490 Complete Final Draft

Krogman 1
Loras College
“Mississippi Burning”: Three Murders that Shaped the United States
A Thesis Submitted to
The Faculty of the Division of the Social Sciences
In Candidacy for the Degree of
Bachelors of History
By
Ethan R. Krogman
Dubuque, Iowa
December 2017
Krogman 2
Elizabeth Sutherland Martinez, Letters From Mississippi, Oxford, June 24 wrote, “Howard
Zinn says that Mississippi is not just a closed society, like the rest of the South. It is a locked
society for which we must find the key…”1 Imagine being severely oppressed, and forced to
follow the degrading laws of Jim Crow South during the Civil Rights Movement. In Mississippi
this was debatably the worst state to reside in during these times. White supremacy, and terror
tactics rained over the land to keep local blacks disadvantaged, and absent from the course of life
most whites had been living with for numerous generations.
The following work will proceed as such. First, to place this discussion within the
historiographical debate. Next, to elaborate on the methods by which white supremacist groups
maintained control of Mississippi prior to Freedom Summer. Third, the successful use of these
tactics to impede local black civil rights activity initiated by SNCC in 1962, and 1963. Fourth,
SNCC’s decision to undertake Freedom Summer because of the success of white supremacy
tactics. Then, to analyze the triple homicide of Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, and
James Chaney, and how these murders authenticate the methods whites took. Succeeding, the
federal government’s response to these murders; as well as the documentation of white resistance
tactics during Freedom Summer. Following, the comparison of the successful nature of these
tactics, and the documentation of these tactics. Finally, the SNCC perception of the role the
federal government played in containing white resistance.
The historiographical discussion surrounding the topic is one that is not new, but the dialogue
being presented sheds new light onto the topic of white resistance tactics, and the way that
SNCC rose to the occasion to take action against such injustices that were happening in
1
Letter written in Oxford, June 24, “Long Walk to the Courthouse,” in Letters From Mississippi ed.
Elizabeth Sutherland Martinez (Brookline, Massachusetts: Zephyr Press 2007), 75.
Krogman 3
Mississippi. Steven F. Lawson, and Charles Payne debate is one of much importance as it allows
someone to understand where this would fit into the historical discussion. First, Steven F.
Lawson focuses on the strict importance of the realm of the national impact on the Civil Rights
Movement. Lawson states,
“It is impossible to understand how Blacks achieved first-class citizenship rights
in the South without concentrating on what national leaders did in Washington,
D.C.; without their crucial support, the struggle against white supremacy in the
South still would have taken place but would have lacked the power and authority
to defeat state government’s intent on keeping Blacks in subservient positions”.2
Lawson goes to further emphasize his point by delivering the valuable role of larger known
organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Dr. King
and the Southern Christian Leadership Council for bringing the white supremacist agenda to the
spotlight of national leaders, and legislators.3 This allowed for organizations such as SNCC
which worked on the day to day schema of initiaiting local leadership within local communities
which Lawson gives undeniable credit to Charles Payne for distinguishing this aspect of the Civil
Rights Movement.4
Charles Payne, like Lawson has his own stance on the Civil Rights Movement, but does not
give the amount of credit that Lawson gives to national recognition. But rather, Payne stresses
2
Steven F. Lawson, “Debating the Civil Rights Movement: The View from the Nation,” in Debating the
Civil Rights Movement, 1945-1968, ed. James Patterson (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers
2006), 3.
3
2006), 3.
4
2006), 4.
Krogman 4
the importance that the individual working in the South on a day to day basis did to cause a
social transformation.5 Payne draws on such individuals including: Charles Hamilton Houston,
Septima Clark, and Ella Baker to name a few that noticed these injustices during the time period,
and took it upon themselves to institute forms of activism that would bring social change.6
The area in which this discussion falls under would have to be categorized undoubtedly in
the Lawson arena as with the lack, and future intervention of the federal government compared
with the radical nature of white supremacist ideology. It exposes that while the federal
government may have be idly sitting on the sidelines while SNCC, and other organizations were
doing the heavy lifting of bringing about social change the national perspective still sympathized
with the Civil Rights Movement. “It is time to adopt strategies for action that will produce quick
and visible progress. It is time to make good the promises of American democracy to all
citizens…”7
The problem presented with this case is that the federal government was called upon by
SNCC, otherwise known as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, as well as other
civil rights organizations to garner federal attention to bring a course of action to the atrocities
that were occurring in the Magnolia State. Bringing about unwanted, and elevated levels of white
resistance when SNCC had taken it upon themselves to bring the social justice needed when the
federal government would not. In due course, SNCC experienced violence, and other
5
Charles M. Payne, “Debating the Civil Rights Movement: The View from the Trenches,” in Debating the
2006), 115-16.
6
Charles M. Payne, “Debating the Civil Rights Movement: The View from the Trenches,” in Debating the
2006), 116-20.
7
Steven F. Lawson, “Excerpt from the Introduction to the Report of the National Advisory Commission on
Civil Disorders,” in Debating the Civil Rights Movement, 1945-1968, ed. James Patterson (Lanham, Maryland:
Rowman & Littlefield 2006), 102.
Krogman 5
progressions of repression during the course of the Civil Rights Movement. Most specifically in
Mississippi prior, and during the undertaking of the Freedom Summer project. Subsequently, the
triple homicide of Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, and James Chaney express the
comparison between white resistance movements prior, and during Freedom Summer from
SNCC’s perspective with the account of federal intervention, or lack thereof.
Prior to SNCC involvement in Freedom Summer, white supremacist groups maintained
control of Mississippi through the use of numerous forms of terrorism to ensure that blacks in the
Magnolia state would be kept out of the social change that would soon envelope the state.
Intimidation was one form of terror that white supremacist groups used in Mississippi during
Freedom Summer to maintain the control over the state. In order to maintain control, white
supremacist groups had to have a basic level of fear that could be instilled into the black
population across Mississippi, this was intimidation. White supremacist groups saw this
opportunity to wait, or sit outside of areas that were sought to be integrated by SNCC proceed to
watch, or enact some other form of violence against blacks who wished to do so. The SNCC
Papers specify an account that occurred in Greenwood Mississippi, “Five people from
Greenwood integrated the city park today. While there two white men came up to them. One of
the men holding a gun on the group while the other, holding a dog, tried to make the dog attack
the group of Negroes….”8 In Bob Zellner’s The Wrong Side of Murder Creek: A White
Southerner in the Freedom Movement Zellner reflects one night after meeting with members of
SNCC in a local church, Zellner, and another member of the Civil Rights Movement proceed to
go home when they are confronted by two uniformed officers. When these two officers ask, “‘Do
8
“Greenwood: Mary Lane/Gloria,” Sunday May 31, 1965, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:7:7, 0113.
Krogman 6
you mind if we take your pictures?’, meanwhile the other cop was raising a camera prepared
with a flash to snapshot their faces.9 From the assertion of the officers, it can only be assumed
that these two officers that had confronted Zellner, and the other individual he was with would
have had their photos published, or distributed amongst other white radicals in the area to instill
the fear of constantly being watched. As SNCC discovered over the course of their time in
Mississippi intimidation would be something that had to be overcame. Fannie Lou Hamer, one of
the most renowned voices in the SNCC civil rights cause would be one of the many subjects of
intimidation.
“Mrs. Hamer threatened with murder in a telephone call to her home tonight.”10 When
intimidation did not work, or failed to deter blacks and other civil rights activists to turn away
from this frivolous endeavor, beatings were used to make the position of white supremacists
more clear. Beatings would be the next step in the chain of increasing levels of the terrorist
method plot to maintain control over Mississippi prior to Freedom Summer. In Amite County,
this was one such example, “On Easter Sunday in Liberty, Mississippi the sons of FDP member
Reverend Alfred Knox were beaten by two white men…. When the complaint was filed on
Thursday, Amite County Sheriff Daniel Jones arrested the Knoxes…”11 It can only be speculated
what the motives could have been of the individuals that participated in this act as well as the
other numerable accounts of violence across Mississippi. Jason Sokol, author of There Goes My
Everything speculates these institutions, most explicitly local law enforcement normalized the
9
Bob Zellner, Wrong Side of Murder Creek: A White Southerner in the Freedom Movement (Montgomery,
Alabama: New South Books 2008), 55.
10
“A Brief Summary of Incidents in Sunflower County, Mississippi:,” August 11, 1964, Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America,
1982), A:8:139, 0355.
11
“Intimidation in Amite County,” n.d. Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972
(Sanford, N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:7:7, 0069.
Krogman 7
use of physical action against SNCC, and anyone associated with the Movement.12 Zellner once
again would be the recipient of a beating when trying to register local blacks to vote. His assault
by other whites that lived in the area showed the massive amount of resistance that
Mississippians would put up to resist the Movement.13 Reactions Zellner had experienced was
the direct action of the Civil Rights Movement. Driving whites being more closely to what some
of these individuals have known their own life; the “traditional racial view”.14 “Mrs. Fannie Lou
Hamer, candidate for Congress, who suffered a brutal beating… for her voter registration
activities, is again being threatened….”15 Discussion of why whites would take such actions
against SNCC will be pursued later on in this work. In the end, the degree of violence continues
to rise as the precursor to undertake Freedom Summer gets closer to the years it ensues.
Bombings against the facilities including the homes of blacks, schools, and other institutions
SNCC used was another degree of severity that whites took against civil rights workers prior to
Freedom Summer to maintain control. In Indianola, Mississippi the action of four fire bombings
against SNCC buildings set the degree of violence that builds off of the use of intimidation, and
beatings that had been previously used.
“Four places in Indianola were fire bombed this morning starting at 2:24am in
quick succession. The first to be hit was a freedom house…. Within minutes after
the freedom house was fire bombed, the home of Mrs. Magrauder, Negro woman
12
Jason Sokol, There goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights Movement, 1945-
1975 (New York: Alfred A Knopf 2006), 87.
13
Alabama: New South Books 2008), 160-2.
14
15
“A Brief Summary of Incidents in Sunflower County, Mississippi:,” August 11, 1964, Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford, N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America,
1982), microfilm, A:8:139, 0354.
Krogman 8
who was the first person in Indianola to house civil rights workers, was
bombed…. The third target for the fire bombers was the store of Mr. Oscar Giles,
a member of the State FDP Exec Comm, and the first person in Indianola
associated with the movement…. The fourth target for the morning was the home
of Mr. Dougly Wilder, another Negro active with the movement. His home was
totally destroyed.”16
The most terrifying act of bombing was carried out by an individual with what could be
assumed as a crop-duster. Another account in the SNCC Papers recall, “A low flying plane made
a pass at the Freedom School, dropped a parachute flare, then made a second pass and dropped a
bomb which exploded mid-air…. 250 people attending a mass meeting inside.”17 This is further
justified by the federal government stating, “Bombings coincide with Negroes owning businesses
and/or churches where incidents happened.”18 Until this point in time where the federal
government would make the connection between white supremacist bombings, and the
Movement itself; local blacks, and more importantly, SNCC members had to be wary of such
dealings until involvement by the federal government, or lack thereof in this instance.
Arson stays within the scope of methods that whites used as a tool to keep the status quo
intact prior to Freedom Summer. “About 12:45 Christmas night, someone poured gasoline
around the Freedom House here and set it afire. The people staying the house soon became
aware of the fire and put it out. It was potentially dangerous because the fire was near gas pipes
16
“WATS Report,” May 1, 1965, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972
17
“A Brief Summary of Incidents in Sunflower County, Mississippi:,” October 25 th [1964], 2, Student
1982), microfilm, A:8:139, 0355.
18
Michal Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House, and the Justice Department, 1945-1968 (New York:
Garland Pub. 1991), 230.
Krogman 9
that leading into the building.”19 Arson shows similar parallels to the use of bombings to have a
similar effect on the buildings and establishments that SNCC associated itself with. From
William Bradford Huie’s perspective in Three Lives for Mississippi Huie correlates this in the
white supremacist community as “Plan Two” equating to “Burnings and Dynamiting.”20 As the
primary targets were schools, churches, and houses this would not be curtailed as time elapsed
until the surprise of Freedom Summer to white Mississippians. “Someone had set a tin can filled
with paper, wood, and gasoline outside the back door. The fire was immediately put out, and
only one of the rooms in the building was damaged. After the fire was put out, a blue ’55 Ford
drove by the house several times….”21 Arson, and bombings are similarly related in the outcome
of using the tactic, but has to be distinguished somewhat as it is still one of the ways white
supremacists rationally dealt with the threat of the Movement. Finally, murder was the last resort
in an armada of methods for white supremacists to use against SNCC, and the Civil Rights
Movement.
Murder was the last resort in which white supremacists used to try and maintain control over
Mississippi prior to Freedom Summer. Meanwhile this work is to examine the triple homicide of
Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, and James Chaney. One has to understand the context in
which murders themselves, and missing persons accounts played a role into the selection of
methods used by terrorists. One example specified in the SNCC Papers states, ”Leon Acker from
Caltahala, along with his wife and six children, has been missing for over a month. The car is
19
“A Brief Summary of Incidents in Sunflower County, Mississippi:,” December 25 th [1964], 3, Student
1982), microfilm, A:8:139, 0355.
20
William Bradford Huie, Three Lives for Mississippi (New York: WCC Books, 1965), 106.
21
“WATS Report,” Monday, May 16, 1965, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-
1972 (Sanford, N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:7:7, 0101.
Krogman 10
also gone. Four white men came to the house one night and the next day the family had left….”22
Setting the precedence of when someone, or a group of people went missing it was often
assumed they were presumably murdered. This can be assumed as the prior precedence of how
whites would eliminate individuals that were believed to be involved with the Civil Rights
Movement; as we would see the vehicle in which Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney had been
missing along with the group of three themselves. A letter to Greenwood, Mississippi on July
fifteenth elaborates on this precedence, “… The river [Yazoo River] also has bad connotations;
as Albert Darner said, ‘Dat river where dey float dem bodies in.’”23 Huie, associates an execution
of an individual with the Civil Rights Movement as “Plan Four – Extermination”24 Eventually
this “plan” would catch up to the Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney when white resistance
terrorists set out to even the score with these three individuals. Although, it is important to
understand the obsession of local whites in Mississippi with their association with violence, and
methods to undertake to maintain control in the Magnolia State; accounts of blacks taking action
against other blacks show a different light on who sometimes was the aggressor in Mississippi.
“…Mr. James Moore was picketing in front of the Liberty store, when this negro came out of the
store and tryed to make him eat a raw stake. The Negro took his glasses off… and tryed to hit
Mr. James Moore in the face Mr. Moore then pulled his glasses and tryed to defend himself…”25
While in the SNCC papers this may be one of the only reports of black on black violence in
Mississippi. This example shows that not all black residents in Mississippi wanted the Civil
Rights Movement to bring the changes that it eventually did because of the success of white
22
“WATS Report,” Wednesday, April 14, 1965, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers.
1959-1972 (Sanford, N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:7:7, 0010.
23
Letter written in Greenwood, July 15, “The Long Walk to the Courthouse” in Letters From Mississippi
ed. Elizabeth Sutherland Martinez (Brookline, Massachusetts: Zephyr Press 2007), 78.
24
25
“WATS Line Report,” April 22, 1966, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972
Krogman 11
terrorist tactics. This does not distinguish this as the chronological path the progression of
violence occurred in. All the mentioned multiple facets of violence by white supremacist
organizations occurred at sporadic, and simultaneous times across different counties throughout
Mississippi.26
As the use of methods of intimidation, beatings, bombings, arson, and murder clearly seen
across the state of Mississippi prior to the undertaking to Freedom Summer. Being evidently
documented through the Mississippi State Project Files this successful use of the methods by
white supremacists thwarted most actions taken by local blacks, and SNCC activists in
Mississippi seeking civil justice. During this time voter disenfranchisement was key to keeping
blacks subjugated in Jim Crow Mississippi.
Voter disenfranchisement was central around these efficacious methods whites used. Voting
registrar offices, and Freedom Votes were places where whites could gather and enforce such
means. In the SNCC perspective, getting blacks, and other disenfranchised individuals to go
register to vote was essential to the Civil Rights cause. “He [Milton Hancock] was arrested, and
charged with Perjury for having failed to list one of his one of his arrests on his Voter
Registration form. Police apparently told Hancock ‘We’ve been looking for you for
months’…”27 This is suggesting that while blacks were trying to vote police, debatably, in close
connection with white supremacist groups were much more apt to be successful in stopping
voting. Meanwhile, local whites at the same time still inflicted such methods at registration areas
despite the fact of not being an official law enforcement agent of the state. “Travis Britt, a SNCC
26
David Chalmers, Backfire: How the Ku Klux Klan Helped the Civil Rights Movement (Lanham,
Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield 2003), 40.
27
“Perjury Charge,” April 10, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford,
N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:15:82, 1141.
Krogman 12
Field Secretary, suffered 18 blows in his eye from a white attacked as he accompanied four
people to the registrar’s office in Liberty.”28 Whether or not this white who attacked Britt was
involved in some way with supremacist groups, or as a local citizen is still up for questioning.
What is not questioned is the reality of the danger that was faced by SNCC members. Others
who saw the Civil Rights Movement as a movement to change the way of life that Southerners
had, had for generations prior went above, and beyond the line of morality to keep the “Negro”
in his or her place.29 Registrars in the long run had the final decision as to who passed or not. A
letter from Valley View on August twenty-fifth states, “They [registrars] alone decide whether
an applicant has passed the test, they inform him only after a 30-day wait, and they don’t have to
tell him why he failed the test.”30 Registrars could fail potential applicants of voting rights
through the excuse of not dotting an ‘i’, or another example not being able to interpret any of the
numerous sections of the Mississippi State Constitution.31 This successful nature of the methods
used by white supremacists justified their idea of keeping the status quo of Jim Crow in the
South, while keeping blacks in an inferior position to whites. Comparably, this facade of violent
behavior is seen in the area that SNCC operated in to register voters. “SNCC… encountered
greater resistance from local officials at a much higher risk of physical violence [in rural
areas].”32 Where this is different is the fact that where organizations such as: SCLC (Southern
Christian Leadership Council), NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored
28
“Incidents of Arrest and Violence,” September 5, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers.
29
“Incidents of Arrest and Violence,” September 5, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers.
30
Letter written in Valley View, August 25, “The Long Walk to the Courthouse” in Letters From
Mississippi ed. Elizabeth Sutherland Martinez (Brookline, Massachusetts: Zephyr Press 2007), 78.
31
Letter written in Valley View, August 25, “The Long Walk to the Courthouse” in Letters From
Mississippi ed. Elizabeth Sutherland Martinez (Brookline, Massachusetts: Zephyr Press 2007), 78.
32
Carl M. Brauer, John F. Kennedy and the Second Reconstruction (New York; Columbia University Press
1977), 155.
Krogman 13
People), and numerous others operated within metropolitan areas. SNCC, on the other hand,
being the grassroots organization that it was acted in the rural areas where the other national
organizations would not to garner the community efforts to push the Civil Rights Movement.
One account of where SNCC happened to operate in a metropolitan area, Jackson, Mississippi,
or Hinds County to be exact demonstrated this difference. To encourage conformity, and not
actively resisting the Movement was this plan, and to more or less let civil rights organizations
get tired with their own progress.33 Thus, being in more rural areas, SNCC in due course met
more efforts of resistance. As specified in Letters From Mississippi, in Oxford on June twenty-
fifth. The makeup of the five districts provide insight into the vary degree of intensity. The first
district was had a liberal tone to it with a black population of less than thirty percent.34 Next, the
second district was important as it was the sight of plantations, and poor black sharecroppers
which made approximately less than sixty percent of the population.35 This was also where the
White Citizen’s Council operated enforcing economic resistance during the Movement. The third
district consisted of major industrial business, and where more physical resistance occurred as
speculated by a large white industrial working class, and black populations were around forty to
fifty percent.36 The fourth district was the coined as the tranquil of the districts, and where
populations numbered over fifty percent.37 Finally, the fifth district, or the Gulf region was more
33
Jason Sokol, There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights (New York:
Alfred A. Knopf 2006), 73-74.
34
Letter written in Oxford, June 25, “The Long Walk to the Courthouse,” in Letters From Mississippi ed.
35
36
37
Krogman 14
liberally influenced as it had dockyards to expose itself to the outside world. Black populations
were speculated at above thirty-three percent.38
Voter registration was not the only way whites to could limit the Civil Rights Movement,
successful attempts on the destruction of Freedom Schools as well as other institutions played a
significant role. Freedom Schools were essential in the role of educating black youth throughout
Mississippi, but successful attacks of these institutions made it hard to do so. The success rate of
an attack on a Freedom School whether to commit arson, or a firebombing is not understood yet
at this point; what is understood is that these actions happened to further instill backlash against
the black, and SNCC community during the time the Movement was present. Significance is
placed in these buildings as a fire would be intentionally started, and be left to burn until the fire
could be taken care of by civil rights workers. If the fire department workers would happen to
show up to an incident in which a civil rights building was in flames the common curtesy was to
watch the building go up in smoke rather to put it out. As this was the case for a former Baptist
school that was turned into a Freedom School.39 What made attempts on establishments as
fearful, and agonizing as they were was the amount of people that could have been inside a
Freedom School, or any other building for that matter at the time. In Indianola, “A low-flying
plane made a pass at the Freedom School, dropped a parachute flare, then made a second pass
and dropped a bomb which exploded mid air… there were 250 people attending a mass meeting
inside.”40 While the bomb reportedly detonated mid-air to the relief of the 250 individuals inside,
38
39
“A Brief Summary of Incidents in Sunflower County, Mississippi:,” October 27, 2, Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford, N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982),
microfilm, A:8:139, 0355.
40
“A Brief Summary of Incidents in Sunflower County, Mississippi:,” October 25, 2, Student Nonviolent
Krogman 15
if it had landed on its target, or gone inside the Freedom School itself. The outcome of such an
event would have been catastrophic for the SNCC community, and possibly one of the deadliest
strikes in Mississippi. To further emphasize the significance of such of an event like the
attempted bombing of Freedom Schools, it was often the case that when repairs were wanted to
be made they would not happen; or at a later date dashing the incentive to want to repair the
building. “Authorities finally granted workmen a permit to repair the burned out Freedom
School. The school building had been set afire on Oct 27…. Indianola authorities cut off the
electricity and gas, and refused to allow SNCC to hold meetings or classes in their building.”41
Another example showing the capability of arson for Freedom Schools to render the building
useless was set in Indianola. A Freedom School had been set on fire, and was completely
devastated as well as the SNCC staff car that sat in front of the school was burnt to such a degree
that it was useless. SNCC members who had wanted to investigate this fire, as the case was for
most civil rights workers were arrested.42 Indicated by the arrests after the fact of when a fire had
been started, not just at Freedom Schools themselves, SNCC members were not allowed to
determine whether it had actually been an accident, or the work of arson. Demonstrating the
importance of whites to damage such places like Freedom Schools more times than not churches
were often caught in between the Civil Rights Movement, and the terrorist activities themselves.
41
“A Brief Summary of Incidents in Sunflower County, Mississippi:,” n.d., 3, Student Nonviolent
42
“A Brief Summary of Incidents in Sunflower County, Mississippi:,” March 5, 4, Student Nonviolent
Krogman 16
Churches were used by SNCC as makeshift buildings for whatever purposes were needed at
the time, but this brought churches within the scope of successful white attacks. When a church
had been attacked it was not far after when protests of the destruction occurred.
“George Raymond reports that about 50 Negroes marched from a café near
Canton past white stores and homes to the burned-out Mt. Pisgah Baptist Church.
They were singing and carrying signs: ‘No more church burnings,’ ‘How long
will slavery last?’ ‘We’ll never turn back.’… The church was burned last Monday
night, a few hours after it had been used for a voter registration class.”43
What is most striking about the incident recently specified is that the burning of the church
had occurred only hours after the voter registration class had ended. This points to the
assumptions that individuals, whites, were waiting, and watching to see if the building had
actually been used for the Civil Rights Movement. Once that was determined, the plan to scorch
the building had been executed. The reality of understanding if anti-integrationist groups had
actually been near the church waiting is pure speculation. Churches not only being one of the
many operating grounds of SNCC activity, it was also a place for other ministers of religion to
come, and help anyone in the South as best as they could. “Mayor tells a visiting white
Methodist chaplain he cannot attend white Methodist services: ‘You came here to live with
Negroes, so you can go to church with them, too’ He did, with three volunteers.”44 Ministers,
especially ministers who cared about their churches not being damaged, prevented civil rights
workers from using their buildings in some instances. “Two hundred to three hundred people
43
“WATS Report,” n.d., Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford, N.C.:
Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:7:7, 0080.
44
“A Brief Summary of Incidents in Sunflower County, Mississippi:,” June 26, Student Nonviolent
Krogman 17
held a mass meeting tonight…. The deacons of the church refused to allow the people to have a
mass meeting, so the members of the congregation decided to have their meeting outside….”45
This instance had reached to religious community as their allowance of SNCC to use their
churches to further advance the Civil Rights Movement could have potentially came back to
inflict harsh repercussions of such actions taken. Overall, it is stated, “…one consequence of
segregation was the development of institutions in close-knit communities, churches, schools,
and organizations that nurtured and encouraged the fight against white supremacy.”46
In order to understand the successfulness of white tactics to standstill civil rights activities
the white perspective has to be understood. Sokol expands on the white mind during the times of
the Civil Rights Movement. Sokol states, “[The Civil Rights Movement] challenged attitudes of
millions and undermined Southern culture.”47 Whites were raised for numerous generations that
whites were superior, and blacks inferior.48 Sokol employs the psychological expertise of Robert
Coles to further justify white tactics when he states, “It was not the belief that Blacks are bad, but
that it could interfere with their continuity of life.”49 This impeding threat of social change
against the way of life whites had been pleasantly enjoying for generations justified the use of
the tactics mentioned prior. Psychologically, the Civil Rights Movement set out to threaten
whites’ sense of normality.50 It is also important to note that the civil rights cause did in fact
45
“WATS Report,” n.d., Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford, N.C.:
46
Elizabeth Sutherland Martinez, Letters From Mississippi (Brookline, Massachusetts: Zephyr Press 2007),
iii.
47
Jason Sokol, There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945-1968 (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf 2006), 3.
48
York: Alfred A. Knopf), 97.
49
York: Alfred A. Knopf 2006), 5.
50
Krogman 18
change the minds of some white Southerners to the struggles of local blacks, but it also drove
others closer to what they only knew; the Jim Crow way of life.51 Sokol further expands his
thought process when he states, “Whites insisted harmony prevailed – but if blacks wished to
disrupt that harmony they were quite ready to take other measures.”52
Psychologically, this use of fear, and whites being readily armed to combat the Civil Rights
Movement is what made these tactics successful. While SNCC was had been working to instill
local leadership, and organization programs across Mississippi. Blacks were still hesitant, and
fearful of violent repercussions from radicalized whites to strive for the rights they had been
deprived of. While local whites across the state of Mississippi were successful in their attempts
to limit the progress of the Civil Rights Movement, the federal government had a role in this as
well.
The federal government in order to take action against the successful nature of white
supremacist actions in Mississippi had to counter the claims of Mississippi state officials. Adding
another degree of difficulty which made the use of violence against SNCC, and blacks more
effective. The federal government, and most specifically President Kennedy, had to walk a “fine
line” between Southern white delegates, and blacks.53 This fine line stated initiated the conflict
with the state of Mississippi itself would quarrel over with the federal government as the
interference of state sovereignty would be the main platform for state representatives to refute
the integration of the Magnolia state. In order to understand the ways in which the state of
51
52
53
1977), 35.
Krogman 19
Mississippi used its own state government to impede the progress of the Civil Rights Movement.
Some of the legislation that was passed has to be understood in order to realize the degree which
Mississippi took against anyone seeking to integrate as documented by the SNCC Papers. Anti-
picketing laws would be the first of many legislative bills to be passed in order to slow down the
Movement. “… Gov. E. Johnson of Mississippi signed into effect House Bill No. 546, An act to
Prohibit the Unlawful Picketing of State Buildings, Courthouses, Public Streets, and
Sidewalks.”54 Another law made it legally punishable for civil rights activists, SNCC, to
assemble for the Movement itself; this would be coined as “criminal syndicalism” by Mississippi
State legislature. Under Section Two, part four the bill states, “Organizes or helps to organize or
knowingly becomes a member of or voluntarily assembles with any society, organization group
or assemblage of persons organized, formed or assembled to advocate, teach, aid, and abet
criminal syndicalism…”55 Assemblage in this context could be understood as how SNCC took
action to the injustices that had been seen in Mississippi. Whether it was a sit-in, protest on the
street, or any other form of way to try and change the society of Mississippi would be arrested
under the ordinance of this bill. More forms of legislation that flowed out of the Magnolia State
would riot control, and curfew bills. The “Riot Control” section would stymie any Civil Rights
Movement that had gotten out of control in any area as states could be allowed to “mutually
assist” other places in Mississippi.56 Thus, if SNCC were to take action in a particular county, or
area law officials and resources could be sent to combat activities put on by the organization.
54
“Anti-Picketing Law Passed in Mississippi to Combat Civil Rights Activities,” April 8, 1964, Student
1982), microfilm, A:8:1290, 2010.
55
“Senate Bill No. 2027,” May 6, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972
56
“Mississippi Legislature to Outlaw Summer Civil Rights Project,” n.d., Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford, N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:8:129,
0221.
Krogman 20
Just as ridiculous was the law to set curfews in order to limit the time in which civil rights
workers could operate in. House Bill Number Sixty-Four, “Authorizes cities to ‘restrict the
movements of individuals and groups’ and to set curfew hours.”57 These few bills mentioned that
were put into effect by Mississippi state legislature showed the consequence of being associated
with the Civil Rights Movement.
This made it difficult for the federal government to take direct action against the state of
Mississippi. President Kennedy understood this to be not taken lightly. If the government were to
be too forceful in integrating Mississippi this could be seen as a form of “federal coercion”
which limited the actions they could take to help the Civil Rights Movement.58 Or as specified in
the case of former Governor Ross Barnett, and the admission of a student to Ole Miss. The
government would get involved, but nothing would ensue as they situation was tricky because
the government could not “force desegregation”.59 What the federal government, and President
Kennedy could do was to sign acts which would give opportunity to blacks in Mississippi to
vote, and take part in the political life of Mississippi. Most well-known, the Civil Rights Act, and
the Voting Rights Act.60 This in turn, led to the bill being undermined in Mississippi. “Here’s
how the Civil Rights Act has been subverted so far. First, enforcement was delayed six full
months after it became law… Meanwhile, through the winter and spring, various political leaders
in Mississippi announced that the state shouldn’t sell out to integration for a ‘mess of
57
“Mississippi Legislature to Outlaw Summer Civil Rights Project,” n.d., Student Nonviolent Coordinating
0221.
58
1977), 124.
59
Yasuhiro Katagiri, Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission: Civil Rights and States’ Rights (Jackson,
Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi 2001), 109.
60
William Bradford Huie, Three Lives For Mississippi (New York: WCC Books 1965), 197.
Krogman 21
pottage’….”61 In turn, the state of Mississippi created the Mississippi State Sovereignty
Commission to guarantee states’ rights were not infringed upon. “It shall be the duty of the
Commission to do and perform any and all acts – deemed necessary and proper to protect the
sovereignty of the State of Mississippi…”62 Barnett went further to expand on the compliance of
the State when he was noted saying, “…We assure you that we have taken every precaution to
prevent violence and will continue to do so. None of our officers will be armed.”63 When in turn
no such cooperation was going on, and in fact officers were well armed. While whites in
Mississippi expressed this notion of dominion of state’s rights, this essentially equated to making
sure the segregationist style of life in Mississippi would be protected. During the time of the
creation of the Commission it is stated, “… the creation of the investigative department within
the commission that would ‘serve as the eyes, and ears’ in the State’s fight against racial
integration.”64 This is a direct result of the federal government not being able to take action in the
Magnolia State allowing for the integration of Mississippi to take place. SNCC took this as an
insult to see their own federal government that stood for freedom, and equality not take any
stance on the injustices through the duration of the Movement.
“The Justice Department’s action makes a mockery of the Administration
professed support for the right to dissent. Such efforts at suppression cannot be
61
“How the Civil Rights Bill is being Subverted in Mississippi,” August 4, 1965, Student Nonviolent
62
Yasuhiro Katagiri, Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission: Civil Rights and State’s Rights (Jackson,
Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi, 2001), 6.
63
64
Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi 2001), 10.
Krogman 22
tolerated. We call upon all Americans, regardless of individual political belief, to
speak out in protest so that these efforts will be brought to a halt immediately.”65
SNCC had repeatedly asked the federal government to take action in Mississippi to stop the
violence that was taking place; as this would fall upon deaf ears in the perspective of SNCC.
What SNCC did not know is that the federal government had to control the amount of influence
it had on Mississippi because of threat of encroaching on Mississippi’s own state rights. This led
SNCC to undertake the Freedom Summer Project as the course of action to bring about social
change, and justice in Mississippi. Since the federal government seemed to be oblivious about
the plight of the civil rights activist, and local blacks. SNCC as a civil rights organization would
make the decision to go to the Magnolia State, and undertake Freedom Summer as a direct result
of the lack of intervention by the federal government. As well as a response to the influx of
successful white resistance tactic taking place prior to Freedom Summer.
SNCC made the decision to undertake Freedom Summer because of the continuous success
of white resistance tactics prior to Freedom Summer. Belknap states, “When the Mississippi
Summer Project began at least 60 beatings, 8 unsolved killings, 17 church burnings, 13
bombings, 23 shootings, and numerable acts of intimidation.”66 Bob Zellner reflected, “Since
Mississippi seemed to play such a large role in SNCC’s current activity, I figured I better start
there…”67 Mississippi had been the fieriest battlefield of the Civil Rights Movement, and as a
result had gotten the attention of SNCC, and other civil rights groups. It had attracted the
65
“SNCC Condemns Justice Department Action Against Dubois Clubs,” n.d., Student Nonviolent
66
67
Krogman 23
attention of individuals like Zellner, Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney to come to make an
impact in the name of civil rights. Meanwhile, undertaking the moral high ground to take
Freedom Summer in Mississippi fear was an evident factor to anyone proceeding to enter the
Magnolia State. Zellner states, “I was afraid of Mississippi… My childhood was filled with
blood-chilling stories of lynchings like that of Mack Parker, hung from a bridge in southern
Mississippi, and Emmet Till, a fourteen year old Chicago child murdered in cold blood….”68
Zellner described on the way in to the Mississippi battlefield of nervousness, and pride as when
going into certain counties welcome signs would display different messages. One sign that
Zellner specifically recalled one that was of the KKK welcoming them into their town, “… there
was one [welcome sign] of a saw blade with a man on a horse, saying, ‘The KKK welcomes
you…’”69 Ultimately SNCC was up for such a challenge as the credo of SNCC during the Civil
Rights Movement in Mississippi. SNCC decided when determining whether to enter an area was
based on the precedence of the area where intense civil rights resistance was the most
unmistakable, and proceed to go to that area.70 SNCC as a civil rights organization wanted to
gain voter registration, as the majority of the population had been black, but uninvolved in the
political arena.
“The struggle for freedom in Mississippi can only be won aby a combination of
action within the state and a heightened awareness throughout the rest of the
country… will be involved in a summer long drive to mobilize the Negro
68
69
70
Krogman 24
communities of Mississippi and to assist in developing local leadership and
organization.71
SNCC using this motto to go into Mississippi, and instill the change that needed to be as the
case would soon happen all volunteers should expect violence, and intimidation either way.
Willie Johnson stated, “SNCC should play up the fact that their workers are still being
intimidated, even with something like voter legislation in effect.”72 This decision for SNCC civil
rights activists to go to a hotspot such as Mississippi would, in due course, cost the lives of
Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, and James Chaney when trying to bring social justice to
the twisted State of Mississippi.
The triple homicide of Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, and James Chaney were the
pinnacle of white terrorism by supporting the methods these individuals took against blacks, and
civil rights workers in Mississippi. As William Huie had described the murders of these civil
rights workers was an activation of “Plan Four”, but most specifically was directed towards
Schwerner.73 “The three had been murdered as the result of a long-breeding conspiracy against
Mickey Schwerner.”74 How this differs between the beginning of time in which Schwerner,
Goodman, and Chaney operated was the sheer fact that their work until their subsequent deaths
had been done in a metropolitan area away from the dangerous nature of rural Mississippi. Huie
reflected, “Mickey Schwerner lived for five months in Meridian without a hand being raised
against him… Had he remained in Lauderdale County and not ventured into the rural counties,
71
“Voter Registration,” n.d., Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford,
N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:15:157, 0937
72
“Voting Bill and Expected Violence After,” May 1, 1965, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford, N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:7:7, 0090.
73
74
Krogman 25
he’d be alive today.”75 This inspired the scheme against the three civil rights workers as their
work in the metropolitan area of Lauderdale County was much less apt to violence than the rural
counties specified by Huie. Ultimately, Schwerner’s own ambitions to forward Freedom Summer
took over his agenda. “Plan One: ‘Stepped-up activity in Meridian, using the kids who will be
out of school as well as Summer Volunteers.’ Plan Two: ‘Stepped-up activity in the outlying
counties, using Summer Volunteers to help us.’”76 Specifically, this plan was meant to be
implemented in Neshoba County, as it was one of the most treacherous counties to explore
comparably to Lauderdale County. White supremacist activity in the county had been more
prevalent prior to the murders expressing the idea that if any civil rights activity were to take
place, it would be hard to change. “The people of Neshoba County could imagine nothing more
ridiculous or uncalled for than an atheist-Jewish social worker form ‘Harlem’ coming to
Mississippi to try to solve the ‘race problem.’”77 Klan activity had been on the rise since the
news of the threat of change of Jim Crow in Mississippi, and actions would be taken to make
sure that only a fool would undergo the opportunity to do so. At one time in Neshoba County,
twelve cross burnings took place at the same time; as well as the arson of the Mt. Zion Baptist
church.78 This elevation of activity would eventually lead to the demise of Schwerner, Goodman,
and Chaney. White supremacists rationalized the murders as a way to scare others, mainly
blacks, to not take the course of action the Civil Rights Movement was going in.
“The terrorists reasoned that the disappearance of Schwerner on the night of the
precinct meetings would be doubly effective. It would ‘scare niggers who are
75
76
77
78
Yasuhiro Katagiri, The Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission: Civil Rights and States’ Rights
(Jackson, Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi 2001), 159-60.
Krogman 26
thinking about voting,’ and it would scare the ‘Commie college students who are
thinking about coming to Mississippi.’”79
Relating back to Sokol’s idea of white how whites mentally perceived rational responses to
the danger of whites’ way of life in Mississippi being threatened. Hence, the alleged cooperation
between local police officials, and the murderers would take place. Religiously, the Klan had
been convinced that it was the will of God for these murders to take place, and was brought up in
Klan events. “Klan meetings are normally opened with a prayer…. The conspirators had been
told that the Lord was on their side, that the murder of Schwerner would please God.”80 Officer
Cecil Price would be the alleged communicating factor which allowed for white radicals to be at
the right time that Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney would be at. “Schwerner and Goodman
held for the belief of burning down the Mt. Zion church prior to their deaths that day.”81 The
debate of whether or not the belief was actually held by Officer Price that the Mt. Zion church
was actually started by Schwerner, and Goodman is not determinable. More than likely these
were trumped up charges which allowed for the arrests to take place, and for late release later
that night. What is known is that Officer Price had placed the driver, James Chaney, under arrest
for a traffic violation as the driver is the responsible individual when pulled over by an officer of
the law. “Price later declared that he arrested Chaney for ‘speeding’…”82 While the detainment
of the three was going into effect the future murderers would get into their place for the
execution of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney. The MIBURN files document this extensively,
Horace Barnette one of the accomplices describes the experience. “‘While we were talking…
79
80
81
John R. Rachal, “The Long Hot Summer: The Mississippi Response to Freedom Summer.” The Journal
of Negro History, Vol. 84, No. 4 (1964): 322.
82
Krogman 27
stated that ‘we have a place to bury them, and a man to run the dozer to cover them up.’ This was
the first time I realized that the three civil rights workers were to be killed.”83 While in jail, no
one had known as to the whereabouts of the three, and kept in the shadows as to the details.
“Moreover, the highway patrol officers at both Meridian, and Jackson denied any knowledge of
the three… not only were the three being held incommunicado, but their arrest was also being
denied.”84 Minnie Herring also recalled of similar events as a jailer’s assistant, “…Deputy Cecil
Price came to the jail and said he had been in touch with Warren who suggested a fine of $20.00
for Chaney. She advised that the three were then released and departed…”85 Estimated at
approximately ten that night the three were released to go back home, and little did the three civil
rights workers know; murderous white terrorists were waiting for them. As it is well documented
throughout numerous other works the three were murdered by these whites with gun shots to
each of them. “‘…opened the left rear door, pulled Schwerner out of the car, spun him around…
[Unidentifiable name] had a pistol in his right hand, then shot Schwerner.’”86 The Mississippi
Burning files would elude to the site of burial, “‘I do not know the roads we took, but went
through the outskirts of Philadelphia and to the Dam site.’”87 The following actions taken by the
murders would gain the attention of the federal government, as unfortunate as the murders were,
garnered the motivation for the government, justice department, and FBI to take action. “… until
an orgy of violence in the summer of 1964 – highlighted by the murders of Michael Schwerner,
James Chaney, and Andrew Goodman near Philadelphia, Mississippi – ignited a political
83
Witnesses to the Abduction and Murder of Three Civil Rights Workers, November 24, 1964, pg. 282,
MIBURN, Federal Bureau of Investigation (Sanford, N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), 0426.
84
85
Incarceration of Victims at the Neshoba County Jail, Philadelphia, Mississippi, June 21, 1964, pg. 282,
86
87
Krogman 28
firestorm…”88 What Belknap highlights is that the triple homicide would be the reason the
federal government heeds the call of intervention. Federal action over the uproar of petitions for
the investigation of the triple homicide would take numerous forms of the pouring in of FBI
agents to Mississippi, the involvement of the Justice Department, and federalization of state
resources to make sure that justice would be given to Rita Schwerner, and more importantly, the
Civil Rights Movement as a whole.
The federal government would subsequently see these murders as the opportunity to get
involved in the state of Mississippi. Prior to then, as previously mentioned, the federal
government, justice department, and the FBI had to bide their time to do so. As the triple
homicide cemented these individuals as the martyrs of the Movement, while if involvement had
to wait until these event occurred is controversial. Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney could have
been spared their lives if action had taken prior, but in due course involvement had taken place in
Mississippi. The murderers, and the segregationist way of life that most whites had come to
know for several generations was about to change dramatically.
After the triple homicide of Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, and James Chaney the
federal government had realized action needed to be taken. Huie states, “During the past seven
days, Neshoba Countians have seen hundreds of federal agents… and even members of the U.S.
Navy trampling over the countryside.”89 During this occasion it is also noted that the largest
gathering a media presence collects in Mississippi because of this outbreak of federal justice
sweeping over Mississippi bringing more notoriety to the inequalities occurring in Mississippi.90
88
Garland Pub. 1991), v.
89
90
Krogman 29
Eventually, the bodies would be found as described by the Mississippi Burning files. “At
approximately 2:50 p.m. the pungent odor of decaying flesh was clearly discernable. At this time
the dragline operator was instructed to cease his operation….”91 The files further elaborate, “A
meticulous removal of the earth surrounding the boots revealed, at 3:18 p.m., the outline of a
human body….”92 This case differs than the other accounts of murder across Mississippi because
it had been coordinated in communication with police officials to bring the passing of these three
individuals. Legislation to some degree had an effect as to the realm of federal intervention that
could be enforced after the murders of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney.93
A memorandum of the federal authority in the state of Mississippi also gave extensive power
to the federal officials, and marshals that would be involved directly within the state to make
sure that these federal decrees were being enforced. Officials would have the right to carry arms,
enforce warrants and subpoenas, make arrests on the spot if a violation of federal law had
occurred or was going to occur, and to prevent such impediment of rights if an official thought
this were to occur.94 Meanwhile, it was also stated that the, “Second recommendation: That the
FBI which already has representatives in Mississippi should review the situation and increase
somewhat its staff…”95 Increase in the staff that were to go to Mississippi would close the vice
on the neck of Mississippi to further motivate the state to integrate for the Civil Rights
Movement. If the situation would become dire, the federal government could use state forces to
91
Recovery of the Victims’ Bodies at Olen Burrage’s Dam on August 4, 1964, August 12, 1964, pg. 282,
92
Recovery of the Victims’ Bodies at Olen Burrage’s Dam on August 4, 1964, August 12, 1964, pg. 282,
93
94
“Brief Memorandum on Federal Civil Rights Authority,” n.d., 3, Student Nonviolent Coordinating
1224.
95
Krogman 30
enforce such federal mandates in the state. Stated in a White House press release on the state of
Mississippi, President Kennedy sought action to make sure federal law was fully enforced. “The
President is therefore federalizing units of the Mississippi National Guard, Army, and Air, in
case they are needed to enforce the orders of the federal court”96 While the use of force in the
case that Mississippi would revolt against such enforcements of federal law giving voting
registering rights to blacks would be far from reality, but the precautions had to be taken in the
course of such a situation. Mississippians did not see this involvement as the type of change they
had wanted to see. As Yasuhiro Katagiri states, “A series of storms one the Civil Rights front
would soon bear down on Mississippi forcing the state to realize belatedly that it could no longer
shield its old way of life from the changing world…”97
Meanwhile, this had a profound effect on white supremacist organizations, specifically the
Ku Klux Klan. David Chalmers author of Backfire: How the Ku Klux Klan Helped the Civil
Rights Movement eludes to the effect that it had. Stating, “Klan membership collapsed under FBI
pressure.”98 When at one point, comparably, the KKK had claimed a membership of at least
ninety-one thousand individuals in Mississippi.99 J. Edgar Hoover went further to emphasize this
use of force to crush Klan involvement stating, “‘Fill Mississippi with FBI men and put ‘em in
every place… as informers and put ‘em in the Klan and infiltrate it.’”100 Further federal
intervention made it hard for affiliated Ku Klux Klan members to interfere with civil rights
96
97
98
David Chalmers, Backfire: How the Ku Klux Klan Helped the Civil Rights Movement (Lanham,
Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield 2003), 81.
99
“State KKK Claims 91,000 Members,” n.d., Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-
100
Krogman 31
activities, “Interference with Civil Rights activity of any type, and especially in that defined in
the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (CRA, 1964), would be a possible area wherein the Department
could seek injunctive relief against interference with Civil Rights workers….”101 These relief
efforts would be specifically beleaguered at the KKK, and were sought by the FBI immediately.
“1. Klan and organizations organizing and/or supporting interference with
programs in furtherance of Civil Rights.
2. The leaders of the Klan and other organizations interfering with Civil Rights
programs.
3. Klan and other organization members and other individuals participating in acts
of interference or violence against the Civil Rights program or its workers.”102
This would eventually lead the federal government requiring lists of involvement from the
Klan. As the Klan would not display any forms to the federal government for the fear of
punishment, and indictment. The Klan would tarnish all accounts of activity over the course of
the Civil Rights Movement.103 This destruction of files, and lack of motivation to provide the
federal government documentation of activity in Mississippi would subsequently lead to the
downfall of the Klan. As their grip on white supremacy was now being loosened, and withdrawn
by the legal might of the federal government.
101
Jurisdiction, Freedom of Information Ku Klux Klan, The Vault, Federal Bureau of Investigation,
https://vault.fbi.gov/The%20Ku%20Klux%20Klan%20%28KKK%29/The%20Ku%20Klux%20Klan%20%28KKK%29%20
Part%201%20of%205/view (December 14, 2017).
102
Injunction of Targets, Freedom of Information Ku Klux Klan, The Vault, Federal Bureau of Investigation,
103
Defendants of Admissions, Freedom of Information Ku Klux Klan, The Vault, Federal Bureau of
Investigation,
Part%202%20of%205/view (December 14, 2017)
Krogman 32
Oppositely, Mississippi politicians saw this increase of legislation, federal officials, and
judicial involvement as something to refute against the federal government. Attorney General
Joe Patterson reflected during the time, “‘I think they ought to go home and quit their darned
Communist conduct’ – ‘We are not going to fool around with them like that. They are not
coming in for a good purpose. Why should we put guns around them and protect them when they
are here to create trouble?’”104 Former Governor Ross Barnett also spoke openly about the
situation that was going on in Mississippi. “‘These traveling agitators have been calling
Washington every day, saying they need some federal marshals to make them feel safe in
Mississippi!...Why send a couple of carloads of marshals to look after them…”105 To briefly
explain the context of the term “Communist” in the realm of the Civil Rights Movement. Jason
Sokol, author of, There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights
Movement, 1945-1975 states, “It had nothing to do with Communism or the USSR… even if
whites understood this point they could never admit it.”106 This further extends whites’ rational
responses to the threat of civil rights when it is stated in the KKK FBI Files, “According to the
report, ‘Common Sense’ depicts Communism as Judaism and devotes its pages almost entirely to
attacks on the Jewish and to a lesser extent, the Negro minorities…”107 Lee White wrote to John
Lewis, “… sending Mr. Dulles to meet with Governor Johnson, the use of hundreds of Navy
personnel to assist in the search for the three missing boys, the strengthening of the FBI
104
Carl M. Brauer, John F. Kennedy and the Second Reconstruction (New York; Columbia University
Press 1977), 105.
105
William Bradford Huie, Three Lives for Mississippi (New York: WCC Books 1965), 39.
106
107
Christian Educational Association, Freedom of Information Ku Klux Klan, The Vault, Federal Bureau of
Investigation,
Krogman 33
establishment in the State…”108 This gave way for the involvement of the FBI to solve the case
of the triple homicide of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney. This drastic reduction mentioned by
Chalmers can be seen as a direct result of FBI, and federal pressures to institute intervention. To
not only bring justice to the families of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney, but to the Civil
Rights Movement as a whole.
Involvement of the FBI had been severely augmented after course of the triple homicide
giving the federal government another prong on the trident of justice to take down the
inequalities in Mississippi. Robert Kennedy played an essential role of invigorating the
numerous amounts of FBI officials that were soon to go to Mississippi, and work. “Robert
Kennedy in March instructed representatives of the Division to make extensive use of the FBI…
be prepared for a large work load.”109 In Neshoba County where the murders had occurred, the
county would receive the majority of federal intervention. Within the week, it had been reported
that locals within the county had witnessed the massive pouring in of hundreds of national
officials, FBI members, and the use of highway patrol officials to comb over the county to find
the three bodies.110 With this influx of officials on the search for Schwerner, Goodman, and
Chaney the final duel with the radical state of Mississippi. Huie reflects, “With the passage of the
Civil Rights Act of 1964, the free society of the United States moved into another showdown
with the white-supremacy society of Mississippi.”111 This showdown would, in the end, spell the
devastation of the legality of white suppression of black political rights throughout the state.
While the investigation of the murders was underway, secrecy would be the key in keeping any
108
Michal Belknap, Civil Rights, the White House, and the Justice Department, 1945-1968, 365.
109
Press 1977), 117.
110
111
Krogman 34
local officials that were still sympathetic to the white cause. The FBI if it were to have
communications with local officials the context of what was to happen next was limited to nearly
nothing at all.112 As the course of such secrecy had been a result of prior use to inform local
officials of the actions that had been taking place prior to the murders themselves. When
information would be given to the Justice Department, or the FBI; more times than not often
occurred repercussions against those who made these accusations. “… Two black witnesses to
the murder were forced to testify that Lee attacked Hurst with a tire iron… the information was
passed to the local police and the sheriff broke the jaw of one of the witnesses.”113 From prior
experiences this led the FBI, and other federal officials to be not as trusting of local law
enforcement in Mississippi. When compared to before information passed freely from each
agency allowing for local officials to coordinate repercussions against SNCC, and other civil
rights activists who spoke out against the injustices that had been going on. To understand the
role that the federal government had, had when the triple homicide of Schwerner, Goodman, and
Chaney occurred. The analysis of such groups like: the Ku Klux Klan, the White Citizen’s
Council, and the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission had put in place to resist the Civil
Rights Movement has to be taken into consideration.
Such intervention had taken too late for SNCC to not document the discriminations that had
been going on in the Magnolia State. Being able to document all of the crimes that had been
going on followed as such: from the Ku Klux Klan, the White Citizen’s Council, the Mississippi
State Sovereighnty Commission, and local law enforcement. Inequalities had been committed by
112
113
Bob Zellner, Wrong Side of Murder Creek: A White Southerner in the Freedom Movement
(Montgomery, Alabama: New South Books 2008), 155.
Krogman 35
all of these groups, and being able to document this would allow for SNCC, and local blacks to
later expose these organizations for what they had done.
The Ku Klux Klan, and radical white activity had been visibly documented during Freedom
Summer as this project would incite the most egregious forms of KKK violence, murder, arsons,
and firebombings SNCC, and local blacks had experienced. The accounts specified by Michal
Belknap demonstrates the absolute tyranny that had prevailed during Freedom Summer. On
January 10 in Pike County, “Students at Southwest Mississippi went on a rampage and damaged
four negro homes in McComb… [Students] charged with malicious mischief.”114 Another
witness to crime that Mr. Hurst had committed against Lee was also repressed for the actions he
had taken on the stand. After that testimony against Hurst, shortly after, a man by the name of
Louis Allen was slaughtered.115 Whether or not the irritated whites who had committed such
crimes were connected to the Ku Klux Klan, or other violent white supremacist organizations is a
detail that cannot be determined unless the interviewing of these individuals were to occur. What
is relevant is the shared ideology between radical whites, and identifiable accounts of KKK
violence over the course of Freedom Summer. “Negro men named Curtis and Jackson were
beaten by armed white men wearing white hoods down to their waist….”116 The distribution of
Klan material added to the degree of being able to document such injustices during Freedom
Summer. “Klan material was left in the door of the Baptist Seminary Center at Brookhaven. The
literature was printed by the White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan of Mississippi.”117 When SNCC
114
115
116
117
Krogman 36
had attempted to hold a dance at the local YMCA, police, and the Klan had been involved.
Specifically, the Klan was distributing unsolicited mail that had told the individuals they would
hope that SNCC, and the others would integrate the YMCA so they could collectively kill them
all in one sitting.118 Similarly, in what could be debated the strongest white resistance county in
Mississippi, Neshoba County, a dozen crosses were burned at a simultaneous point in time.119
While the Ku Klux Klan was notably a violent white terrorist organization, the White Citizen’s
Council preferred to institutionally redirect the course of the Civil Rights Movement.
The White Citizen’s Council may have not been the most lethal, or physically damaging
organization that had resisted the Civil Rights Movement, but has strong connections to
influential whites that could lobby for legislation that impeded the Movement. Yasuhiro Katagiri
stated the White Citizens Council was, “Unlike the bulk of the members of some violence prone
Ku Klux Klan-type segregationists…” she continues, “[WCC members] enjoyed high
community status, and some were even thought as ‘respectable’ citizens.”120 Not being as
violence prone as the typical backwoods white supremacist-type individual allowed for these
individuals to work behind closed doors without anyone knowing. Such members of the
community that were attracted to the highly influential nature, and mysterious nature of the
Council included, and was not limited to: bankers, lawyers, doctors, state and federal judges,
state and national law makers, and Southern governors.121 “Canton’s mayor, sheriff, police chief,
118
“WATS Report,” Tuesday, May 11, 1965, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-
119
120
Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi, 2001), xxx.
121
Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi, 2001), xxx.
Krogman 37
and other leading white citizens are executives in the white supremacist Citizen’s Council.”122
How this is documented in such a way that shows it had been one of the many oppositions to the
Civil Rights Movement is in the way in which these individuals restricted black rights in
political, and economic pursuits.
Politicians would openly defy the national government on its stance to allow integrationists
into the state of Mississippi. Debatably one of the most devout segregationists, Governor Ross
Barnett, used the platform of infringement on States’ rights to keep the federal government from
intervening for the time being, prior to the murders. While future President Kennedy had been
running for office, Barnett had managed to sway not only Mississippi delegates, but that of other
Southern states as well. “… all eight of Mississippi’s electors, and six of Alabama’s eleven
defied the national ticket and voted for Harry Byrd.”123 This put a dilemma in the future
President’s hands as he wanted to appeal to both sides, the Southern white vote, and the black
vote. “… sustain the rights of Negroes without a reinstitution of Reconstruction-like measures
that would trammel rights of whites.”124 This was the exact reaction the Council had wanted to
see from the federal government as this dilemma of the distinction between States’ rights, and
federal rights would soften the speed the Movement could change the landscape of Jim Crow
Mississippi. Even though these “States’ rights” equated to the maintenance of segregation
throughout the state. As this quarrel had been going on the state of Mississippi instituted laws,
and legislation that would make it difficult for SNCC to produce the change they had wanted to
see. “House Bill No. 870… Section 1. It shall be unlawful for any person, group, or organization
122
“Canton County and White Citizens Council,” n.d., Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford, N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:8:117, 0962.
123
Press 1977), 57.
124
Press 1977), 52.
Krogman 38
[Civil Rights Movement] to advocate or have as its purpose, aim or objective, any change by
force, violence…”125 As described before this ensured that local law officials could arrest, or do
as they pleased when faced with a situation of SNCC civil rights workers, picketing, voting, or
assembling outside of areas they saw fit to integrate.126 While it cannot be determined with one
hundred percent certainty that the White Citizen’s Council had a direct relationship with the
legislation, and national interference in the presidential campaign of John F. Kennedy. It is
specified SNCC workers were to receive information about an area’s financial, and economic
makeup; some places were found to have strong associations with national corporate companies
with relation to the White Citizen’s Council.127 Strong correlations are present to make one think
that such connections were in place during the time of Freedom Summer in Mississippi. While
this had been going on the state of Mississippi had set up the infamous Mississippi State
Sovereignty Commission to monitor the activity of SNCC, and the Civil Rights Movement
across the Magnolia state during Freedom Summer.
The Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission was an agency created by the State of
Mississippi that had been the supposed surveillance organization of the Civil Rights Movement.
Having the eyes and ears across the state allowed for constant monitoring of the “Communist” or
“agitator” activity that had been going on in the state during the Movement. The Commission in
order to monitor such activities had to have eyes, and ears to relay information back to the
125
“House Bill No. 870,” May 6, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972
126
“Anti-Picketing Law Passed in Mississippi to Combat Civil Rights Activities,” April 8, 1964, Student
1982), microfilm, A:8:129, 0210; “Committee Substitute for House Bill #546,” n.d., Student Nonviolent
microfilm, A:8:129, 0213; “House Bill No.2027,” May 6, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers.
127
Elizabeth Sutherland Martinez, Letters From Mississippi (Brookline, Massachusetts: Zephyr Press
2007), v.
Krogman 39
Commission. Eyes and ears included: sheriffs, other local law enforcement officials, state
legislators, state judges, bankers, school officials, and religious leaders; having such deep
reaching arms into the societies of Mississippi allowed for effective monitoring of the
Movement.128 These informants would then go identify persons of importance within not only
SNCC, but any civil rights organization who had been labeled as one requiring additional
observation.129 One such example is the Commission’s refutable statements of Mrs. Devine’s
accusations of the Acker family disappearance; the Commission had stated, “… a finance
company in Hancock County had received a check from one of the members of the family after
Mrs. Devine had reported them missing….”130 Allegations that had been made were often
refuted like this to prevent further investigation, and as the case goes usually once someone had
gone missing it was assumed they were deceased. As Huie stated best, “A missing civil rights
worker in Mississippi today is a dead civil rights worker.”131 Another way the Commission
would term the Civil Rights Movement as a Communist agenda set to destroy the way of life in
Mississippi.132 Anti-Communism was to be used as an instrument of the state government; in
turn this prevented the encroachment upon the rights of the state by the federal government.133
Rather than act upon individuals, SNCC, and local blacks as civil rights organizations, it was
easier to term someone who was involved in the Movement as a “Communist” a malleable term
for white southerners to explain anything that caused a social change or threatened the current
128
Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi, 2001), 36-37.
129
Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi, 2001), 49-51.
130
“WATS Report,” Sunday, May 30, 1965, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-
131
132
133
Krogman 40
way of life in Mississippi during Freedom Summer.134 Greenwood, Mississippi documented such
an account as, “If this red agitator should be so successful that he can create tense and dangerous
hours in this fair city, we urge every citizen, whether they be employee or employer, to
completely lay aside their normal activity,…”135 This even went as far as describing the triple
homicide of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney as “Communist hoax” that was put on by other
Communists.136 Even though in reality, there was no Communist influence in Mississippi; just
the Civil Rights Movement. This would then lead to local law enforcement officials being well
versed in what, and who to look for in the Civil Rights Movement. The way the Mississippi State
Sovereighnty Commission prepped local law enforcement officials was to prepare and dispense
the numerous amounts of laws that had been passed by legislators in order to make sure local
police could use these laws against the civil rights activists.137 These meetings would take place
out of sight, and during the late hours of the evening in secret to guarantee the protection of plans
that would carried out later on.138
Law enforcement was the most visible of these organizations that were documented
infringing upon the rights of civil rights activists, and local blacks. Local police officials had
used any means necessary in order to justify an arrest of individuals that had been participating
in the political life of Mississippi that had been sought for by SNCC, and the Civil Rights
Movement as a whole. The most common way for law enforcement officials to bewilder SNCC
134
135
“The Klansmen,” n.d., Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers/ 1959-1972 (Sanford, N.C.:
136
137
138
Krogman 41
activists and other members was to simply arrest individuals on trumped up charges, traffic
violations to be exact. “It is commonplace for campaign workers throughout Mississippi… to be
taken into custody on a variety of traffic charges. On one occasion the candidate for Lt. Gov. was
fined four separate traffic ‘violations’…”139 This often occurred as activists were on route to
other buildings associated with the Movement. As it was the course for police officials to
identify a vehicle connected with the Movement, to tail the car and pull them over, and then
proceed to “…quiz drivers and passengers and search their interiors. Every third or fourth such
incident ends with driver and passengers being taken to the police station for ‘questioning’.”140
Many SNCC members eluded to the assertion of why law enforcement officials would target
them, even though it was known violent acts had been happening against them. One of Bob
Zellner’s sociology professors from Huntingdon College stated, “… it would be much easier for
the cops to arrest the few of us [civil rights activists], and besides most of the time the cops and
the Klan are the same thing…”141 This provided a doubly effective front for white resistance to
take a legal front, in the form of local law enforcement, and as the radical white supremacists
documented as Klan members across Mississippi. This combination would lead to Officer Cecil
Price pulling over James Chaney, who was driving, Michael Schwerner, and Andrew Goodman,
who were passengers, on such falsified traffic charges.142 Their deaths would be a result of such
traffic detainment, and subsequent planning with white supremacists.
139
“Summary of Events,” October 22-28, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972
140
“Summary of Events,” October 22-28, 2, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-
141
Bob Zellner, Wrong Side of Murder Creek: A White Southerner in the Freedom Movement
(Montgomery, Alabama: New South Books 2008), 51.
142
Krogman 42
The successful nature of white resistance tactics as well as the extensive documentation of
these tactics prior to, and throughout Freedom Summer displays the nature which whites were
willing to go to impede progress in civil rights. In order to document such success in these tactics
the WATS line, also known as the Wide Area Transmission Service, was invaluable to the plight
of SNCC, and the local blacks who went on a day to day basis not knowing whether they would
be alive the next day. Reporting such incidents to this transmission service had to be cataloged in
a database where records could be kept. This comparison shows the escalation of violence once
Freedom Summer had occurred. Once the Justice Department’s confidence had improved to go
into the state of Mississippi to confront the injustices that had been going on, the amount of cases
in which discriminations happened more frequently.143 The positive correlation in the activity
prior to Freedom Summer where the documentation had not been so much. During Freedom
Summer documentation, and the escalation of cases of violence had increased to deter the Civil
Rights Movement. It can be concluded that at the peak of Freedom Summer, cases were at their
highest until the triple homicide of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney. White supremacist
activity would soon be on the decline by the result of federal involvement. Even though in the
perception of SNCC this action to restrain such actions had not been taken soon enough.
As federal government intervention had done some work to moderate white resistance over
the course of Freedom Summer. SNCC did not believe that this sort of work was being done, or
at least to the level in which SNCC wanted it to be carried out in. Writing letters to the federal
government informing them of what was going on was such a way that SNCC could advocate the
need for intervention on the basis of violence, and injustices that had been going on in
143
Press 1977), 117.
Krogman 43
Mississippi. One of many letters sent to the federal government outlining the precursor for
violence, and injustices states, “We urge that you make a declaration of intention that the United
States Government will protect the rights and guarantee the personal safety of the people, Negro
or White, residents or non-residents, in the State of Mississippi.”144 Another letter sent the
President Lyndon B. Johnson builds on this constant heckling SNCC pursued to try and garner
attention, and action.
“In particular, there are two different areas of violence we call to your
attention…. members of the white community are heavily armed, including hand
grenades and automatic such-machine guns…. In the Delta of Mississippi there
has been talk of lists of leaders who must be wiped out. The killing of Medgar
Evers and the shooting of Jimmie Travis demonstrate that this is no empty
threat.”145
This later led to the federal government sending officials down to the State of Mississippi to
address such instances. Meanwhile, SNCC having the opportunity to express their plight to
officials in the area, but as demonstrated before SNCC, and local blacks did not exactly trust
federal officials because of possible repercussion that could be incited. “Robinson called the
Jackson FBI and asked them to send a man out. A while later, Scattergood called back and said
the FBI man who came was one Charles had told personally he didn’t trust and would never talk
to.”146 This lack of trust in the federal officials was directly resulted in fear of violence being
144
“President Lyndon B. Johnson,” June 11, 1964, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers.
145
“President Lyndon B. Johnson,” June 14, 1964, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers.
146
“WATS Reports,” Sunday, May 2, 1965, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-
Krogman 44
taken out against SNCC, and local blacks as justice was slowly making progress in Mississippi.
Yet, this perception was still negatively affected when SNCC had asserted that even while
federal officials were in the state the fulfillment of the promise of protection while trying to
progress the Civil Rights cause was not being taken. “Witnesses testified that local FBI agents
said they could not take action, but could only forward complaints. On complaints to the
Department of Justice, not even answers were received…”147 To connect this to the triple
homicide of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney; Rita Schwerner, Michael’s wife, had tried
contacting the Justice Department asking for involvement, but to no avail was met with no
results as the hesitance of the Department as well as the FBI did not see it fit to get involved with
the murders at the time.148 According to SNCC, some approximated statistics of the time the
federal government failed to get involved with the Movement, and prevent such atrocities that
occurred in the Magnolia State resulted in, “… at least 60 beatings, 8 unsolved killings, 17
church burnings, 13 bombings, 23 shootings, and numerable acts of intimidation.”149
Comparable, John Rachal’s approximation stood at “1,000 arrests, 35 shootings, 30 bombings,
35 counts of arson, 80 beatings, and 6 murders.”150 SNCC had the moral high ground to see the
federal government role as a negative impact to moderate white resistance as these accounts, and
the statistics show that prior to moderation there had been no presence whatsoever.
To elaborate on SNCC’s perspective of federal involvement to moderate white resistance this
is key to identify the historiographical discussion currently going on. To reiterate Lawson’s point
147
“Testimony on the FBI,” n.d., Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers. 1959-1972 (Sanford,
N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982), microfilm, A:15:162, 1219.
148
149
150
John R. Rachal, “The Long Hot Summer: The Mississippi Response to Freedom Summer.” The Journal
of Negro History, Vol. 84, No. 4 (1964): 323.
Krogman 45
the federal government could shape, and pace the Movement. As well as the way it could choose
to get involved when the government saw fit.151 This aspect of the federal government to choose
the times when to get involved would indirectly bring about the triple homicide of Schwerner,
Goodman, and Chaney because of the reluctance to involve themselves prior to Freedom
Summer. It was not the choice of the federal government to not get involved, but because they
had to walk the thin line between national and states’ rights. Allowing free reign of white terror
across Mississippi eventually solidifying Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney as martyrs of the
Movement.
Overall, the way the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee acted prior, and during
Freedom Summer in Mississippi show the radical comparison between white resistance
movements during this critical time in the Civil Rights Movement. White resistance movements
in Mississippi were a direct result of the ideological nature, and impeding threat of whites’
livelihood in the state. As well as the lack of federal government intervention to reverse the
courses of action that had been prevailing in the Magnolia State. Violence, and other forms of
terrorism were the expected norms of society if one was to be a local black resident, or civil
rights activist. SNCC ultimately made the decision to undertake Freedom Summer in Mississippi
as an answer to the lack of federal response, and to garner black votes in disadvantaged areas
across Mississippi. Subsequently, this would lead to the triple homicide of Michael Schwerner,
Andrew Goodman, and James Chaney by enraged white radicals who saw their cause as one to
change the way of life whites in Mississippi have enjoyed for generations previously.
Despondently enough these three murders were the trigger point for federal intervention to occur
151
Steven F. Lawson, “Excerpt from the Introduction to the Report of the National Advisory Commission
on Civil Disorders,” in Debating the Civil Rights Movement, 1945-1968, ed. James Patterson (Lanham, Maryland:
Rowman & Littlefield 2006), 102.
Krogman 46
when simply it could have happened before the malicious murders of these three individuals.
Once it had occurred, federal involvement would pursue the felons until justice was served.
Thus, leading to the decline of white violence across the state in the face of federal involvement,
and the tidal wave of social changes the Civil Rights Movement would bring along with it.
This is evident in today’s society as well. We see the Black Lives Matter Movement as one
that has similar parallels between social injustice, and the way African Americans are treated
today. The call for federal intervention has been sung again to bring change to what is believed a
suppressed, and ignored cohort of individuals in our country today. While resistance movements
are seen as well to counter the Black Lives Matter Movement with the largest revival of white
supremacist ideology since the election of our current President; President Trump.
Krogman 47
Primary Source Bibliography
Alston, Alex A. Devil’s Sanctuary: An Eyewitness History of Mississippi Hate Crimes. Chicago:
Lawrence Hill Books, 2008.
Belknap, Michal. Civil Rights, the White House, and the Justice Department, 1945-1968. New
York: Garland Pub., 1991.
Brauer, Carl M., John F. Kennedy and the Second Reconstruction. New York; Columbia
University Press, 1977.
Chalmers, David. Backfire: How the Ku Klux Klan Helped the Civil Rights Movement. Lanham,
Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. “The Ku Klux Klan (KKK).” FBI Records: The Vault.
Accessed December 13, 2017.
https://vault.fbi.gov/The%20Ku%20Klux%20Klan%20%28KKK%29.
Huie, William Bradford. Three Lives For Mississippi. New York: WCC Books, 1965.
Katagiri, Yasuhiro. Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission: Civil Rights and State’s Rights.
Jackson, Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi, 2001.
Martinez, Elizabeth Sutherland. Letters From Mississippi. Brookline, Massachusetts: Zephyr
Press, 2007.
Rachal, John R. “The Long, Hot Summer”: The Mississippi Response to Freedom Summer,
1964.” The Journal of Negro History 84, no. 4 (Autumn 1999): 315-339. Accessed
September 13, 2017. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2649035
Reavis, Dick J., If White Kids Die. Denton, Texas: University of North Texas Press, 2001.
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
Papers, 1959-1972. Sanford, N.C.: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982.
Sokol, Jason. There goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights
Movement, 1945-1975I. New York: Alfred A Knopf, 2006.
United States Federal Bureau of Investigation. FBI File: MIBURN (Mississippi Burning): The
Investigation of the Murders of Michael Henry Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, and James
Earl Chaney, June 21, 1964. Wilmington, Delaware, 1990. Microfilm.
Zellner, Bob, and Constance Curry. The Wrong Side of Murder Creek: A White Southerner in the
Freedom Movement. Montgomery, Alabama: NewSouth Books, 2008.
Secondary Source Bibliography

Krogman 48
Aickin Rothschild, Mary. A Case of Black and White: Northern Volunteers and the Southern
Freedom Summers, 1964-1965, Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1982.
Burner, Eric. And Gently He Shall Lead Them: Robert Parris Moses and Civil Rights in
Mississippi. New York: New York University Press, 1994.
Carson, Clayborne. In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960’s. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1981.
Danielson, Chris. After Freedom Summer: How Race Realigned Mississippi Politics, 1965-1986.
Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2011.
Dittmer, John. 1994. Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi. Blacks in the
New World. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
George, Carol V.R. One Mississippi, Two Mississippi: Methodists, Murder, & The Struggle for
Racial Justice in Neshoba County. New York, New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.
Lewis, Andrew B., The Shadows of Youth: The Remarkable Journey of the Civil Rights
Generation, New York: Hill and Wang, 2009.
Marsh, Charles. God’s Long Summer: Stories of Faith and Civil Rights. Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1997.
McAdam, Doug. Freedom Summer. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990.
Moye, J. Todd. Let the People Decide: Black Freedom and White Resistance Movements in
Sunflower County, Mississippi, 1945-1986. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina
Press, 2004.
Murphree, Vanessa. The Selling of Civil Rights: The Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee and the use of Public Relations. New York: Routledge, 2006.
M. Payne, Charles. I’ve got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi
Freedom Struggle. Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1995.
Rachal, John R. “The Long, Hot Summer”: The Mississippi Response to Freedom Summer,
1964.” The Journal of Negro History 84, no. 4 (Autumn 1999): 315-339. Accessed
September 13, 2017. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2649035.
Stoper, Emily. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee: The Growth of Radicalism in a
Civil Rights Organization. Brooklyn, New York: Carson Pub., 1989.
Visser-Maessen, Laura. Robert Parris Moses: A Life in Civil Rights and Leadership at the
Grassroots. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016.
Watson, Bruce. Freedom Summer: The Savage Season that made Mississippi Burn and made
America a Democracy. New York, New York: Viking, 2010.

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Krogman 1

“Mississippi Burning”: Three Murders that Shaped the United States

most whites had been living with for numerous generations.

federal government played in containing white resistance.

Movement. Lawson states,

“It is impossible to understand how Blacks achieved first-class citizenship rights

in the South without concentrating on what national leaders did in Washington,

to defeat state government’s intent on keeping Blacks in subservient positions”.2

SNCC’s perspective with the account of federal intervention, or lack thereof.

Prior to SNCC involvement in Freedom Summer, white supremacist groups maintained

beatings that had been previously used.

blacks subjugated in Jim Crow Mississippi.

were speculated at above thirty-three percent.38

segregation was the development of institutions in close-knit communities, churches, schools,

with the Civil Rights Movement.

stance on the injustices through the duration of the Movement.

“The Justice Department’s action makes a mockery of the Administration

tolerated. We call upon all Americans, regardless of individual political belief, to

successful white resistance tactic taking place prior to Freedom Summer.

Summer Project began at least 60 beatings, 8 unsolved killings, 17 church burnings, 13

country… will be involved in a summer long drive to mobilize the Negro

communities of Mississippi and to assist in developing local leadership and

the twisted State of Mississippi.

thinking about coming to Mississippi.’”79

Civil Rights Movement as a whole.

know for several generations was about to change dramatically.

could be enforced after the murders of Schwerner, Goodman, and Chaney.93

shield its old way of life from the changing world…”97

“1. Klan and organizations organizing and/or supporting interference with

programs in furtherance of Civil Rights.

of interference or violence against the Civil Rights program or its workers.”102

federal government documentation of activity in Mississippi would subsequently lead to the

by the legal might of the federal government.

Mississippi!...Why send a couple of carloads of marshals to look after them…”105 To briefly

Rights Movement as a whole.

inequalities in Mississippi. Robert Kennedy played an essential role of invigorating the

Rights Movement has to be taken into consideration.

later expose these organizations for what they had done.

Ku Klux Klan-type segregationists…” she continues, “[WCC members] enjoyed high

political, and economic pursuits.

vote. “… sustain the rights of Negroes without a reinstitution of Reconstruction-like measures

legislation, and national interference in the presidential campaign of John F. Kennedy. It is

across the Magnolia state during Freedom Summer.

Mississippi.132 Anti-Communism was to be used as an instrument of the state government; in

that would carried out later on.138

violations to be exact. “It is commonplace for campaign workers throughout Mississippi… to be

traffic detainment, and subsequent planning with white supremacists.

attention, and action.

grenades and automatic such-machine guns…. In the Delta of Mississippi there

church burnings, 13 bombings, 23 shootings, and numerable acts of intimidation.”149

Comparable, John Rachal’s approximation stood at “1,000 arrests, 35 shootings, 30 bombings,

To elaborate on SNCC’s perspective of federal involvement to moderate white resistance this

Primary Source Bibliography

Secondary Source Bibliography

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