historic stead ronal important artefact collection, bu iso for related lds such a5, national parks and wider areas, heritage rivers and even esta fauna emit extend o other diverse topic including sport provision, mutica sural policy, relsons withthe monarchy and cienship imp in ad 10 heritage, the UK Mini responsible for culture also deals withthe broadcasting media, national lorery and sport At lca level fn most European countries eponsibiiy for aspect of heritage, including building sion and administrative departments Of planing and development omc, Ui government at al levels har failed to delimit afield of heritage for adiniratve purposes this reflects the various way in which Rertage is leony the ope smal filing cha varie) one, This situation is replicated inthe pivate sector where, for example, her ng centres and theme parkas homes or historical gees nl com emoratons ate likely to be operated as part of a wilt leisure, certainment oF mea industry ater than specifi ertage or culture nterprie, Nevertheless, despite thse difciesseveral atempeshave been ade ro delimit ether “heritage industy” (Hewson 198%, 191) an “ans dey” (Facer eal. 1996) or more widely a“ultae industry” Wynne spent ssa cine 1s A geography of hertege 1992), The need ro do tis has usually been to generate comparative statistics to demonstrate either the growing importance of cultural industries com- pared with other activities, or the relative importance of this sector in one ounery compared with another. In both cases the motive has been to ease the awareness of governments and their citizens as to the economic impor- tance of the sector. Heritage as a tourism industry Ie could be argued that heritage tourism isso important as an industry that it requires separate and extended treatment (ee, for example: Boniface and Fowler 1993; Costa and van det Borg 1993: van der Berg etal. 1995; Robinson el. 1996). However, itis soall-pervasive in most ofthe economic arguments raised so far chat to treat ita a discrete industry serving a recog- nizable marker segment, labelled heritage tourism, with targeted heritage tourism products, would be to miss most ofthe wider points discussed sofa. It's argued here that in regarding heritage asa condition of place, heritage tourism, the heritage tourist, and tourism heritage do not exist, except pet- hhaps as conceptual abstractions in the stady of tourism as an acivity. The {question of spatial scale is also significant in cha although tourism occurs Tocaly, its economic impacts are much more widely diffused. Indeed, it has Jong been argued (see, for example, the comprehensive summary in Sineait and Stabler 1997) that the economic benefits of tourism are most easly ca tulable a the national scale (asin balance of incernational payments, profits ‘of national travel or accommodation corporations and the like), while the costs are more usally experienced locally. Iris easy to demonstrate that tourists make an important contribution 10 visicor numbers and ticket sales for many heritage facilities and exhibitions Forty-four percent ofthe visitors to London museums are tourist, the pro= portion being much higher for the ten largest institutions (Copley and Robson 1996), Welsited and promoted themed heritage experiences suchas Jorik (York), “Canterbury Tales’ (Canterbury), ‘Royalty and Empite” (Windso:) and the like are major tourist attractions, generating economic benefits for themselves and for ancillary services in the towns in which they ate located. Very few heritage products, however, are produced for tourists Alone; many, if not most, heritage buildings, museum collections and cultural festivals rarely encounter a tourist, Even those few that do are generally dependent for their appeal upon a much wider heritage setting often the his torie city asa whole for which coutism may be a marginal activity. ‘Similarly, when viewed from the consumer's perspective, the growth in heritage tourism is not explicable by isolating the behaviour and moti fof the tourist from a wider society. The situation is not, as is sometimes implied, that a compleely exogenous demand for heritage lead to an influx ‘of tourists who consume a foreign heritage and then reurn home to quit df= ferent consumption patterns. On the contrary, heritage turism is merely one Heritage in economic development strategies 1s aspect ofthe increase in a much wider special-interest tourism in which pas times, interests and acitudes practised at home are simply continued else where. Heritage, and culture mote widely, is increasingly acental part ofthe local life-styles of anew service class with new culeural consumption prefer ences, Thus the heritage tourists more che resident on holiday than 2 special category of consumer whose motives and behaviour mysteriously change ‘once an international frontier is crossed. Indeed, the frequently deplored ‘demonstration effect’, whereby the ‘ouris’s consumption of heritage elsewhere influences behaviout and ati tudes inthe host society, is frequently reversed, In The Netherlands, as in most northern European countries, the holiday experience in Mediterranean counties has combined with wider social changes to promote the selective import of new consumer goods (specially food and drink), while perceived liteseye atributes have influenced the introduction of urban phenomena including the boulevard café and, more broadly, the new uses of public space for public spectacle and spectator pastimes. These latter have themselves become major tourism attractions incites such as Utrecht, Groningen oF Maastricht (Duren 1993; Klerk and Vijgen 1993; Oosterman 19935 Ashworth 1997). Tourist and resident are now indisinguishable as well as being statistically inseparable. Tourists imitate residents who themselves are imitating their perceptions of the same tourists’ home behaviour. The impli- cations for policy of this integral functioning of tourism within local economies, and specifically the interplay ofthe internal and external markets for heritage is that tourism plays 2 complex role in economic development strategies, interacting with many economic sectors at different spatial scales, Heritage as a factor in the location of, economic activities One ofthe peculiarities of heritage is that is both a particular type of activ ity and also a particular type of place. Here we consider the qualities of het- itage places as locations for economic activities, Heritage buildings, sites and areas accommodate many diverse economic activites located there for numerous different reasons. This relationship between activity and site can be classified as ‘intentional’, whore the atvity deliberately chooses heritage site w wane fersing importan advantages ‘© ‘ancillary’, where the heritage attributes make some, but nota decisive, contribution tothe locational choices © cor ‘coincidental’, where the activity is indifferent tothe historicity ofthe site and is located therefor quite different reasons. For three main reasons, however, this rational approach is in many cases {quite spurious. a a aun, v0 Aesgrpy of heritage i, he hry ofthe heage conservation movement has proceeded more ken onthe bss ofthe inal motive to sve bilitgs and ony the Shbsequent and secondary need ooccpy the, ater hah a sponse fo the heaps equrement of economic atvise. This sso even wheres North America the expectation of economic profit has typi been sin [pur non of comervaon, Thus finding 2 fancion bas oe been a pose rservaonexrce thas led to many cvs wing conserved premises ‘Shout driving any parla benef from thi hori or even having Thu conolorer the lation decon. Loa uthorites or pate chat Us for example finding themscves cxtodans of stor Bulli re cn se them for exibions, meetings, receptions an the ike, on eau such spacey vale and sone ws, however unprofitable eo omic terms is comidered peat vacancy. Scand, ner lasa le im explaining mow locational patecos butter are reasons o presume ts Spctallyimporane inate conservation, where changes inthe bul en Sonment ray be releced ony stowiy in changes in the spatial pater of fanctons Ral, a substantial proportion of ecapiers of designated hie toric monument and even moreso designated hentage area, re simply Stconsious ofthe Jsignations, or evenifavate,egatdthesc of no diet economic consequence to themselves ‘Nevericless spose to review a checklist ofthe most relevant co omic sarbteof erage lcaons ado compare these withthe requ tment of paar activites making the asomption that diferent acti ‘Re he same atouts a ether a costo» Benefit nthe Tong ra, hs rerio the fanctonl mix of heiage axe and lo chee ulimate su ces arracing enough, suble, fancy vale occupiers of henge Space Some dsuncton can be dawn between the characteristic of bldg ‘Rie ier en wht ae loction ths conserved buldng immediately inposes dice cos of higher tinenance only because ikl to be more about inne andl toe of ix pulic monumental ans of higher sandard than eo hry mre importante he ec os pe a ert ‘Spunion and adapaion wll ach maters facade decorations the Spay amir company logo and external aderéang; uty provision inludieg modern heating, listing, venlaton and commuicaton servic say eo mee conenporary codes of procs; and fenesaton an ‘ated inernal pce dvsion which may aot conform to current workshop croc protic and hs impose ots efcent operaons. To these ca Be added the cont ofthe conserved area which the bulge, ind the revicions on accesbiy fr motor vehies, which hate implication forthe wansport of materi prod sal and comers ‘gsm formidable ist of cot tube eth Bnei tobe dere front berage lations. These ond tobe less obvious and less measurable sein economic development strategies The mos important ditect benefit relates to the ways the historicity of the building or area has postive impact upon the enterprise located in it. These can be summarized a the related benefits of satus, patronage, and addres. Some qualities ofthe building and area are transferred by occupancy to the user who gains he status of tration, continuity and reliability and by infer tence, probity and trustworthiness aswell asthe good taste and public bene faction of artistic patronage. To these subjective qualities can be added the value of a recognizable address in a high-status neighbourhood, which may appear to confirm the quality or success of che enterprise in general. Ifthe location is associated with other similar enterprises, his can lead to what in London could be recognized as the ‘Harley Steet ot even ‘Saville Row phe- ‘nomenon, where the locaton confers customer recognition and ease of dis covery, combined with immediate accepeabily of higher customer charges, Traffic controls in conservation areas may restrict vehicular access but, con versely, may encourage pedestrian accessibility and associated opportunities for impulsive consumer behaviour. ‘The ways in which differen enterprises weight these sometimes ambi ous cost and benefits largely determine the long: term funcional pattern of heritage buildings and areas. Clearly chose who ate indifferent to, or can tol ‘rate, the restrictions upon change, space arcangements and access, and who simultaneously can profit from the psychic or behavioural benefits listed above, will normally ether remain in such locations aftr they are designated ‘or move ro them. Such enterprises fll into three main categorie, First, there ace activities that directly value historicity as part of their saleable product such as art, antiques, antiquarian and eraft dealers, These may overlap with both the souvenir trade and second-hand an junk markets, aswell as services such as some catering outlets (traditional restaurants), bars and even hotel accommodation (ofthe raditonal Inn’ variety, which are openly selling the pastas an integral pat of che product. Second there are activites that ate not directly doing this but which value the qualities that historicity may confer and which have modest space demands. These include medical, financial of legal consulting coom services, in which the clients trast in the provider is critical, Finally, certain activities profit from the presence of people pedis: posed tobe acracted to their products and services rather than fom the his Ioricty of the seting ise. One obvious manifestation ofthis is retailing ‘where herzage may be deliberately sold by chains such as"Past Times’ in what Duffy (1994, p. 82) refers to asthe ‘Laura Ashleyisation’ ofthe high street {after Bets fashion store specializing in traditional desig). ‘Conversely, enterprises which derive ile benefit fom the qualities of h toricity or the people it attracts, but do suffer from the restrictions on space, change and accessibility, will either avoid locations in historic buildings ot areas, or seek new locations iftrapped within them by the subsequent heritage ‘designations of planners. Examples would include offices engaged in informa: tion storage and processing rather chan public representation, and activities ddependent upon an association with modernity rather than historicity, anatase Finally, there sa widespread incidence of what could be termed locational compromise whereby the costs of actual location in conserved areas are voided by the choice of modern premises in a non-conserved district, while an historic town or tegion. This i * amenity rather than asa direct locational con still reaping the wider benefits of loca the ure of heritage as an in sideration. Changes have occurred in the weighting of locational factors in the locational decisions of firms asthe relative importance of transport costs of materials, products, energy and even labour have declined, leaving, if only by default, place amenity as an important locational variable (Dunning and Norman 1987). One seudy of a number of firms in Greater London (Evans 1993) found that a wide mix of recreational and decorative facies with museums and old buildings was more important chan sporting facilis and ‘pubs toa majority of respondents, Such studies reveal lle about the actual Weight given to such vanables inthe decision to locate compared ro other more easily quantifiable factors, but atthe very leas, other factors being more or less equal, firms will not locate in cultural or heritage ‘deserts’ (Whitt 1987). Heritage thus contributes to the vague but potentially decisive factor of access for employees to an attractive residential oF rereational environment Heritage and the creation of economic place images Ac firs sight it may seem curious that heritage would have any role to play at allin the shaping of place images designed to encourage economic develop= tent. After all heritage is composed of aspects ofthe remembered, preserved ‘and imagined past, while development is essentially planning and investment for a future thats different from, and presumably better than, any such past Te scems more logical fora place wishing to appear eager to change, and 10 this end shaping a local consensus favouring development, ro actively die vow, ot just passively forget its past from which i Wishes to escape into a brighter frre, Thus in seeking 4 rapid tansition from a rejected past tot desired fature, many revolutions at lest begin with a deliberate iconoclast, fr state-sponsored amnesia, that removes the cultural accoutrements ofthe past so that development into the future can proceed unfettered. Given thi wy then does heritage assume such an active role in shaping contemporary place images, especially those deliberately designed to encourage develop ment? Burgew's (1982) pioneering work into the promoted images of British Tocal authorities identified four general qualities tha dominated such images “These were centrality; dynamism identity; and quality of life. The later two were formed principally from beaury, historicity and cultural facilites. Two pieces of more detailed research from The Netherlands extend and: exemplify these findings. The content of the promotional material of 16 ‘mediumsized towns, all engaged in place marketing policies designed to fttract external interest in development opportunites (not tourist vist) i Summarized in Figures 7.1 and 7.2 (Voogd and van de Wijk 1989). Two main Heritage in economic development Elements 20 60 80 Generate Tourism Monuments Historic town trail ‘Museums Town guide Map) History| Recreation Coat of arms Sport Parking Public services List of monuments Cafes/restaurants Events Commercial firms Parks Housing| ‘Schools igure7-1_Therole of hertage inthe place matketng and promotion ofa sample of th owns 7 wre adapted from Voogd and van de Wik (1989) acho can be drawn rom Fig 71 Finn agree, hese dom night have been thought more sul commecl information or deteiptions sil fait, Second taken spear wile al the sample towns were takingsome ofits withthe mow exit monte trong exiting erage reputations wed themes and ce-vera.Ths ws with the weakest herage nage, such as Sched (an Indasal soremetmneananoentsten: A geography of heritage % Elements 2 40 «608 Historie buildings ‘Museums History Coat of arms| ‘Monuments Tourism Recreation facities Sports Cafesirestaurants: Events Parks| Parking) Services| Housing Schools| General account “Town guide Map) Figure 7.2_The role of heritage inthe promotional erature of sample of Dutch local suthories ‘Sources adapted from Voogd and van de Wik (1989) sub f Romer) or Amersfoort (eientl commuter ows), ke ns azond reach proj (en der Veen and Voogd 1989) wis more spe: cit nimet and the form ofan experimen wcha sos oe Sopany mde enguses abou réacason, posses among 78 loa anthers Neen oin whore teond eno sattitarin deine and whch save ocr or new developmen Soci Thecamenra the routing pomenonl Merrow Big 3S apa erage wee donna abt enc Heritage in economic development strategies us Accounting for these findings is more dificult than describing them, but ‘explanations can be sought in both the decision-making processes of firms land the practical situation in which local authorities find. themselves, Convincing potential investors that a place possesses what can be termed an ‘entrepreneurial climate’ involves more than merely relating statistics about, for example, the coss and availabilty of suitable land, the costs of transport or the availbiliy of government subsidy oF support. In much of Western Europe, these factors are of diminishing significance and, within most regions, donot significantly vary over space. Thus an individual local author= ity can safely assume chat the value of such variables has already been assessed, and thatthe competitive choice is herween specific locations within the repion or country. In this process quite diferent variables are involved. If the promotion is related to models ofthe phases of consumer decision mak: ing as in Figure 7.3, then the task of local authority promotion in the eatly phases is merely eecognition and awarenes. This i best served by presenting a distinctive identity which, in turn, is most easily achieved by stressing a par ticular history and thus contemporary heritage. A place must put itself onthe mental map of decision-makers and a distinctive heritage isthe most obvious way of achieving this. Proceeding further through the process of choice, the preference for one place rather than another of similar general attributes and location i encouraged by what may seem commercially irelevant but never- ‘theless colourful and memorable local detail. Places in the Dutch experiment ‘were exploiting past economic achievements as indications of future success, specifically usinga romantic hstorcism and heritage that extolled the histor ically proven ethnic and even racial attributes of ther populations to demon strate local stability, probity and continuity ‘More prosaically, it can be argued that local authorities have generally acquired two other promotional markets~the in-coming tourism market and their own citizens, the promotion of the place to itself. Each ofthese isan important marker demanding attention in ts own right, aswell as influencing strategies and instruments for promoting incoming investment and entrepte ‘neuril skills. Both tourism and ‘self marketing” ate ikely to favour the use of heritage elements in promotional images, albeit for different. reasons Heritage is used ro create directly saleable tourism products while in self marketing, it isthe most elective means by which individuals idently them selves with places and acquire a collective civic consciousness. Te practical Point ere is that local authorities seek to extend the active promotion of these markets into external commercial macketing, they may not possess the skills to segment, separate and target the markets nor the financial resources to develop separate instrument of promotion. Quite simply, blunt mult purpose instruments are being used in promoting vaguely formulated mult ple goals within dimly delineated consumer markets, Heritage is the safest and cheapest option in such an unknown environment. ‘Considering further actual eases ofthe role of heritage in place images, a fundamental distinction must be made between the deliberately projected A geography of heritage Communicate Justification Figure7.3 Place marketing and the phases of consumer decision making images considered so far and toe sty recived bythe potential ser “These are unltely tbe the same, pal because enormous dsortions occ Iranian ao base dele roc nena fa Sfanagement authors compete only asl acon ofthe tou iniorma don Bong wansated about a place Nomeros league ble, most wally Ste oy ornaonal sae stmatze how people envisage paces. "Most ivabie cry pollshave longbeenpoplain te United Stats andaresceay ty manager as judgement onthe sicces, or oterie, of thir promo: Sonal programmes, Sari there are "most workable’ o ‘invesable cy Icagucy, which ne doubt inenc the locational decisions of people, ene procs and capital, While the specie role of hag in such bread notions Heritage in economic development strategies 167 “lveabilt’ is almost impossible to disentangle from many other, potentially related atribues, including the presence of cultural facilites, environmental «quality, downcown liveliness ad citizen’ feelings of identity and belonging, equally i is clearly present. Thus the consistent top scorers in the United States rend to be older cities such as Seatle, Boston or San Francisco (Figure 7.4), with their historic associations and well-known conservation areas, although the most popular touris-hstoric “gem, such as Savannah oF Charleston, are not always included, In Britt, too, top scores like Edinburgh or Bristol have images with major heritage components but towns such as York or Cambridge with notable international reputations for her itage core badly. One possible explanation is tha the very success of some ‘ites in projecting a heritage image has led to intensive tourism development, which, in tea, creates economic or even physical features treated as negative factors in such a hypothetical residential decision. The mose favoured cities tend tobe those of sufficient size to offer a well-rounded collection of amen ties, which may include heritage but is noe dominated by it The general conclusion remains that however dificult ~and indeed unde- sirable given is catalytic ole ~ it may be to isolate the heritage component from other elements in the economic construction of representations of place, i is widely used in shaping place images intended to further the eco- ‘nomic goals of place management authorities 2 all spatial scales. The argu ‘ments supporting this, s Weiler (1998) has pointed ous, may depend more on anecdote than analysis andthe objectives may be wide and vague, as in improving a city’s “imageabiliy’ or ‘legibility’ (Bianchini and Schwengat 1991), However, the decision of an enterprise, or more accurately of key individuals within an enterprise, co locate in one place rather than another may well be critically influenced, as with any other behavioural decision, by just such immeasurable variables and ~ even more significant ~ heritage may be the only competitive instrument available to places. Local heritage in urban neighbourhood regeneration If judged on the basis ofthe amount of lierature oF numberof offical stud ies the neighbourhood or district, most usually within a city, is clearly the ‘most imporeant scale ar which heritage is used to achieve more general plan ning objectives. To some, urban conservation is sub-ease of urban renewal? (Gizzarro and Nijkamp 1996b) and thus the conserved heritage ofthe built environments just one of many planning policies applicable to local areas. If, as Bianchini and Schwengat (1991) have argued, urban regeneration in west ern cities inthe ase several decades has been largely “property-led” and asso much local heritage is manifested in property, expecially in the older areas of cites most subject to regeneration, then spatial coincidence alone would have involved heritage in much neighbourhood regeneration. More specifically, heritage has been seen as an instrument in general urban revitalization A geography of bevtage Heritage in economic development strategies 6 Figue 7.4 A medley of heritage: a cable car climbs the hill rom San Franca’ restored Fisherman's What, with the former prison island of Actes in the Bay behind (Wynne 1992), often asa strategy of las cesor in specifi problem areas chat have proved largely immune to other policies (Lim 1993). As Sabler (1996, . 431) admits, “although conservation would appear to be sgaiican in a hhumber of successful regeneration schemes, i is ceresnly not a necessary condition for succes’ an by implication, there are many urban eeneration programmes in which heritage plays only a minor enhancing role—or none at All. What conclusions can be drawn about che nature ofthe role played by hetitage in local economic regeneration, if only so that these ‘necessary con: ditions for success can be determined? Before considering this problem, itis necessary to revisit some of the issues of prices, values, costs and benefits raised in Chapter 6. Some form of ‘cost-benefit analysis is necessary to asses the wider monetary cost and ben efits to an area of any major project of heritage conservation and local area regeneration. The difiulty of wing conventional cost-benefit analysis as a ‘means of pricing the value of conservation in this way, i that heritage i only one of many investments in such multi-purpose projects in pursuit ofa multi plicity of economic and non-economic goals. Lichfel’s (1988) solution was to develop a ‘community impact evaluation’, which tries to assess cost and benefits directly and indiectly ro the various main paris inthe process. This indicates which sections of the community gain or lose through specific investments, or through the economic regeneration of the area a8 a sthole [Although cis, like any other form of multivariate analysis, has all the ine sic problems of the measurement and allocation of particular effects to spe- cifle causes, variations on this approach have been use to assess the potential impacts of many individual project. ‘Thus although there is some agreement that culture, including heritage, can be used as a catalyst in urban growth strategies (White 1987), there is, nevertheless, a shoreage of specific ideas of what ths role or roles may be. In 4 field where opximistic declarations are more plentiful than analysis, there is ‘some consensus thatthe conditions needed for culturally led local regenera tion include policies that link form and function. Bianchini (1991) expresses this in more detail through his cltaral planning paradigm, which argues for «holistic approach involving a leat five elements ofthe city. These include architecture; urban design more broadly; the local community; aspect of the infrastructures and ony fifth, the local economy, especialy its responsiveness and flexibility. Thus the heritage of the conserved built environment, and of culture more widely, is called upon to play a number of different roles in neighbourhood regeneration. Ican on oecasion provide the main motive for such programmes and thus the central stimulus for local change: mote usually its effects ace catalytic, stimulating ation in other fields, or just amplifying their effets. Three such roles ate frequently specified ~cachee, animation and externalities ‘Cachet’ is a pervasive, but dffcule to isolate (let alone quantify) reason for the inclusion of heritage elements in regeneration projects. Heritage buildings, locations and associations, rogether with the products, events and v0 A geography of heritage eSfon and cv consciousness lay an important i wagely defined roe focal economicreviaization. Al investments the elt of ik assesment which confidence overcomes fear inan unpredictable fur. The heritage {Kcments provide sap o ackground freer proBi-sesking enterprise Site which symbolizes the mhole project in he poli imagination aswel as

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