The Belgian created conflict of the DR Congo

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THE DEMONCRATIC VERSION PART III
By Victor E. Rosez
Preface:

The Congo is situated at the heart of the west-central

portion of sub-Saharan Africa. DR Congo borders the
Central African Republic and Sudan on the North;
Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi on the East; Zambia and
Angola on the South; the Republic of the Congo on the
West; and is separated from Tanzania by Lake
Tanganyika on the East. The country enjoys access to the
ocean through a 40-kilometre (25 mile) stretch of Atlantic
coastline at Muanda and the roughly nine-kilometer wide
mouth of the Congo river which opens into the Gulf of
Guinea. The country straddles the Equator, with one-third
to the North and two-thirds to the South. The size of
Congo, 2,345,408square kilometers (905,567sqmi), is
slightly greater than the combined areas of Spain, France,
Germany, Sweden, and Norway. It is the third largest
country (by area) in Africa.

In order to distinguish it from the neighboring Republic

of the Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is
often referred to as DR Congo, DRC, or RDC, or is called
Congo-Kinshasa after the capital Kinshasa (in contrast to
Congo-Brazzaville for its neighbour). The name “Congo”
refers to the river Congo, also known as the river Zaire.
(The river name Congo is related to the name of the
Bakongo ethnic group). As many as 250 ethnic groups
have been identified and named. The most numerous
people are the Kongo, Luba, and Mongo. Although seven
hundred local languages and dialects are spoken, the
linguistic variety is bridged both by widespread use of
French and intermediary languages such as Kongo,
Tshiluba, Swahili, and Lingala.

The Congo is the world’s largest producer of cobalt ore,

and a major producer of copper and industrial diamonds.
It has significant deposits of tantalum, which is used in
the fabrication of electronic components in computers
and mobile phones. In 2002, tin was discovered in the east
of the country, but, to date, mining has been on a small
scale. Katanga Mining Limited, a London-based
company, owns the Luilu Metallurgical Plant, which has
a capacity of 175,000 tonnes of copper and 8,000 tonnes
of cobalt per year, making it the largest cobalt refinery in
the world. After a major rehabilitation program, the
company restarted copper production in December 2007
and cobalt production in May 2008.

The United Nations 2007 estimated the population at 62.6

million people, having increased rapidly despite the war
from 46.7 million in 1997. Currently the Head of State is
President Joseph Kabila (October 2006-) and Head of
government is Prime Minister Antoine Gizenga
(December 2006-).
Provinces and territories

Formerly the country was divided into eleven provinces,

Kinshasa, Province Orientale, Kasaï Oriental, Kasaï
Occidental, Maniema, Katanga, Sud-Kivu, Nord-Kivu,
Bas-Congo, Équateur and Bandundu. However, the
constitution approved in 2005 divided the country into 26
fairly autonomous provinces, including the capital,
Kinshasa to be formed by 18 February 2009. These are
subdivided into 192 territories.

Provinces and their Capital Cities

Province Capital
Province Capital
1. Kinshasa Kinshasa
14.Ituri Bunia
Kongo
2. Matadi 15.Haut-Uele Isiro
central
16.Tshopo Kisangani
3. Kwango Kenge
17.Bas-Uele Buta
4. Kwilu Kikwit
18.Nord-Ubangi Gbadolite
Mai-
5. Inongo 19.Mongala Lisala
Ndombe
20.Sud-Ubangi Gemena
6. Kasaï Luebo
21.Équateur Mbandaka
7. Lulua Kananga
22.Tshuapa Boende
Kasaï Mbuji-
8. 23.Tanganyika Kalemie
oriental Mayi
Haut-
9. Lomami Kabinda 24. Kamina
Lomami
10.Sankuru Lodja
25.Lualaba Kolwezi
11.Maniema Kindu
Haut-
12.Sud-Kivu Bukavu 26. Lubumbashi
Katanga
13.Nord-Kivu Goma
History of the DR Congo Conflict

The state of DR Congo emerged from brutal colonial

history. From 1880s, Belgian King Leopold II used
territory as personal kingdom, exploiting vast natural
resources through indigenous forced labor. Leopold
transferred control of “Congo Free State” to Belgian
government 1908. After upsurge of nationalist sentiment
and parliamentary elections May 1960, Belgium accepted
independence June 1960. Within two weeks, country
faced nationwide army mutiny and secessionist
movements in Katanga and southern Kasai. Cold War
interests fueled tensions, with U.S. fearing Congo’s
break-up and Soviet inroads.

Power struggle between President Joseph Kasavubu and

PM Patrice Lumumba intensified when Lumumba used
army to brutally (but unsuccessfully) suppress Kasaian
rebellion and appealed for Soviet support. Kasavubu
dismissed Lumumba, who was later arrested and 1961
assassinated with Belgian complicity. UN troops began
disarming Katangan rebels August 1961 but situation
deteriorated into sporadic conflict between UN and
Katangan forces. Head of breakaway Katanga Moise
Tshombe forced out 1963, returning as Congo’s prime
minister 1964.

Colonel Joseph Desire Mobutu ousted Kasavubu and

Tshombe in 1965 and began thirty-two year rule. In 1971-
2 he changed the country’s name to Zaire.
Mobutu systematically used country’s mineral wealth to
consolidate power, co-opt rivals and enrich himself and
allies through patronage. Following the end of Cold War,
cessation of international aid and internal pressure to
democratize pushed him to reinstate multiparty politics in
1991, but Mobutu manipulated agreement to retain
power. Mobutu was finally ousted in May 1997 by
rebellion under Laurent Kabila’s leadership, backed by
Rwanda and Uganda.

Second war

The Second Congo War, also known as Africa’s World

War and the Great War of Africa, began in August 1998
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly called
Zaire), and officially ended in July 2003 when the
Transitional Government of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo took power (though hostilities continue to this
day). The largest war in modern African history, it
directly involved eight African nations, as well as about
25armed groups. By 2008 the war and its aftermath had
killed 5.4million people, mostly from disease and
starvation, making the Second Congo War the deadliest
conflict worldwide since World War II. Millions more
were displaced from their homes or sought asylum in
neighboring countries.

War sparked again in August 1998 when Kabila moved

to purge Rwandans from government. Rwandan troops
backing Congolese Tutsi rebels invaded. Kabila called on
Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia for help.
It is estimated that 4 to 6 million people died in during
this conflict between 1998-2004, mostly from war-related
diseases and starvation. A Lusaka ceasefire signed July
1999 and UN Security Council peacekeeping mission
(MONUC) was authorized in 2000. Laurent Kabila was
assassinated January 2001 and replaced by son Joseph.
Peace negotiations resulted in Rwandan and Ugandan
withdrawal in late 2002, but proxies remained. In
December 2002, all Congolese belligerents and political
groups signed peace deal in Sun City, South Africa,
ushering in transitional government June 2003 in which
Kabila shared power with four vice-presidents.

However, conflict in Ituri, North Kivu, South Kivu and

Katanga provinces continued. Rebel groups, including
former Rwandan-backed Tutsi and Hutu militias
(Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda
(FDLR) being largest), continued to fight for land and
resources. Violence in north eastern Ituri halted 2003
after three-month French-led emergency mission under
EU authority, after UN failed to contain clashes. Deaths
and displacements led UN to describe Eastern Congo as
“world’s worst humanitarian crisis” March 2005.
Following DRC government request International
Criminal Court (ICC) investigate crimes from June 2002
throughout DRC, ICC Prosecutor opened investigation
into crimes in Ituri June 2004.

Government and MONUC security efforts, undermined

by lack of progress in establishing integrated national
army, reinvigorated September 2004 by force expansion
from 10,800 to 16,700 and more aggressive mandate.
From March 2005, MONUC often participated in joint
operations with integrated national army. But despite
significant demobilization, many rebel groups still active
2006. Uganda rebel group Lord’s Resistance Army
(LRA) settled in north east late 2005, reigniting tensions:
Kampala threatened to pursue LRA into Congo, while
Kinshasa suspected Uganda sought access to resources in
east. International Court of Justice 2005 found Ugandan
army committed human rights abuses and illegally
exploited Congolese natural resources.

New constitution introducing president/prime minister

power sharing and two-term presidential limit was
adopted 13 May 2005 and approved by referendum 18
December. After delays, national assembly and first-
round presidential elections held 30 July 2006. Violent
clashes erupted in Kinshasa between Kabila and
opposition MLC leader Jean-Pierre Bemba supporters
when neither gained majority in first-round votes. Kabila
took presidency in 29 October second round (58 per cent
of vote), and his alliance won majority in national and
provincial assemblies. Elections considered by outside
observers to be relatively free and fair, ushering in first
truly democratic government 40 years.

Kabila government faces substantial challenges,

including an abusive and ill-disciplined national army
(FARDC), corrupt public administration, and lack of
infrastructure and basic services. Advances in Ituri
remain precarious, with slow progress on militia
disarmament and reintegration and lack of transparent
natural resource management.
Security further deteriorated in North Kivu, where the
national army and dissidents under command of General
Laurent Nkunda (CNDP, National Congress for the
Defense of the People – Nkunda’s political movement,
unveiled July 2006) resumed fighting from late
November 2006, displacing up to 400,000 in years since.

Signing of Nairobi Agreement November 2007 and

Goma “Actes d’Engagement” January 2008 were
welcomed. The Former provided for repatriation of
FDLR and latter for ceasefire and voluntary
demobilisation of combatants in east, to be implemented
through “Amani” peace program. Success depends on
will of militias to disengage, continued funding for the
Amani program and improved relations between Kigali
and Kinshasa over handling of FDLR. But despite some
initial signs of Nkunda’s readiness to disengage, serious
clashes between CNDP and FARDC continued, while
June 2008 brought heavy FDLR attacks on civilian camps
in North Kivu.

Political pluralism has shrunk, with opposition virtually

excluded from governorships despite performance in
2006 elections, recurrent use of force against Bemba’s
supporters, and death of over 100 civilians in March 2008
brutal police crackdown on political-cultural movement
Bundu dia Kongo in Bas-Congo. The ICC has issued five
arrest warrants for DRC leaders and four are in ICC
custody – three militia leaders charged with crimes in
Ituri, and Bemba who was arrested May 2008 for atrocity
crimes committed 2002-2003 in neighbouring CAR’s
civil war and transferred to The Hague 4 June 2008.
Nkunda resisted hand over of fifth suspect, CNDP chief
of staff Bosco Ntaganda, wanted for Ituri crimes. But
credibility and future of ICC investigations under
question after judges suspended first trial, of UPC militia
leader Thomas Lubanga in June 2008 over prosecution’s
non-disclosure of potentially exculpatory evidence.

Recent-Current situation in Congo

A deal concluded between Kabila and rebel commander

Laurent Nkunda providing for the integration of
Nkunda’s troops into the armed forces – known as mixage
– collapsed in 2007 amid opposition from hardliners on
both sides. Kabila’s aides attacked him over perceived
preferential treatment given to Tutsis in army integration,
drawing on public outcry over massive human rights
violations caused in Nkunda’s operations against the
FDLR to undermine the deal’s legitimacy. Nkunda’s
Goma-based Tutsi backers, afraid of losing everything
acquired during the war, threatened to pull their support.
The mixage process and it’s collapse left Nkunda
militarily strengthened and removed a viable alternative
to continued struggle.

After frequent clashes in the first half of 2008, violence

again engulfed the region from late August, when
Nkunda’s CNDP rebels launched a fresh offensive on
army bases and areas under the formal protection of UN
troops. After significant advances and the collapse of the
FARDC in the region, the CNDP took control of
Rutshuru town in late October, moved to the outskirts of
the regional capital Goma and consolidated their hold
over the surrounding region. For a short time, UN
peacekeeping troops (MONUC) found themselves the
last protection against Nkunda’s advances on Goma. A 29
October ceasefire soon faltered, and clashes continued
throughout November (2008). Partially due to an intense
diplomatic effort, Nkunda put on hold his offensive on the
city, while still continuing and consolidating advances in
other areas.

International and regional diplomatic efforts commenced

from late October, 2008. An EU mission led by the
French and British foreign ministers arrived in Congo and
Rwanda on 31 October, while African leaders joined by
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon met at an emergency
summit of the African Union, calling for immediate
adherence to the 29 October ceasefire. The UN Security
Council’s decision to appoint a special envoy – former
Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo – added welcome
focus and commitment to mediation. International leaders
met in Nairobi on 7 November (2008) and called for the
immediate implementation of the Goma and Nairobi
agreements, establishing a facilitation team composed of
Obasanjo and former Tanzanian President Mkapa. The
new mediators met with key players over November,
securing Nkunda’s commitment to a ceasefire in the
middle of the month, although clashes erupted again
shortly afterwards. In February 2009, Rwanda arrested
Nkunda though it has not yet handed him over.

Recent developments also underscored the fragility of the

situation in Ituri. October 2008 saw fresh clashes between
government and rebel forces as well as a series of brutal
attacks and abductions reportedly by Ugandan Lord’s
Resistance Army rebels.

Causes of the Congo conflict

Leopold and Belgium colonial occupation*

Like most African nations, the problems in Congo in the

recent past have their tap root in the colonial activities by
mainly European nations. The Congo possessed an
uncharacteristic wealth that made it the desire of many
European countries (Lusignan: 2004). It had an
abundance of natural resources such as cooper, gold,
diamonds, rubber, cobalt, among others that made it the
desire of many trading corporations and companies. At
the Berlin Conference in 1885, King Leopold was granted
to the exclusive right to privately exploit the
Congo. Once in the Congo, Leopold devised an
economic system in which the Congo was sectioned into
different areas leased to different European corporations
that paid Leopold 50 percent of the extracted wealth.
Lusigan (2004) writes that Leopold entered the Congo
under the cloak and façade of a humanitarian by making
hollow promises detailing his intentions to improve the
quality of life in the Congo. He promised to build schools,
homes, and to liberate the Congolese people from Arab
slave traders.

* See also The Demoncratic Version Part I-II and III by Victor E. Rosez:
About 75% of the former Congo settlers are denying this period of
atrocities under Leopold II. This is give a new conflict in the today’s
Belgian community who are well aware that this was a black page in their
countries’ history. It is also a fact that after 1908 after the take-over
nothing really changed and forced labor lasted until the fifties. All
references pointing to Adam Hochschild were taken over by him out of
the works and books of Jules Marchal.
But under the rule of Leopold, very little was done to
improve the wellbeing of the citizens, and instead a
regime was instituted that operated solely through force
of might.

People were tortured and forced to sign treaties that

according to Leopold “…must grant us everything”
(Hochschild 71), which included the rights to all land and
resources therein. Thus for a 20 year period, Leopold was
able to operate with impunity, and in the process 10
million people were murdered. During his reign, women
and children were brutally raped and murdered and
treated like animals. “They were fed-and slept-in the
royal stables.”(Hochschild 176) They were even hunted
like animals for fun and for sport. Limb amputation was
a joy of many Belgium soldiers; hands, heads, and other
body were severed for not only proof of kill, but for the
cannibalistic needs of these Belgium soldier. Even the
homes of some Belgium officers were lined with the
skulls of the Congolese people for decoration. Many
more died from starvation and exhaustion resulting from
the inhumane living conditions present in the Congo.

After King Leopold relinquished his position in the

Congo, the Belgium parliament assumed legal control of
the country, but the trading corporations and companies
of Belgium and other European countries continued to
dominate the course of events in the Congo. “The one
major goal not achieved, he (Morel) acknowledged, was
African ownership of land.” (Hochschild 273) The
Congo’s wealth of natural resources had always been the
main attraction of Belgium, and with Leopold removed,
the corporations were given more control and influence
over the economy in the Congo. The United Mines of
Upper Katanga (UMHK) was founded shortly after
Leopold’s reign ended and for the next fifty years, this
corporation exercised the greatest influence and control
over the economy and the resources with the Congo. It
“controlled about 70 percent of the economy of the
Belgian Congo…and controlled the exploitation of
cobalt, copper, tin uranium and zinc in mines which were
among the richest in the world.”(Hochschild 31) During
this time period, the Congo was one the world’s largest
copper-producing countries and the “cobalt extraction in
Katanga represented 75 percent of the entire world
production.” (Hochschild 31)

In June of 1960, the Congo was granted independence,

which threatened the future of European economic
control of this profitable source of revenue. The United
Nations granted independence to the Congo because of
pressure from the worldwide anti-colonial movement that
touched Africa in the 1950s. But shortly after the Congo’s
independence, Belgium immediately sent troops to the
country in order to protect Katanga, the city in the Congo
that possessed a wealth of resources and was the primary
export site for these corporations. With this military
presence, the corporations continued their production in
the city, and surprisingly, production even increased in
the year of independence. This military presence
remained in the Congo for years, thus showing the
Congolese people were never truly granted
“independence”.
 The entitlement complex of Belgium is further revealed
here because Belgium believed that they possessed
personal ownership of the land in the Congo, and that the
citizens of the Congo did not warrant
independence. Belgium regarded the citizens of the
Congo as an inferior people who lacked civilization; they
believed that the occupation was justified. This denial of
own land and resources, injustice, brutal acts and all other
in human acts by Leopold and the Belgians groomed
anger, resentment, feelings of discontent among the
citizens of Congo that was later to be manifested in
counter resistances and civil wars against any one who
seemed to portray similar acts and policies, hence,
conflicts in the Congo.

The Assassination of Patrice Lumumba*

The emergence of an independent Congo on June 30, 1960

marked the beginning of a new era of colonialism by the
Western powers. On this day, Patrice Lumumba became
Prime Minister of the Congo, and in six months he would be
assassinated. He was an extraordinary politician, motivator,
and visionary, and one of the most influential figures
throughout Africa during his term. He is now enshrined as
an historical figure against the fight of injustice because of
his outspokenness against the colonization of Africa by
European powers (Lusigan:2004)

* see “The Demoncratic Version” Volume III by Victor E. Rosez:

The Belgium King played a main role in this. (Probably he was the one
who ordered the assassination). This would give a half century long
lasting destabilizing. In fact this crime and especially the consequences
are of a bigger amplitude as what his grand-uncle King Leopold II did.
Lumumba came to power at a time in which the anti-
colonial movement was most intense worldwide; this
propelled his general regard as a worldwide leader of this
movement. The period “…from 1960 to 1965, was the
West’s ultimate attempt to destroy the continent’s
authentic independent development.” (Kanza xxv).

Before serving as Prime Minister, Lumumba was the

president of the National Congolese Movement, a party
formally constituted in 1958. He was an ambitious man
and envisioned a promising future for the Congo; a future
void of European involvement and one in which the
Congolese people had absolute power.

He was already a prominent figure in the political scene

within the Congo, having amassed a following through
his writings and speeches advocating sovereignty and the
fight against European injustice. Lumumba eventually
became prime minister through democratic elections, but
his government only lasted for a very difficult period of
two months during which time Belgium launched many
attempts to reoccupy and subvert the independence
movement.

Patrice Lumumba represented a formidable opponent

against the colonization forces in Africa. By advocating
sovereignty and de-colonization in Africa, he represented
everything that the Western powers feared. He was a man
capable of affecting change throughout not only the
Congo, but across Africa by promoting a self-sustained
economy that was entirely independent from the
European nations. He opposed the forces of colonialism
throughout Africa. The riches of the Congo and the
presence of Lumumba’s movement could not be allowed
to co-exist in the view of the United States and European
political and business interests. Lumumba eventually
became the victim of a coup funded primarily by the
United States and Belgium, under the protection of the
United Nations. Although the United States and Belgium
were the primary opponents of Lumumba, they were
acting on behalf of European countries throughout the
world because Lumumba personified the anti-colonial
movement that everyone feared.

They feared Lumumba not simply because he was a man

that represented the anti-colonial movement, but because
he was an African man that had become too powerful and
had the potential to gain the loyalty and attention of his
people and focus their goals on true independence and
real control of their own resources.

“The Congo crisis is due to just one man, Patrice

Lumumba” (Hochschild 49) He had the potential to
change the entire social structure of Africa and possessed
the ability to affect change throughout the world by
promoting democracy and equality. Probably if
Lumumba had lived a little longer, he would have
organized and united the nation to avoid the conflicts that
have characterized the country ever since time memorial.
Poor Centralized governance of Mobutu
(dictatorship and exploitation of resources)

For the next thirty years following the death of Lumumba,

the Congo was the victim of a centralized government
with the majority of the power concentrated in one man,
General Mobutu, who was an instrumental Congolese
collaborator with the Western interests in promoting the
coup leading to the assassination of Lumumba. Kaplan
(1979) notes that Mobutu created a rigidly centralized
administration reminiscent of Belgian rule, topped by a
single authority figure that he claimed to be in the African
political tradition. Governing by decree, his words
literally were law. His power was absolute, anchored in
a constitution of his own inspiration that made him head
of the legislative, executive, and judiciary

This was not the type of free democratic society that

Lumumba had envisioned, but instead one that still
allowed many European nations to exercise the authority
and influence that Lumumba vehemently opposed. The
United States gave him well over a billion dollars in
civilian and military aid during the three decades of his
rule; European powers- especially France-contributed
more (Hochschild 303)/ Mobutu did little to improve the
quality of life of his citizens, and instead exploited his
own citizens for his material and economic gain. Even
after independence, the Congo was still the economic
colony of Europe that existed under the control of
Belgium. The European and American corporations and
investments were still intact with Mobutu in control. The
Congo was now operating as a puppet government in
which the United States used Mobutu to affect both
economic and political decisions in an effort to stabilize
its investments and operations in the country. It
estimated that at the end of his reign, he was of the
world’s wealthiest men; “his personal peak was estimated
at $5 billion.” (Hochschild 303) And very little of his
fortune went to the people of the Congo.

One will therefore be short sighted not to blame Mobutu

for the conflicted Congo. He did his best to disorganize
and disintegrate the country’s internal economic and
political structures and systems that laid ground for what
was termed as the “Africa’s World War”. His puppetism
to western countries only resurrected and reminded the
Congolese of the harsh, brutal and inhuman rule of
Leopold and the Belgians which escalated the anger
among the citizens. Mobutu can further be solely held
responsible for the greed and mismanagement of natural
resources for selfish needs among the Congolese today,
he set a bad example.

Ethnic differences

One of the most sensitive areas of social life in Africa is

the problem of cultural pluralism, which usually rears its
ugly face in inter-ethnic relations International conflicts
and civil wars, these are not simply products of failed
diplomacy or policies of aggression. Virtually they all
have roots in endemic cultural features of nations (Aluko:
2003). Patterns of languages, religious beliefs and legal
institutions form as much a part of the environment
enveloping nations have been tales of woes, anguish,
sorrows, deprivations, sadness in most of the member
states. Many nations of the continent such as Nigeria,
Sudan, Somalia, Angola, Liberia and Sierra Leone, and
even many nations of the great lakes region of the central
Africa have been in turmoil due to ethnic related reasons.

Political instability, economic and social disequilibrium

became rampant in countries like Uganda, Burundi,
Rwanda and the two Congo’s. Most ethnic conflicts have
a background of domination, injustice or oppression by
one ethnic group or another. The tremendous
psychological pressure on human populations from
political change creates a sense of anxiety that frequently
makes people seek refuge in belief systems that involve
definitions of membership and belonging. In Sudan,
Garang charged that civil war erupted largely because
Hassan Turabi, the power behind Khartoum’s
government, wanted to impose Sharia, or Islamic law
throughout Sudan.

The other factor relates to resources and economics. At

the simplest level, the struggle to survive can spawn or
deepen ethnic problem. The more limited the resources
the greater the danger of ethnic problem. For a range of
reasons not necessarily bad or intentionally divisive,
ethnic groups are also often positioned differently in an
economy. Again, change can accentuate differences,
triggering hostility or drastic action. The legacy of
Colonialism did not do any better. The problems of most
colonial nations of Africa are direct products of their
colonial experience. The problems had been created by
colonialism in different ways, especially by the
indiscriminate merger of various ethnic groups to become
monolithic entities, and at the same time treated the units
as separate entities and allowed each to develop in
whatever direction it chose in isolation from others
(Nnoli, 1980. Dare 1986 and Young, 1998). This was the
trend in virtually all the Anglophone countries of the sub-
Saharan Africa and some Francophone countries too.

Colonialism also created structural imbalances within the

colonies in terms of socioeconomic projects, social
development and establishment of administrative centres.
This imbalance deepened antipathies between ethnic
groups. In Nigeria, the South achieved a higher level of
social development than the North. Similarly, the
Baganda advanced farther than the other Uganda ethnic
groups, the Chagga and Haya were ahead of the other
Tanzanian groups, the Kikuyu, Ashanti and Bemba made
more rapid “progress” than the other Kenyan, Ghanaian
and Zambian ethnic groups respectively. In fact, inter-
ethnic relations in Kenya have been characterized by the
hostility of all the other groups to the Kikuyu.

Today, many nations of the sub-Saharan Africa are in one

turmoil, violence or civil disorder of one kind or the other
largely originating from the ethnic problem. Such
countries include Burundi, Rwanda, Somalia, Sudan,
Angola, Chad and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The Congolese people are made up of around 200

separate ethnic groups. These ethnic groups generally are
concentrated regionally and speak distinct languages.
There is no majority ethnic group – some of the largest
ethnic groups are the Luba, Kongo and Anamongo. The
various ethnic groups speak many different languages but
only four indigenous languages have official status –
Kiswahili, Lingala, Kikongo and Tshiluba. French is the
language of government, commerce and education.
Societal discrimination on the basis of ethnicity is widely
practiced by members of virtually all ethnic groups and is
evident in private hiring and buying patterns and in
patterns of de facto ethnic segregation in some (or most)
cities. (GS: 2000-9).

End of part I…