Ang Pangarap na Kainumayan: An Ethnolinguistic Case-Study

Linggwistiks 125
Professor Jay-Ar Igno
Karli Ang, Phoebe Catalan, Iji Imperial, Abby Tan, Dana Tan
18 July 2017

Abstract
Botolan Sambal is one of eight Sambalic languages spoken by over 30,000 people in
the Botolan municipality of the Zambales province in the Philippines. Part of Sambal
history is the destructive eruption of Mount Pinatubo on June 12, 1991, that forced
nearby settlers especially the Sambal Aytas and many other ​Katutubos to relocate.
Although a challenge to their lifestyle, the Sambals adapted and continued to exist after
this natural disaster. A key concept to their recovery, ​Kainumayan ​in Botolan Sambal
(‘​Kaginhawaan​’ in Tagalog; ‘well-being’ i​ n English) is a significant example on how their
language affects life aspirations and motivations, ultimately towards achieving peace
and fulfillment. This paper is an exploratory case study into the linguistic and
anthropological factors that make up the meaning of ​Kainumayan as evidenced in their
culture, spirituality & religion, art forms, politics, family life, education, and language.

Keywords​​: Botolan, Sambal, Kainumayan, Kaginhawaan

Introduction
Due to its archipelagic nature, the Philippines boasts a rich variety of languages
and its respective dialects. SIL International officially recognizes 187 individual
languages, of which, “183 are living and 4 are extinct. […] 175 are indigenous and 8 are
non-indigenous. Furthermore, 41 are institutional, 72 are developing, 45 are vigorous,
14 are in trouble, and 11 are dying” (Simons & Fennig, 2017). The majority of Filipinos
belong to at least one of largest major ethnolinguistic groups such as: Tagalog, Ilokano,
Hiligaynon/Ilonggo, Cebuano/Bisaya, Bikolano, Kapampangan, Pangasinense, and
Waray. Ethnolinguistic studies on the these groups are extensive. However, the
dichotomy between major and minor languages is especially obvious in this area, with
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the latter either lacking documentation or having already obsolete data. Moreover,
phenomena such as nationalism, globalization, urbanization, et cetera, further increases
the risk for extinction of the minor languages. While this paper mainly serves as an
analysis of the Sambalic concept ​Kainumayan, ​it also has the underlying purpose of
giving readers a greater appreciation for Sambalic languages, and other minor
languages in general.

According to the Botolan Sambal dictionary by Houck & Quinsay (1968),

Kainumayan comes from the root ‘inomay’ which means ‘state of happiness.’ The
possible word formations for the root in Botolan Sambal are ​inomay​, ​mag-inomay​,
maiinomay,​ ​kainomayan (​ in this case the o and u are interchangeable) and
pag-inomayan (​ Houck & Quinsay, 1968). For the purpose of this study, the authors
focused on ​kainumayan/ kainomayan as a concept among the lifestyles of Botolan
Sambals.

Demographics
Botolan Sambal is a language spoken mainly in the Central Luzon region,
specifically the province of Zambales, in the Botolan and Cabangan municipalities. It is
alternatively known as ​Aeta Negrito, Ayta Hambali, and Botolan Zambali​. Its dialects are
Ayta Hambali ​(Hambali Botolan) and ​Sambali Botolan​. The Ayta Hambali reportedly use
some words that are similar to Ayta Mag-anchi (the language spoken in the Zambales
barrios all on the Mount Pinatubo east side near Tarlac-Pampanga border) among
themselves. Botolan Sambal has over 32,900 speakers and it is still increasing in
numbers (Simons & Fennig, 2017).

Methodology
For this case study, non-directive interviews were conducted with three Botolan
Sambal speakers currently residing within Purok 5, Barangay San Juan, Botolan,
Zambales. Their ages range from 60 to 70 years old. Informant A is a retired principal
with over 40 years of experience in her profession. Informant B is a literacy advocate of
Sambal since 1983. Informant C is an NGO worker advocating for the allocation of land
to the Aetas of Zambales. An impromptu interview was also conducted with Informant
D, Informant C’s approximately 40 year-old niece. The proponents were able to conduct
the interviews and Participant Observation on June 25-26, 2017. The informants were
contacted again for clarification on July 7, 2017 through telecommunication. Eliciting
materials consisting of a word list and a sentence list were also used, to serve as a
reference for succeeding studies.
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This study focuses on the informants’ perspective of the concept ​Kainumayan

and how it is incorporated into their everyday lifestyles. Moreover, Informant A stated
that she strongly adheres to doctrines of Evangelical Protestantism and does not
believe in ​Rebultos ​or spirits, thus limiting our data gathering to a Christian perspective.

In this exploratory ethnolinguistic study, it is proposed that there are contrasts

with ​Kainumayan and its counterparts. However, as stated above, the paper mainly
aims to document and analyze the meaning of ​Kainumayan in the lives of three Botolan
residents, hence, it is limited to a particular case-study and not to be taken as a
comparative study. Future studies are recommended for further exploring the contrasts
between Botolan Sambal’s ​Kainumayan,​ its other equivalent terms, and how it is unique
from the concept of well-being of other ethnolinguistic groups.

The work, ​Ginhawa, Kapalaran, Dalamhati: Essays on Well-Being,

Opportunity/Destiny, and Anguish,​ edited by Consuelo J. Paz, was used as reference in
constructing the analysis for the case study.

Properties of Kainumayan
As previously stated, ​Kainumayan ​is a Botolan Sambalic concept that translates
to ‘well-being’. Other ethnolinguistic groups have their own counterpart for ​Kainumayan.
For example, ​Kaginhawaan i​ n Tagalog; ​Masalese in Kapampangan; ​Gin-hawa ​in
Ilocano, ​Kasanggayahan ​in Bicol and Sorsogon; and ​Ayahay ​in Cebuano and
Surigaonon (Paz, 2008). Although synonymous to other ethnolinguistic group terms by
definition, ​Kainumayan among the Sambals is unique in its own ways. The origins of the
Sambalic term are unclear insofar as this study is concerned, and it is debatable
whether the Sambals borrowed it from other ethnolinguistic groups or it was adopted by
the latter.

Based on our interview with informants A & B (personal communication, June 26,
2017), ​Kainumayan ​is seen as a goal to reach in life, regardless of age. It is also
pertained to as a state of being, one that entails living a peaceful and contented life,
albeit a simple one. Therefore, both wealthy and impoverished people are capable of
attaining or having ​Kainumayan​. In addition, our informants stated that ​Kainumayan is
aspired, not only for the self, but also for the greater good of the whole community or
Barangay​ (see Figure 1). This will be discussed in further detail in the later sections.

The belief of having ​Kainumayan, ​or lack thereof, ​in one’s life (or another’s) is
based on a subjective perception that differs from person-to-person and is influenced by
various factors such as societal norms, upbringing, and religion. For example, an aged
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widow whose children no longer live with her says that she has ​Kainumayan in her life,
but to another individual she lacks ​Kainumayan​, due to a perceived loneliness. Its
subjective property is similar to that of other emotions. Take the emotion ‘happiness’ as
an example. While another individual emanates the impression of being happy, one
cannot fully determine whether they actually are feeling that way. Their standards for
happiness may be different from one’s own, and while the other’s current state may
satisfy our standards for happiness, it may still be insufficient to theirs.

Figure 1

Another interesting aspect of ​Kainumayan i​ s its mutable yet persevering quality.

While the criteria for ​Kainumuyan is ever-changing due to factors such as environment,
society, et cetera, it was mentioned by Informant A that the concept existed even when
she was still a kid. She also thinks that the future generations will also integrate
Kainumayan ​into their lives just as they and their ancestors did, albeit in a form that is
influenced by the era and environment that they are living in.
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As such, ​Kainumayan m ​ ay be considered a ubiquitous notion for the people of

Botolan, serving as the be-all and end-all in different aspects of their lives. Furthermore,
it is said that only when an individual feels that there is no space for improvement in
their life can they consider themselves to possess ​Kainumayan. ​As an example,
informant A stated that ​Kainumayan is evident “kapag wala ka nang pino-problema sa
buhay” (personal communication, June 26, 2017), that there is a sense of contentment
with one’s life when it comes to having ​Kainumayan. A ​ lthough again, this notion is
subject to change due to various factors, which in turn, may make the individual feel that
there is something amiss. It is only when one adapts and accepts the changes can they
once again attain ​Kainumayan.

Manifestations and Interpretations (And Continuation of Properties of

Kainumayan)
The residents of Botolan pride themselves on having received numerous
Barangay peace awards, actively competing on the provincial, regional, and national
scale. This is but one of many manifestations of ​Kainumayan. ​Through this collective
effort to establish themselves among their peers as upright and orderly citizens working
together as a community, we see ​Kainumayan being expressed as a communal goal.
The leaders of the ​Barangay​, as our informants stated, are to be credited for the efforts
to make their ​Barangay​’s name known, for they themselves are said to have
Kainumayan​ as individuals first and then leaders.

It is interesting to explore how words such as ​Kainumayan and ​Kapayapaan are

internalized by the people during times of turmoil and conflict; Botolan is no exception to
the challenges of maintaining peace and order. In political issues, the ideal for
Kainumayan ​is having harmony for all and resolving or mitigating any conflict that might
result in violence. As much as possible, violence is avoided and discouraged for
maximum conflict resolution.

According to the informants (personal communication, June 26, 2017), it is

deemed crucial for ​Kainumayan ​to emanate from within the self; for one cannot give to
others what he or she does not even have. The internal and emotional act of having
Kainumayan in one’s life can only then spread out to the external where it is manifested
in an altruistic disposition. ​Kainumayan ​is best seen in one’s life when she is not always
depending on others for help; rather she is the one who gives help, even in the smallest
ways. According to Paz (2008) the Sambalic word ‘mairap’ implies a dependence upon
others to the point where it becomes intrusive and bothersome. Thus, a person with
Kainumayan​ can be perceived as being the opposite of ‘mairap.’
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Another commonly experienced issue across all Philippine provinces is poverty,

Botolan Sambal included. Yet, according to our informants, it is still possible to have
Kainumayan even when you are living on the bare necessities (Figure 2). Based on one
of our informants, she stated that she can have ​Kainumayan for as long as she has the
basic needs for living: food, shelter, and clothing; as well as being assured that her
children are taken care of even when they would not need her anymore. Once a person
no longer finds himself in want of more material things, as opposed to being greedy and
discontent, he is said to have ​Kainumayan.​

In the table below is a self-assessment by our informants A, B, and D. Where the

letter Y stands for Yes and N for No, the respondents were asked to answer whether or
not they had the following upon personal reflection. All three respondents were earning
average incomes: a retired principal, a Sambal Ayta literacy advocate, and a househelp
worker. Based on their profiles they had modest lifestyles and were mostly concerned
with providing for their families. In relation to this, informant D was the only one that
stated she did not have ​Kainumayan s​ ince she still had worries with raising her family.
Informant D did however claim to be happy and content, although not in the essence of
Kainumayan​ where one is at peace and contented in every aspect of their life.

A B D

Kainumayan Y Y N

Contentment Y Y Y

Happiness Y Y Y

Figure 2

Kainumayan ​also influences moral code such that if one does something
considered morally wrong (by legal standards or basic human principles, e.g. harming
life) and continues in this pattern of immoral behavior, one cannot claim to have
Kainumayan​. Consequently ​Kainumayan can be seen as a reward for doing what is
morally right. For example, a young person who commits theft then later goes on to
become rich by obtaining wealth illegally, although rich, cannot be said to have
Kainumayan for there is no contentment or quietness of the conscience. Moreover, he
or she violates the code of being at peace with other fellow humans, which is a basic
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prerequisite for ultimately achieving ​Kainumayan​. This is one case where the
subjectivity aspect of having ​Kainumayan​ is dependent on moral code.

Kainumayan is also expressed in their artforms and according to informant A,

most of their paintings depict the livelihood of their area and the achievements that they
have made in throughout their lives. Through the use of photography, they see their life
getting better with every picture that they take. To the younger generations, they literally
paint their aspirations in life, e.g.. having a nice car.

Lastly, ​Kainumayan is exhibited not only in the self and the other, but also in
one’s concern for his or her external surroundings, i.e. the preservation of natural
resources. The environment plays an important role to the ​Kainumayan of the Botolan
Sambals and they see it as something to be taken care of. Part of having ​Kainumayan
in one’s life is a spiritual element especially with the environment, because historically
natives have placed importance on being one with the environment as inhabitants on
earth.

Spirituality & Religion

In terms of religious belief, ​Kainumayan is often correlated with one’s faith in God
(pertaining to the Christian God). In fact, informant A says that ​Kainumayan comes from
the “true God” and that He tells you how to treat others in order to achieve ​Kainumayan.​
Nevertheless it should be noted that Christian faith is not a prerequisite for having
Kainumayan since even non-Christian and secular people can be said to have it. Our
informants claim there are no specific rituals among the Botolan Sambals for
Kainumayan​ since different people have their own set of beliefs.

To the Botolan Sambals, death is seen as something ‘sad’ since they perceive it
as someone who has lost the opportunity to achieve ​Kainumayan.​ To them, death is not
only a loss to the family of the person who died, but it is also a loss to the community.
According to informant A, ​Kainumayan in death can only be achieved when it is certain
that the place that you will be going to in the afterlife is heaven, but if there is
uncertainty as to where a person will go then there is no ​Kainumayan​ in death.

Conclusion
Kainumayan​, as a cultural phenomena, can be seen as a motivational apparatus
that allows the Botolan Sambals to continue to adapt to their surroundings in spite of the
various stresses and realities of life. As such, it gives one a sense of direction and
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something to hope for, a ​‘pangarap’,​ in life. Moreover, it can be perceived as a social

measure for fulfillment and maturity in a way that is not overly dependent on material
success, but rather, personal growth as manifested through their outlook in life.

In order to assist the reader in comprehending the concept of ​Kainumayan,​ one

visual metaphor comparable to ​Kainumayan ​is an apple tree. The whole tree represents
the ‘ideal’ ​Kainumayan a ​ nd each apple represents ​Kainumayan f​ or an individual; the
uniqueness of each apple serves as the different capabilities or ​kakayahan of people to
achieve ​Kainumayan.​ There are no two apples that are exactly alike which represents
the fingerprint-like quality of ​Kainumayan​. Some may be able to reach for their apple
earlier, while others much later on. Nevertheless, there is one for each person in the
community.

Further Studies/ Recommendations

As this research is limited to a particular case-study, future studies are
recommended to further explore the contrast between Botolan Sambal’s ​Kainumayan
and other equivalent terms. Male respondents are a recommended future study as it
can help to know if there are any differences in the findings between genders. Another
is to look into younger respondents and in doing so discover whether the data gathered
in this research will be the same or different when younger respondents are consulted.
Lastly, other dialects of Sambal are recommended for future studies to know if
Kainumayan (as a concept or the word itself) is the same in the other dialects of Sambal
and if not, what other words can be used instead of ​Kainumayan​.
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References:

Houck, C. & Quinsay, N. (1968). ​Dictionary of Botolan Sambal.​ SIL International. Online
version. Retrieved from: https://www.sil.org/resources/publications/entry/66684

Paz, C. J. (2008). ​Ginhawa, kapalaran, dalamhati: Essays on well-being

opportunity/destiny and anguish.​ Quezon City: The University of the Philippines
Press.

Rubino, C. (n.d.). Botolan Sambal. Retrieved from:

http://iloko.tripod.com/BotolanSambal.htm

Simons, G. F. & Fennig, C. D. (eds.). 2017. ​Ethnologue: Languages of the World,

Twentieth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version. Retrieved
from: ​http://www.ethnologue.com