The Secret Subscribers To C. P. E. Bach's Oratorio Die Israeliten Greer

The Secret Subscribers to C. P. E.
Bach's Oratorio Die Israeliten in der Wüste: The Masonic

Connection
Author(s): Mary Greer
Source: Bach, Vol. 47, No. 2 (2016), pp. 77-94
Published by: Riemenschneider Bach Institute
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.22513/bach.47.2.0077
Accessed: 03-01-2018 12:41 UTC
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
Riemenschneider Bach Institute is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to Bach
This content downloaded from 128.122.230.132 on Wed, 03 Jan 2018 12:41:48 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE SECRET SUBSCRIBERS TO C. P. E. BACH’S
ORATORIO DIE ISRAELITEN IN DER WÜSTE:
THE MASONIC CONNECTION
Mary Greer
I n the eighteenth century, and well into the nineteenth, it was

customary to include the names of subscribers at the beginning
of a major musical publication. However, when Carl Philipp
Emanuel Bach’s oratorio, Die Israeliten in der Wüste, was published in
late summer 1775, it did not contain the names of purchasers.1 This
is all the more surprising since, in announcements about the
forthcoming edition that appeared in German newspapers in the
fall of 1774, Bach tells potential buyers that that their names will be
printed along with the work.2 But in a letter he sent his publisher,
Johann Gottlob Immanuel Breitkopf, several months later, Bach
informed him that, because most of the subscribers did not want
their names known, they would not be listed after all.3 The most
likely reason the individuals who purchased Bach’s oratorio wished
to remain anonymous was because they were Freemasons or
Masonic Lodges.
Before proceeding, it may be helpful to provide some back-

ground information about Freemasonry and relevant details about
Bach’s life.
1A detailed history of Die Israeliten appears in Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach: The Complete
Works, series IV, vol. 1, Die Israeliten in der Wüste, ed. Reginald L. Sanders (Los
Altos: Packard Humanities Institute, 2008), xi–xxi.
2“Auf den 12ten Januar 1775 werden die Namen der Subscribenten, welche dem
Werke mit beygedruckt werden, eingeschickt.” Notice placed by Bach in Sept. 14,
1774 issue (No. 147) of Staats- und gelehrte Zeitung des Hamburgischen unparteyischen
Correspondenten.
3Letter from CPEB to J. G. I. Breitkopf dated Hamburg, Feb. 24, 1775: “Zu
unserm Stücke kommt weder Dedication noch Vorrede noch, glaube ich, die
Nahmen der Subcribenten. ... Ich bin zwar mit meinen Subscribenten zufrieden,
allein die meisten wollen ihre Nahmen nicht wißen laßen...” Carl Philipp Emanuel
Bach Briefe und Dokumente: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, vol. I, ed. Ernst Suchalla
(Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994), 488–89; The Letters of C. P. E. Bach,
trans. and ed. Stephen L. Clark (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 77.
BACH: Journal of the Riemenschneider Bach Institute of Baldwin Wallace University
78 Bach
A Brief Introduction to Freemasonry
The era of so-called speculative Freemasonry is traditionally

dated to 1717 when several English Masons formed the Grand
Lodge of England. The first official rule book was the Constitutions
of the Free-Masons, compiled by the English clergyman James
Anderson and published in London in 1723.4 The first of its three
sections is devoted to a history of Freemasonry which Anderson
traces back to the dawn of human history. The second lays out the
responsibilities and obligations of Masons, and the third contains a
selection of Masonic songs.
While Freemasonry is not a religion and members were free—

even encouraged—to follow their own religion, belief in one God
was a prerequisite for membership. In all Masonic lodges of this
era, the Bible was regarded as sacred; Biblical accounts were
frequently appropriated for their metaphorical and allegorical value
as a way of making the ideals of Freemasonry more concrete.
Masons placed a high value on brotherhood and friendship,

unity and harmony, moral conduct, altruism, and secrecy. The
sciences and liberal arts, and music, in particular, were also central
concerns. Tools of the building trades such as T-squares, com-
passes, measuring rods, levels, and trowels were adopted as
symbols for many of these values. It would be difficult to overstate
the role allegory plays in Masonry. Indeed the current Masonic
ritual defines Freemasonry as “a peculiar system of morality, veiled
in allegory and illustrated by symbols.”
As the many collections of English, French and German

Masonic songs published in the eighteenth century attest, from the
very outset, singing played an integral role in lodge activities. The
songs celebrate Masons’ values and ideals, and singing was an
enjoyable way of promoting unity among members of the lodge. A
4[James Anderson], The Constitutions of the Free-Masons (London: William Hunter,
1723). A French translation of the Constitutions was published in 1736: Jean
Kuenen, trans., Constitutions, Histoires, Loix, Charges, Reglements, et Usages, de la tres
venerable confrairie des Acceptés Franc-Maçons (La Haye: Corneille van Zanten, 1736),
and a German translation appeared in 1741: Jacob Anderson, Neues
Consitutionen=Buch Der Alten und Ehrwürdigen Brüderschafft Der Frey=Maurer
(Franckfurt am Mayn: Andreäischen Buchhandlung, 1741).
Die Israeliten and Freemasonry 79
representative list of song collections published in Germany and

Copenhagen between 1746 and 1801 appears in Table 1.
Secrecy regarding one’s membership in the order and not di-

vulging its rituals or passwords to non-Masons have always been
central to Freemasonry. As part of the initiation ritual for the
Entered Apprentice Degree (the first degree), candidates swear to
conceal “All Secrets and Secrecy of Masons and Masonry, except to
another Brother or within the confines of a Lodge.” The desire for
anonymity on the part the subscribers to Die Israeliten is entirely in
keeping with Masonic values and practice.
The Introduction of Freemasonry into Germany
The first Masonic lodge in Germany was founded in Hamburg,

a relatively liberal city in northern Germany. As the closest major
German port to England, historically it had close ties to London.
Several Germans and Huguenots were among the first to be
initiated as Masons in London and were instrumental in introduc-
ing the order to the continent. In 1733, the Lodge in London gave
permission to eleven German “gentlemen” who had been initiated
in London to establish a lodge in Hamburg.5 It was officially
founded on December 6, 1737, and was later given the name
“Absalom.” A few months later, a lodge was established in
Dresden; others were founded in Berlin in 1740, in Leipzig in 1741,
in Brunswick in 1744, and in Hanover in 1746. By 1754, nineteen
lodges had been established in Germany. During this era, all official
lodges in Germany followed Anderson’s Constitutions.6
A key reason Freemasonry spread relatively rapidly throughout

Protestant areas of Germany was that Frederick, Crown Prince of
Prussia, later known as “Frederick the Great,” was initiated as a
Mason in August, 1738, just eight months after the lodge was
founded in Hamburg. On April 28, 1738, Pope Clement XII had
5J.G. Findel, Geschichte der Freimaurerei von der Zeit ihres Entstehens bis auf die
Gegenwart, Dritte Auflage (Leipzig: J[oseph] G[abriel] Findel, 1870), 383.
6“Alle deutschen Logen kannten anfangs nur die drei Johannisgrade; das
Constitutionsbuch der Grossloge von England bildete die Grundlage ihrer
Arbeiten und galt als das eigentliche Gesetzbuch, während freilich alsbald örtliche
Bedürfnisse auch zu Lokalgesetzen Veranlassungen gaben, die mitunter einen sehr
weiten Umfang erhielten.” Findel, 387.
Table 1. (Selected) Collections of Masonic Songs published in Germany and Copenhagen (1746–1801)
80
1746 Sammlung von Freymäurer-Liedern (Leipzig, 1746), in 8vo.
1748 Sammlung einiger deutschen und französischen Freymäurer-Lieder zum Gebrauch der Freymäurer-Logen.
Vom Bruder Aletophilus, Oberaufseher der Dreyankerloge (1748), in 8vo.
1776 Lieder für die Freymäurer-Logen in Deutschland (Hamburg, 1776), in 8vo.
1776 Vollständigs Liederbuch der Freymäurer, mit Melodien in zwey Büchern herausgegben von einem alten
Mitgliede der Loge Zorobabel (Koppenhagen und Leipzig, 1776), in gr. 8vo.
1782 Gesänge für Maurer mit neuen Melodien (Dresden, 1782).7

Bach
1788 Vollständiges Liederbuch der Freimäurer, Dritter Theil, mit ganz neuen Melodien von den Herren
Capellmeistern Bach, Naumann und Schulz (Copenhagen and Leipzig, 1788).
1801 Vollständiges Gesangbuch für Freimaurer. Zum Gebrauch der großen National=Mutter=Loge zu den
drei Weltkuglen in Berlin und aller mit ihr vereinigten Logen in Deutschland (Berlin: bei Friedrich

Maurer, 1801).
7Contains six songs by Gottfried August Homilius (1714–1785), a student of J. S. Bach and friend of C. P. E. Bach.
issued a Bull denouncing the order and banning Roman Catholics

from joining it, which presented major obstacles to Freemasons
and lodges operating in primarily Catholic countries such as
France, Austria-Hungary, and Italy.
Three months after acceding to the throne in May, 1740,

Frederick sanctioned the founding of the first lodge in Berlin, “Aux
trois Globes” [to the three globes].8 In a departure from the usual
practice of not revealing one’s membership in the fraternity,
Frederick publicly disclosed that he was a Mason, and it was thanks
in large part to his tolerance that Freemasonry took hold in
Germany.
Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach and Freemasonry
We don’t know if Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach (1714–1788) was

a Mason or not, but he regularly interacted with Freemasons
throughout his entire adult life. Bach’s known points of contact
with Freemasonry are listed in Table 2. Some of the ways Bach
came in contact with Freemasonry, such as working at the Court of
Frederick the Great, the preeminent German Freemason of his
day, and the fact that several of his close friends in Hamburg were
Masons, are of a fairly general nature. However, Bach’s direct
involvement with musical endeavors sponsored by Freemasons is
evident in at least two instances: on February 23, 1777 he directed a
benefit concert at the Hall of the four united [Freemason] Lodges
in Hamburg,9 and a decade later he composed a dozen Masonic
songs (Wq 202/N) which were published in 1788, the year he
died.10
8The German name of the lodge is “zu den drei Weltkugeln.”

9See note 18.
10The title page of this collection is shown in Figure 1. A critical edition of the
twelve Freimaurer-Lieder (Wq 202/N) is published in Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach: The
Complete Works, series VI, vol. 3, The Miscellaneous Songs, ed. Christoph Wolff (Los
Altos: Packard Humanities Institute, 2014), xx–xxi, plate 10, 137–56. For
facsimiles of the twelve Freimaurer-Lieder (Wq 202/N), see Carl Philipp Emanuel
Bach: The Complete Works, series VIII, vol. 2, The Polyhymnia Portfolio, ed. Christoph
Wolff (Los Altos: Packard Humanities Institute, 2014), 177–85.
Table 2. C. P. E. Bach’s contact with Freemasonry, ca. 1740–1788
82
1714 March 8 CPEB born in Weimar
ca. 1740–1767 worked in Berlin at Court of Frederick the Great of Prussia
1768–1788 worked in Hamburg, where first Masonic lodge in Germany was founded
1768–1788 many of his close friends were Masons, especially during his Hamburg years
1775 by Sept. 6 Die Israeliten published
1777 Feb. 23 conducted concert, including Die Israeliten, at the Hall of the four united Lodges in Hamburg
Bach
1777 Bach’s half-brother, Johann Christian Bach (1735–1782), who lived with him after J. S. Bach died,
initiated into Lodge of the nine muses in London
1788 composed 12 Masonic songs (Wq 202/N)

1788 Dec. 14 CPEB died in Hamburg
Bach at the Court of Frederick the Great, ca. 1740–1767
Beginning around 1740, Bach was employed as a harpsichord-

ist at the court of Frederick the Great, remaining in this post for
nearly three decades. The Prussian king, the most prominent
Freemason in Germany, employed some of the finest musicians of
the day and was himself an accomplished amateur flute player. We
can be certain that he would not have settled for mediocre music-
making within the lodge he had helped found. During the thirty
years Bach spent at Frederick’s court, he surely gained some
familiarity with Freemasonry and the lodge’s musical activities. He
may well have participated himself or at least accompanied or
coached singers and players in rehearsal.
Bach in Hamburg 1768–1788
In March of 1768, Bach moved to Hamburg where he served

as director of music at the city’s five principal churches. The first
Masonic lodge in Germany had been founded in Hamburg in the
1730s and Freemasonry continued to be a significant force in the
social, intellectual, and artistic life of the city. However, even if
Bach was a Mason, in his capacity as director of music at the
Hamburg churches, he would have risked incurring the ire of the
Lutheran authorities if he had made his affiliation known.11
In Hamburg, as in Berlin, Bach traveled in circles where the

ideals and values of Masonry were embraced. Several of his close
friends in Hamburg, including Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock (1724‒
1803), Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729‒1781), Johann Heinrich
Voß (1751‒1826), Johann Joachim Christoph Bode (1730‒1793),
and Matthias Claudius (1740‒1815), who were among the leading
poets, playwrights and writers of the day, were Masons. Moreover,
several were initiated right around the time Bach was considering
publishing Die Israeliten.
11“Bach war nicht Mitglied in einer Freimaurerloge [in Hamburg], konnte es als
Direktor der Hamburger Kirchenmusik wohl auch nicht sein...” Carl Philipp
Emanuel Bach: Musik und Literatur in Norddeutschland. Ausstellung zum 200. Todestag
Bachs, ed. Dieter Lohmeier (Heide in Holstein: Westholsteinische Verlagsanstalt
Boyens & Co., 1988), 69.
84 Bach
Table 3. Bach’s Friends who were Masons and Date of Initiation
1761, Feb. 11 Johann Joachim Christoph Bode (1730‒1793)

initiated into “Absalsom” Lodge in Hamburg
1770, Jan. 24 Founding of Lodge “to the three (golden) Roses” in

Hamburg
1771, Oct. 14 Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729‒1781) initiated
1774, May 11 Johann Heinrich Voß (1751‒1826) initiated
1774 Sept. Announcement of publication of Die Israeliten in

Hamburgische Unpartheyische Correspondent
1774 Oct. 1 Matthias Claudius (1740‒1815) and Friedrich

Gottlieb Klopstock (1724‒1803) initiated
Lessing became a Mason in the fall of 1771, three years before

Bach arranged to have his oratorio published, and three of his
friends, Voß, Claudius, and Klopstock (who persuaded Bach to
publish it), were initiated in 1774, the year the edition was an-
nounced. The fact that Bach numbered among his friends several
Masons who were the leading literary figures of their time suggests
that, at the very least, he was in sympathy with the core values of
Freemasonry, which included cultivating the arts.
In two instances Bach’s direct involvement with musical en-

deavors sponsored by Freemasons is documented: on February 23,
1777 he directed a benefit concert at the Hall of the four united
Masonic Lodges in Hamburg and, near the end of his life, he was
commissioned to set twelve Masonic songs (Wq 202/N).
Although the first verifiable instance of Bach’s participation in

a concert sponsored by the Freemasons took place in early 1777,
which was a couple of years after he broached the issue of publish-
ing his oratorio with Breitkopf, there can be little doubt that, by
1773–1774 he was already well aware of the importance Masons
attached to music. As a canny businessman, it must have occurred
to him that well-heeled, music-loving members and lodges consti-
tuted a potential market for his compositions.
Figure 1. Title Page of Vollständiges Liederbuch der Freimäurer, Dritter Theil,

mit ganz neuen Melodien von den Herren Capellmeistern Bach, Naumann
und Schulz (Copenhagen and Leipzig, 1788). Reproduced with the
permission of Senate House Library, University of London.
86 Bach
Die Israeliten
Die Israeliten, based on a libretto by Daniel Schiebeler (1741–

1771), takes as its point of departure the account in Exodus 17 of
how the Israelites, wandering through the wilderness after they
have left Egypt, have no water to drink and bitterly reproach their
leader, Moses, for leading them here. Moses, in turn, chides them
for their lack of faith in the Lord. Acting upon the instruction of
the Lord, he takes up his staff and strikes a rock and water springs
forth. Upon this, the Israelites rejoice and reproach themselves for
having doubted the Lord. The work was premiered at the dedica-
tion of the Lazareth Church [Lazareth-Kirche] in Hamburg on
November 1, 1769. The response was so enthusiastic that a second
performance took place six weeks later, on December 14th, at the
“Concert-Saale” in Hamburg.12 An overview of the genesis of the
work is shown in Table 4:
Table 4. Chronology of Composition and Premier of

Die Israeliten 1767–1769
June 1767 libretto (“ein geistliches Singgedicht”) [a spiritual poem to

be set to music] by Daniel Schiebeler published in
Unterhaltungen
1769 Nov. 1 first performance of Die Israeliten at the dedication of the

Lazareth Church, Hamburg
1769 Dec. 14 second performance at the Concert-Saale in Hamburg
While Freemasons were probably in attendance at both of these

performances, it is not until 1774–1775, in letters Bach and
Breitkopf exchanged regarding the publication of the oratorio and
in announcements about the edition that appeared in German
newspapers, that a likely connection to Freemasons begins to
emerge. Before reviewing these documents in detail, let us seek to
understand why the work’s subject matter, specific words that
12Josef Sittard, Geschichte der Musik und Concertwesens in Hamburg vom 14. Jahrhundert
bis auf die Gegenwart (Altona und Leipzig: Verlag von A. C. Reher, 1890), 105;
Barbara Wiermann, Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach: Dokumente zu Leben und Wirken aus
der Zeitgenössischen Hamburgischen Presse (1767–1790) (Hildesheim, Zurich & New
York: Georg Olms Verlag, 2000), 438–39.
appear in the libretto, and Bach’s musical setting would have

appealed to eighteenth-century Masons.
Events recounted in the Old Testament served as a rich source

of inspiration and allegory for Freemasons and an oratorio based
on the account of Moses leading the Israelites through the wilder-
ness surely resonated with them. In addition, the work’s very title
echoes a passage in the history section of Anderson’s Constitutions:
God ... made [the select Family, i.e., the Israelites] good Masons
before they possess’d the promis’d Land ... And while marching
to Canaan, thro’ Arabia, under... MOSES who therefore became
the GENERAL MASTER-MASON ... So that the Israelites, at
their leaving Egypt, were a whole Kingdom of Masons, well
instructed, under the Conduct of their GRAND MASTER
MOSES, who often marshall’d them into a regular and general
Lodge, while in the Wilderness. [emphasis added]13
According to the rule book of the Absalom Lodge where

Bach’s friend J. J. C. Bode served as Master for many years, one of
the responsibilities of the Master was to read excerpts from the
Constitutions out loud. In this way, members of the lodge would
have been regularly reminded of Anderson’s formulation of
Masonic history. The parallels between the theme of Bach’s
oratorio and Anderson’s description of the Israelites (“Die Israelit-
en”) as an entire people of Masons (“ein gantzes Maurer=Volck”)
as they wander through the wilderness (“die Wüsten”) led by
Moses, their Master (“Ober-Meister),” could hardly be more plain.
13James Anderson, The Constitutions of the Free-Masons Containing the History, Charges,
Regulations, &c. of that most Ancient and Right Worshipful Fraternity. For the Use of the
Lodges (London, 1723), 7–8. A literal translation appears in the German edition of
1741: “Nachdem dieses außerwählte Volck durch Arabien, nach Canaan, unter der
Anführung Moses reisete, ... Moses, .. welcher auch hierdurch der vornehmste
Mäurer=Meister überhaupt worden ist; Uber dieses war auch [Moses] ... von
GOtt mit vollkommener Erkänntniß in der Maurer=Kunst begabt. Daß solcher
Gestalt die Israeliten, als sie aus Egypten giengen, ein gantzes Maurer=Volck,
so von ihrem Ober=Meister Moses unterrichtet worden, vorstelleten, welcher
sie auch offtmahls in eine allgemeine und ordentliche Loge zusammen beruffte,
so lange sie durch die Wüsten reisten …” [emphasis added]. Verordnungen,
Geschichte, Gesetze, Pflichte, Satzungen, und Gebräuche, Der Hochlöblichen Brüderschafft derer
Angenommenen Frey=Mäurer…aus dem Englischen übersetzt von Johann Küe-
nen…(Franckfurth und Leipzig, 1741), 7–8.
88 Bach
In addition, the libretto contains a number of words such as

“Brüder” [brother], “Maurer” [mason], “Weisheit” [wisdom],
“Tempel” [temple], “Gott der Stärke” [God of strength], and
“weihn” [dedicate] that appear frequently in Masonic poems, odes,
and songs of this era. The last two lines of the final chorus, “Let us
consecrate our breasts to you, omnipotent good, as a temple!”
contain a reference to a temple, one of the central metaphors in
Freemasonry:
Lass dein Wort, dass uns erschall’t Let your Word, that resounds to us
mit entzückender Gewalt with delightful power
tief in unsre Herzen dringen! penetrate deep into our hearts!
Lass es gute Früchte bringen, May it bring forth good fruits
die dein Vaterherz erfreun. that bring joy to your father-heart.
Lass uns dir, allmächt’ge Güte, Let us to you, omnipotent good,
unsre Brust zum Tempel weihn! consecrate our breasts as a temple!
In addition, Bach’s musical settings of the choruses, which are all

entirely homophonic, serve as an apt musical metaphor for the
unity and harmony Masons espouse.
Freemasonry in Hamburg in the 1760s and 1770s
Die Israeliten may have particularly resonated with Masons in

Hamburg in the mid 1770s because of several extraordinary
circumstances. As I noted above, all of the official lodges that were
initially founded in Germany followed the English model: they had
three degrees and observed the same ritual. By the 1760s, however,
various competing forms of Masonry which had many more
degrees and various arcane rituals and fancy titles were introduced
into Germany. These groups attracted new members and some
members of existing lodges defected to them. The situation became
so serious that for five years, between 1768 and 1773, lodge
meetings were no longer held at some of the traditional lodges.14 In
a history of the Hamburg lodges published in 1891, the author,
Ferdinand Brandt, himself a “Grossmeister,” characterizes the
14“Der Besuch der Logen war ein spärlicher, so dass manche ihre Arbeiten ganz
einstellten, so auch die Logen “Absalom” und “St. Georg” von 1768–1773.”
Ferdinand Brandt, Geschichte des Alten Logenhauses fünf vereinigten Logen in Hamburg
(von 1800 bis 1890) (Hamburg, 1891), 13.
lodges during this era as “a ship in need of a savior to guide them

to a safe haven.”15
In 1773, the very year Bach began exploring the possibility of

publishing his oratorio, things began to turn around, and the
traditional lodges in Hamburg resumed their usual activities. An
oratorio that recounts how a wise, enlightened leader provides life-
giving water to his parched people, thereby restoring their faith,
may have had special significance to Masons living in Hamburg.
A second transformative development was that, beginning in

the mid 1770s, the Hamburg lodges acquired their own building
rather than renting space from others as they had up to that point.
This undoubtedly was a key factor in their decision to sponsor a
series of public charity concerts beginning in the mid 1770s.
In his Materials for a History of Freemasonry (Part II, 1774),

Friedrich Ludwig Schröder, an actor and theater director and later a
Master of the Lodge, explicitly mentions employing the performing
arts as a means of promoting unity among new brothers. He writes,
On the occasion of a mourning lodge for Br. Lohmann I pre-

sented all of the brothers with a token of mourning and, the
same year, commissioned six new songs from the poet Bock. (As
Director of the Theater, I viewed Freemasonry as a certain and
good means of promoting unity among the first six members,
who were Freemasons.)16
The fact that Schröder is referring to the fall of 1774—the very

time period when announcements of the publication of Die Israeliten
appeared in German newspapers—increases the likelihood that the
oratorio may have been regarded as a way of promoting unity
15“Das Schiff sah sich nach einem Retter um, der Wollen und Können in sich
vereinigte, um es diesem sichern Hafen zuzuführen.” Brandt, 16.
16“Bei der Trauer=Loge um den Br. Lohmann beschenkte ich alle Brüder mit
einem Trauerzeichen, und veranstaltete in diesem Jahre 6 neue Lieder durch den
Dichter Bock. (Als Direktor des Theaters hielt ich die Freymaurerey für ein
sicheres und gutes Mittel, Einigkeit unter den sechs ersten Mitgliedern, welche
Freymaurer waren, zu befördern.)” Friedrich Ludwig Schröder, Materialien zur
Geschichte der Freymaurerey, Zweiter Theil ([Rudolstadt: Geheimdruckerei], 1774),
205–6.
90 Bach
among members. The homophonic writing Bach employs for

virtually all of the choruses invites analogies with harmony and
unity among a group of like-minded individuals. All of this helps
account for why Die Israeliten would have resonated with German
Freemasons in the 1770s.
However, it was the subscribers’ desire to remain anonymous

that most strongly points to the conclusion that many were
Freemasons. Since it was considered prestigious to include the
names of individuals who purchased an edition of a new work by a
leading composer, it was highly unusual not to include them.
Indeed, Bach had initially indicated that they would be listed.
History of Die Israeliten and Connections to Freemasonry, ca. 1774–1786
In a letter Bach wrote to his publisher J. G. I. Breitkopf on

September 9, 1774 he describes the catalytic role Klopstock played
in convincing him to publish Die Israeliten: “Many of my friends,
especially our Herr Klopstock, have finally persuaded me that I
should have my oratorio printed.”17 Bach’s letter is dated exactly
three weeks before Klopstock was initiated as a Mason at the
Hamburg lodge “to the three roses” on October 1, 1774. Since
several months of preparation preceded the actual initiation ritual,
we may assume that, by early September, Klopstock was well
versed in Freemasonry and its practices.
Moreover, right around this time, the four united lodges in

Hamburg initiated an annual series of public benefit concerts at the
Masonic Hall. They apparently began holding these concerts prior
to 1777, but the earliest authentic report of a performance de-
scribes one that took place on the 23rd of February of that year.18
Bach himself conducted the program which included Die Israeliten,
17“Viele meiner Freunde, besonders unser H. Klopstock haben mich endlich

beredet, daß ich mein Oratorium drucken laßen soll.” CPEB-Briefe, 435; CPEB-
Letters, 63.
18“Die vier Hamburger Logen gaben schon vor 1777 jährlich einen Zyklus von
Konzerten. Eine authentische Nachricht gibt es erst aus diesem Jahre; am 23.
Februar fand das letzte Konzert mit dem ‘Messias’ statt.” Gerhard Pinthus, Das
Konzertleben in Deutschland. Ein Abriss seiner Entwicklung bis zu Beginn des 19.
Jahrhunderts (Strassburg: Heitz, 1932), 108.
Handel’s Messiah, and sacred vocal works by several other compos-

ers. According to the Hamburgische unparteyische Correspondent,
Not just Freemasons were admitted to these concerts, in which,

under the direction of Herr Capellmeister Bach, several excellent
vocal works were performed, among them, Die Israeliten in der
Wüste by Bach, St. Elena by Hasse, Die Erscheinung by Klopstock
after Gluck, compositions by Pergolesi and Zoppi, and the Mes-
siah by Handel. The gathering was at all times numerous and
brilliant. . . .19
Bach may well have been involved in several of these concerts,

but documentary evidence for his participation exists only for the
performance on February 23, 1777. Nonetheless, as the leading
musician in the city of Hamburg, we can be certain that he was
aware of all the public concerts that took place in the city. Judging
from the works that were performed on these programs beginning
in 1777, oratorios and other large-scale sacred vocal works formed
part of the core repertory.
Benefit concerts sponsored by the Masons and other public

concert series that were being established all over Germany may
have influenced how Bach worded the announcement about the
publication of Die Israeliten that appeared in German newspapers
beginning in mid September, 1774. He informs potential subscrib-
ers that the oratorio is suitable for performance both within a
church and outside a church and that it will not cause offense to
any Christian denomination—a description that is completely in
keeping with Masonic ideals and practice. By employing this precise
language, Bach may have wished to signal to Freemasons that his
19“Auch nicht nur Freymäurer hatten zu diesem Concert Zutritt, in welchem unter
der Direktion des Herrn Kapellmeister Bach einige vortreffliche Singstücke
aufgeführt wurden, unter welchen sich die ‘Israeliten in der Wüste’ von Bach, ‘St.
Elena’ von Hasse, ‘die ‘Erscheinung’ von Klopstock nach Glucks, Pergolesis und
Zoppis Komposition und der ‘Messias’ von Händel vorzüglich ausnahmen. Die
Versammlung was allemal zahlreich und glänzend...”, Feb. 28, 1777 issue (Nr. 34)
of Hamburgische unparteyische Correspondent [State and scholarly newspaper of
Hamburg’s nonpartisan correspondents]. Cited by Sittard, 112; Pinthus, 108 (citing
Sittard).
Table 5. Chronology of Composition and Performances of Die Israeliten ca. 1774–1786
92
by 1774 Discussions with F. G. Klopstock regarding publishing Die Israeliten

1774 Sept. 9 – Correspondence between Bach and J. G. I. Breitkopf regarding Die Israeliten
1774 Oct. 1 Klopstock initiated as a Mason in a Hamburg lodge
1774 Sept.–Nov. Call for subscribers appears in German newspapers; subscribers’ names are to be included
1775 Feb. 24 Bach informs Breitkopf that names of subscribers will not be included
1775 by Sept. 6 Die Israeliten published by J. G. I. Breitkopf20
1775 Dec. 16 Announcement of publication of Die Israeliten appears in Hamburg newspapers; readers are
informed that subscribers are not listed
Bach
[1775]–1776 Performances in Berlin (2), Hamburg, Danzig, Leipzig and Stettin

1777 Feb. 23 Bach leads performance of Die Israeliten at benefit concert at Hall of “four united Lodges” [vier
vereinigten Logen], Hamburg
1777–1786 Performances in Dresden, Vienna, Hamburg, Bayreuth, Salzburg, Wallerstein, Haderleben,

Denmark, Leipzig, Rostock, Cologne, Nuremberg, and Hildesheim
20In a letter from C. P. E. Bach to Johann Caspar Lavater dated Hamburg, Sept. 6, 1775 he tells him that copies of Die Israeliten are available
directly from Breitkopf. CPEB-Briefe, 514–15; CPEB-Letters, 83–4.
work was appropriate for use both within a lodge and at the public
charity concerts they had recently initiated.21
It is in this same newspaper announcement that Bach informs

readers that, “The names of the subscribers, which will be printed
along with the work, will be sent in on 12 January 1775.”22 How-
ever, in a letter to Breitkopf written a few months later, on the 24th
of February, 1775, Bach informs him that,
the names of the purchasers will [not] be included . . . [after
all] . . . I am certainly satisfied with my purchasers, but most of
them do not want to have their names known, so a list will not
be included with the edition.23
So as not to convey the impression that the names haven’t been

printed because there are so few of them, in a notice that appeared
in the Hamburgische unpartheyische Correspondent on December 16,
1775 announcing that the print of the oratorio is now available, the
reviewer explains that,
The names of the subscribers are not printed with it merely be-
cause most have forbidden it. However, the author is very happy
with their number.24
21“The oratorio has been composed in such a way that it can be performed not
only on a solemn occasion but anytime, inside and outside the church, simply to
praise God, and indeed without objection by any Christian denomination.” “Es ist
dieses Oratorium in der Anwendung so eingerichtet worden, daß es nicht just bey
einer Art von Feyerlichkeit, sondern zu allen Zeiten, in und außer der Kirche, bloß
zum Lobe Gottes, und zwar ohne Anstoß von allen christlichen Religionsver-
wandten aufgeführt werden kann.” Notice placed by C. P. E. Bach in Sept. 14,
1774 issue (No. 147) of Hamburgische unparteyische Correspondent.
22Notice placed by Bach in Sept. 14, 1774 issue of the Hamburgische unparteyische
Correspondent. See note 2.
23“Zu unserm Stücke kommt weder Dedication noch Vorrede noch, glaube ich,
die Nahmen der Subcribenten. ... Ich bin zwar mit meinen Subscribenten
zufrieden, allein die meisten wollen ihre Nahmen nicht wißen laßen...” Letter from
C. P. E. Bach to J. G. I. Breitkopf dated 24 February, 1775. CPEB-Briefe, 488–9;
CPEB-Letters, 77.
24“Die Namen der Subscribenten sind bloß deswegen nicht beygedruckt, weil es
die meisten verbeten haben. Indessen ist der Autor mit der Anzahl derselben sehr
zufrieden.” Dec. 16, 1775 issue (Nr. 200) of the Hamburgische unparteyische
Correspondent; CPEBD Nr. 227, p. 536; cited in Tobias Plebuch, “Öffentlichkeit
und Musikalienmarkt im Zeitalter Carl Philipp Emanuel Bachs,” PhD. diss.,
Humboldt University, 1996, 18.
94 Bach
Conclusion
The backstory of the first edition of Bach’s Die Israeliten in der

Wüste suggests that, as Freemasons broadened their focus beyond
the lodge itself and began to sponsor public benefit concerts,
Masonic lodges and individual Freemasons may have played a
significant—if invisible—role in expanding the market for high-
quality sacred vocal music in the second half of the eighteenth
century.

The Secret Subscribers To C. P. E. Bach's Oratorio Die Israeliten Greer

Загружено:

Сведения о документе

Исходное описание:

Оригинальное название

Авторское право

Доступные форматы

Поделиться этим документом

Поделиться или встроить документ

Параметры публикации

Этот документ был вам полезен?

Это неприемлемый материал?

Авторское право:

Доступные форматы

The Secret Subscribers To C. P. E. Bach's Oratorio Die Israeliten Greer

Загружено:

Авторское право:

Доступные форматы

The Secret Subscribers to C. P. E.

Bach's Oratorio Die Israeliten in der Wüste: The Masonic

I n the eighteenth century, and well into the nineteenth, it was

Before proceeding, it may be helpful to provide some back-

BACH: Journal of the Riemenschneider Bach Institute of Baldwin Wallace University

A Brief Introduction to Freemasonry

The era of so-called speculative Freemasonry is traditionally

While Freemasonry is not a religion and members were free—

Masons placed a high value on brotherhood and friendship,

As the many collections of English, French and German

representative list of song collections published in Germany and

Secrecy regarding one’s membership in the order and not di-

The Introduction of Freemasonry into Germany

The first Masonic lodge in Germany was founded in Hamburg,

A key reason Freemasonry spread relatively rapidly throughout

1746 Sammlung von Freymäurer-Liedern (Leipzig, 1746), in 8vo.

1776 Lieder für die Freymäurer-Logen in Deutschland (Hamburg, 1776), in 8vo.

1782 Gesänge für Maurer mit neuen Melodien (Dresden, 1782).7

All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

issued a Bull denouncing the order and banning Roman Catholics

Three months after acceding to the throne in May, 1740,

Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach and Freemasonry

We don’t know if Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach (1714–1788) was

8The German name of the lodge is “zu den drei Weltkugeln.”

1714 March 8 CPEB born in Weimar

ca. 1740–1767 worked in Berlin at Court of Frederick the Great of Prussia

1775 by Sept. 6 Die Israeliten published

1788 composed 12 Masonic songs (Wq 202/N)

All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Bach at the Court of Frederick the Great, ca. 1740–1767

Beginning around 1740, Bach was employed as a harpsichord-

Bach in Hamburg 1768–1788

In March of 1768, Bach moved to Hamburg where he served

In Hamburg, as in Berlin, Bach traveled in circles where the

Table 3. Bach’s Friends who were Masons and Date of Initiation

1761, Feb. 11 Johann Joachim Christoph Bode (1730‒1793)

1770, Jan. 24 Founding of Lodge “to the three (golden) Roses” in

1771, Oct. 14 Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729‒1781) initiated

1774, May 11 Johann Heinrich Voß (1751‒1826) initiated

1774 Sept. Announcement of publication of Die Israeliten in

1774 Oct. 1 Matthias Claudius (1740‒1815) and Friedrich

Lessing became a Mason in the fall of 1771, three years before

In two instances Bach’s direct involvement with musical en-

Although the first verifiable instance of Bach’s participation in

Figure 1. Title Page of Vollständiges Liederbuch der Freimäurer, Dritter Theil,

Die Israeliten, based on a libretto by Daniel Schiebeler (1741–

Table 4. Chronology of Composition and Premier of

June 1767 libretto (“ein geistliches Singgedicht”) [a spiritual poem to

1769 Nov. 1 first performance of Die Israeliten at the dedication of the

1769 Dec. 14 second performance at the Concert-Saale in Hamburg

While Freemasons were probably in attendance at both of these

appear in the libretto, and Bach’s musical setting would have

Events recounted in the Old Testament served as a rich source

According to the rule book of the Absalom Lodge where

In addition, the libretto contains a number of words such as

In addition, Bach’s musical settings of the choruses, which are all

Freemasonry in Hamburg in the 1760s and 1770s

Die Israeliten may have particularly resonated with Masons in

lodges during this era as “a ship in need of a savior to guide them

In 1773, the very year Bach began exploring the possibility of

A second transformative development was that, beginning in

In his Materials for a History of Freemasonry (Part II, 1774),