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American Sociological Review.
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POVERTY, PARENTING,AND CHILDREN'S MENTAL HEALTH*
Poor children experience greater psychological distress than do nonpoor children. How-
ever, evidence for the relationship between poverty and children's distress is limited by
the use of measures of poverty at a single point in time, by a failure to examine race or
ethnic differences, and by a lack of concern with explanations for poverty's effects. Us-
ing data from the 1986 Children of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth(NLSY)
data set, we explored the relationships among current poverty, length of time spent in
poverty, maternal parenting behaviors, and children's mental health. Persistent poverty
significantly predicts children's internalizing symptoms above and beyond the effect of
current poverty, whereas only currentpoverty predicts externalizing symptoms. Mother's
weak emotional responsiveness and frequent use of physical punishment explain the ef-
fect of current poverty on mental health, but not the effect of persistent poverty. The
relationships among poverty, parenting behaviors, and children's mental health do not
vary by race/ethnicity. These findings support theoretical developments calling for
greater emphasis on family processes in studies of children's poverty. They also argue
for greater attention to trajectories of socioeconomic status in analyses of the effects of
status on mental health.
Recent research on poverty has docu- has not examinedthe contributionof persistent
mented substantialvariationin families' poverty to mental health.
economic histories. Incomes and poverty sta- This neglect is surprising,given the promi-
tus fluctuate appreciablyover the life course nence of psychological outcomes in discus-
(Bane and Ellwood 1986). For many families, sions of poverty's effects. Wilson (1991) hy-
poverty is short-lived - it follows a job loss pothesized that the greater depth and persis-
or a divorce and lasts only until a new job is tence of poverty among blacks compared to
obtainedor a remarriagetakesplace (Corcoran, whites may create disproportionatelylow lev-
Duncan, Gurin, and Gurin 1985). For other els of self-efficacy among blacks. Dash (1989)
families, poverty lasts a lifetime. To date, re- attributed childbearing among persistently
searchon these most disadvantagedfamilies poor, black teenagers to low self-esteem and
sometimes called the economic underclass the search for self-identity.Similarly,theorists
of child development have arguedthat persis-
*
Direct all correspondenceto Jane D. McLeod, tent poverty leads to high levels of psychopa-
Department of Sociology, 909 Social Sciences, thology and poor self-concepts among black
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis,MN 55455. children (see Spencer 1988 for a review). Re-
We gratefully acknowledge the financial assistance cent research on the self-concept has chal-
of the Life Course Centerat the University of Min-
nesota for preparingthe data set, and the Graduate
lenged the assumptionthat persistent poverty
School for its supportof the first authorthrougha erodes self-esteem (Spencer 1984). However,
Faculty ResearchFellowship and a McKnight-Land comparableanalyses of the effect of persistent
GrantProfessorship.KarlKrohnand Evgeny Hanin poverty on other indicatorsof children's men-
implemented the data preparations.An earlier ver- tal healthhave not been conducted.
sion of this paperwas presentedat the annualmeet- Clear evidence exists that poor children ex-
ing of the American Sociological Association, Au- perience high levels of conduct disorder
gust 1992, Pittsburgh,PA. We are indebtedto Glen (Velez, Johnson, and Cohen 1989), behavior
H. Elder Jr., Candace Kruttschnitt,Phyllis Moen,
problems (Verhalst, Akkerhais, and Althaus
and Jeylan Mortimer for comments on earlier
drafts, to Kevan Edwardswho ran the models, and 1985; Werner1985), depression(Gibbs 1986),
to Ariel Ducey who typed the manuscript.We also and low levels of self-confidence (Langner,
benefited from the comments of the ASR editor and Herson,Greene, Jameson,and Goff 1970) and
reviewers. social adaptation (Kellam, Ensminger, and
Turner 1977) relative to nonpoor children. cently became poor; i.e., a negative interaction
However, this evidence has threelimitations. obtainsbetween currentpoverty and persistent
First, it derives from analyses that rely on poverty when predictingmental health.
measures of poverty at a single point in time. A second limitation to previous research is
These analyses implicitly assume that current its failureto considerdifferencesby race. Race
poverty captures all theoretically relevant differences are plausible because different
variation in economic experiences when pre- races and ethnic groups experience different
dicting mental health. However, that assump- kindsof poverty.Poor blacks and Hispanicsare
tion cannot be tested without also measuring more likely thanpoor whites to live in isolated,
poverty history because measuresof persistent urban ghettos (U.S. Bureau of the Census
poverty and current poverty are confounded. 1982, p. 15; Farley 1987;Wilson 1987). Blacks
Currentlypoor persons are disproportionately enter poverty with fewer economic resources
likely to have been poor for a long time and than whites, and they are less likely to have
vice versa (Corcoran et al. 1985; Bane and family members with resources to loan
Ellwood 1986). Thus, documented relation- (McLoyd 1990). Finally, poor black women
ships between current poverty and mental are less likely than poor white women to be
health may actually reflect the effects of per- married(Duncanand Rodgers 1987).
sistent poverty. Variationsby race in the correlates of eco-
Previous researchleads to contradictoryhy- nomic deprivationimply variationsin material
potheses aboutthe relative effects of persistent well-being and the psychological meaning of
poverty and currentpoverty on mental health. poverty (Bronfenbrenner 1986; Myers and
A common theory is that persistentpoverty is King 1983). The children of poor blacks and
more harmfulthantransientpovertybecause it Hispanics experience more frequentand more
implies greatereconomic deprivation(Devine, severe economic deprivationwith fewer pros-
Plunkett,andWright1992;Wilson 1987, 1991). pects for economic improvement, which in-
Economic deprivation,in turn,has been linked creases the risk of pregnancyand droppingout
to poor mentalhealththroughthe chronicstress of school among teenagers (Crane 1991;
deprivation creates (Makosky 1982; Pearlin Mayer 1991). However,childrenof poor white
1983, 1989). Advocates of this position claim, families who live among wealthier peers may
for example, that documentedassociationsbe- be at greatestrisk of negative social compari-
tween economic loss and mental health reflect sons and poor mental health (Elder 1974;
the persistent deprivation caused by the loss Rosenberg 1979; Rosenberg and Simmons
rather than the loss itself' (Augustyniak, 1972). Using race as a proxy for area of resi-
Duncan, and Liker 1985; Pearlin, Lieberman, dence and availabilityof resources enables us
Menaghan,and Mullan 1981). to evaluate the potential of more refined con-
Alternatively,currentpoverty may be more textual analyses.
harmfulthanpersistentpovertybecauseit most A final limitationto previous researchis the
strongly predicts currentlevels of stress. Pre- lack of informationon what accounts for the
vious economic experiences,good or bad, may relationship between poverty and children's
be overwhelmedby immediatefinancialprob- mental health. Comparisonsof the predictive
lems, such as difficulty paying bills or the power of absolutedeprivationandrelativedep-
threatof a mortgageforeclosure.The assumed rivation suggest that relative deprivationpre-
predominanceof currentstresseswhen predict- dicts mentalhealthmost stronglyamong adults
ing mentalhealthis implicit in many sociologi- (Easterlin1973; Elder 1974; Rosenberg 1979).
cal models of stress (see Wheaton 1990; Thus, the association between income and the
Wheaton and Roszell 1992 for notable excep- mentalhealthof adultsmay result,in part,from
tions). negative social comparisons. However, very
Finally, some theoristsarguethatpoor fami- young childrenappearto be less distressedthan
lies reach an emotional equilibriumwithin a adults by the comparisonsimplicit in relative
persistent impoverished state once the initial deprivation(Rosenbergand Simmons 1972).
shock of an economic loss has passed (Elder If poor childrendo not comparethemselves
and Caspi 1988). According to this argument, unfavorablyto more affluent peers, what ac-
currentpovertyshouldhave a strongerrelation- counts for their poor outcomes? Perhapspar-
ship with mental health in families who re- ents' responsesto povertycan explain the poor
POVERTYAND CHILDREN'SMENTALHEALTH 353
mental health of their children (Elder, Liker, history of poverty was assessed beginning in
and Cross 1984; Moen, Kain, and Elder 1983). 1979 and thus is complete only for children
This link has been establishedempiricallyfor eight years of age or younger.Finally, because
economic loss but not for poverty. Evidence the available poverty histories were based on
consistentlyindicatesthatparentswho undergo the mother's economic history, children who
economic loss transmittheir distress to their were living with someone other than the
children by becoming more rejecting (Conger, mother were excluded. These restrictions re-
Conger, Elder,Lorenz, Simons, and Whitbeck sulted in a final sample of 1,733 children of
1992; Elder, Nguyen, and Caspi 1985; 1,344 mothers with valid values on all vari-
Lempers, Clark-Lempers,and Simons 1989) ables in analysis.1
and by using harshand inconsistentdiscipline The original NLSY sample of mothers was
(Horowitz and Wolock 1985; Lempers et al. selected using a multi-stage stratified cluster
1989). Rejection and harshdiscipline, in turn, randomsampling procedurewith oversamples
are associated with poor goal orientation,low of blacks, Hispanics, and poor non-Hispanic
levels of self-adequacyand social competence, whites. We used weighted datato adjustfor the
and high levels of moodiness (Elder et al. differential probabilities of selection across
1985) and conduct problems among children groups. The unweighted sample sizes are 841
(Loeber and Stouthamer-Loeber1986). The children of blacks or Hispanics and 892 non-
concern with parents'responsesin researchon Hispanicwhite children;weightedsample sizes
economic loss has been extended to research are 482 and 1,251 respectively.
on poverty recently (McLoyd 1990). We Because the data were not selected through
present the first analysis of whetherparenting a simple randomsamplingprocedure,standard
behaviors account for the effect of poverty on errorsfor sample statistics are underestimated,
children'smental health. which increasesthe probabilityof a Type I er-
ror. Although proceduresexist for correcting
this problem, they are difficult to implement
DATAAND METHODS
with these data because the samplingstrataare
Data for this analysis are from the 1986 Chil- not easily identified (Center for Human Re-
dren of the National Longitudinal Survey of source Research 1988). Furthermore,design
Youth (NLSY) data set, collected by the Cen- effects for the means of the children'svariables
ter for HumanResource Researchat The Ohio are not available from the Center.In lieu of a
State University. The NLSY traces the labor formal adjustmentfor the sample design, we
market experience of young men and women present significance levels at both the .01 and
longitudinally.Youngwomen in the studyhave .05 levels to allow readers to draw their own
been interviewedannuallysince 1979, at which conclusionsregardingthe substantiveimportof
time they were between the ages of 14 and 21. statisticallysignificantparameters.2
In 1986, when they were between the ages of
I A total of 2,021 children were eligible for the
21 and 28, the first of a series of assessments
of their children was conducted to track their analysis based on the listed criteria. Of these, 288
developmentalprogress(N = 4,971). These as- lacked data on one or more variables. Given the
well-documented problems with mean imputation
sessments involved interviewswith the mother, techniques (Little and Rubin 1989), we chose to
interviewer ratings of the home environment, eliminate missing cases listwise in the models pre-
and direct assessments of the child's cognitive sented here. To evaluate the effect of this decision
and intellectual abilities. As this description on our results, we estimated OLS versions of the
makes clear,the NLSY mothersareyoung rela- statisticalmodels using listwise deletion, mean im-
tive to the ages of their children, suggesting putation, and pairwise correlations. The different
caution when generalizingour findings to chil- analyses yielded similar results.
2 All childrenof each motherare included in the
dren of older mothers.
For several reasons, we restrictedour analy- sample. As a result, our analyses are based on non-
independent, clustered observations. We assessed
sis to children between the ages of four and the influence of this clusteringon our resultsby rep-
eight who were living with theirmothersat the licating the analysis on a sample that included only
time of the interview. The items on mental the youngest eligible child of each mother
health were obtained only for children four (Menaghanand Parcel 1991). The results from the
years of age or older. In addition,the family's reanalysis did not differ substantiallyfrom the re-
354 AMERICANSOCIOLOGICALREVIEW
distress and by whethershe was currentlymar- Cain 1981). Mother's education (years of
ried, independent of physician-rated health: school completed) and her age at the birthof a
Distressed mothers and single mothers were child also predictthe probabilitiesthatthe child
more likely to report "poor"health for their will experience poverty (Baldwin and Cain
children.Although we cannot establishthe va- 1981) and behavior problems (Werner 1985).
lidity of our measures of mental health, we To reduce the possibility that any observed re-
thinkit is unlikelythatourmeasuresareunduly lationships between poverty and children's
influenced by the mother's distress or marital mental health reflect these associations, our
status.Mother'smaritalstatusdoes not consis- analysis controlsfor these variables.
tently predict children's mental health in our Finally, we assigned children to race/ethnic
sample. Furthermore,the NLSY mothersrated groups based on the reported primary racial
specific behaviorsof theirchildren,ratherthan origin of the child's mother. Although a
providing an overall assessment of health. Fi- mother'srace does not correlateperfectly with
nally, externalvalidationof parents'reportsof the race of her children, it is an indication of
mental health indicatesthey are generallycon- the social context in which the child is likely
sistent with the reportsof teachers and others to be raised.We consideredtwo groups:blacks
(Achenbach,McConaughy,and Howell 1987). or Hispanics, and non-Hispanic whites. We
Parenting behaviors. Recent efforts to ex- combined Cubans with other Hispanics, de-
plain relationships between poverty and spite evidence that these groups differ in their
children's mental health have focused on par- levels of economic success (Valdivieso and
ents' distress and parenting behaviors Davis 1988, p. 8), because there were too few
(McLoyd 1990). The stresses of living in pov- Cubans(N = 6) to treatthem as a separatecat-
erty are thoughtto impede parents' abilities to egory. We combinedAsians with non-Hispanic
respondappropriatelyto the physical andemo- whites because their earningslevels and living
tional needs of their children. Two variables conditions resemble those for whites (Tienda
assess the quality of each mother's interaction and Lii 1987).
with her children: emotional responsiveness
and use of physical punishment.(Fathers'be- Analysis Plan
haviors were not assessed in the NLSY.) The
items were derived from Caldwell and We pose three main questions:
Bradley's HOME Scale (Caldwelland Bradley
1979). Emotional responsiveness is measured (1) Does the persistence of poverty predict
by the interviewer's rating.(i.e., present, ab- children'smentalhealthabove and beyond
sent) of three maternalreactions to the child the effect of currentpoverty?
during the child's assessment interview:voice (2) Do the relationshipsbetween poverty and
conveyed positive feeling; conversed without I children'smentalhealth vary by race?
scolding; answeredquestionsverbally(ox= .75 (3) Do parentingbehaviorsexplain the effects
based on raw scores). To assess the use of of persistent poverty versus currentpov-
physical punishment,each mother was asked erty on children'smentalhealth;or do they
the numberof times she had spankedher child explain race/ethnic differences in the ef-
in the past week. These indicatorsof parenting fect of poverty on children's mental
are consistent with documented associations health?
between economic loss, parentalrejection,and
harsh discipline (Conger et al. 1992; Elder et To answer these questions, we estimated a
al. 1985; Lemperset al. 1989). series of linear structuralequation models us-
Control variables. Several demographic ing LISREL 7 as applied to weighted covari-
characteristicsof mothersarerelatedto poverty ance matrices (Joreskog and Sorbom 1989).
status and to children's mental health. For ex- The key features of the models are presented
ample, previously married or never married in Figure 1. The solid lines representpaths es-
mothers are much more likely than married timated in the initial models of the relation-
mothersto live in poverty(DuncanandRodgers ships between currentpoverty, persistence of
1987), and children of single mothers experi- poverty, the control variables, and the mental
ence psychological and socioeconomic disad- health indicators. The dashed lines represent
vantagesrelativeto otherchildren(Baldwinand the effects of poverty on parentingbehaviors
356 AMERICANSOCIOLOGICAL
REVIEW
Emotonall
rsponsivness
/ \ N
/N
/ \ Ns
/\( Internalizin
( Current
(ersistence~
/~~ \->
Control
| | Pov~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~xertyali
variables/
\ I-
0 Latentvariablewith
multipleindicators
Number of
W Singleindicator
= times spanked
and the effects of parenting behaviors on Such difference tests, which are frequently
children's mental health, estimated in subse- appliedin social research,can yield misleading
quent models. We assumed perfect measure- results if the measurementparametersin the
ment of the variablesfor poverty status,physi- model are significantlydifferentacross groups
cal punishment,and the controlvariables.Each (Bielby 1986; Williams and Thomson 1986).
of the latentvariables- emotionalresponsive- Therefore, before estimating two-group mod-
ness, internalizingsymptoms, and externaliz- els for race/ethnicdifferencesin the parameters
ing symptoms - was representedby multiple of the structuralmodel, we evaluated the sig-
indicators. All reported significance tests are nificance of race/ethnicdifferencesin the mea-
one-tailed tests.4 surementmodel (lambdacoefficients)using the
We evaluatedthe significance of race/ethnic same strategy, i.e. comparing the fit of con-
differences in the relationshipsamongpoverty, strainedand unconstrainedmodels. The differ-
parenting behaviors, and children's mental ence in the chi-squarevalues (X2= 26.33, d.f. =
health using a multi-groupcomparison strat- 24, p > .10) was not significant. Accordingly,
egy. This strategyinvolves estimatingtwo sets all tests of race/ethnicdifferencesin parameters
of models: One set constrainsstructuralcoeffi- of the structuralmodel constrainedparameters
cients to be equal across race/ethnicgroups;a in the measurement model to be equal for
second set allows structural coefficients to blacks/Hispanicsand non-Hispanicwhites.
vary. The difference in chi-square values be-
tween the constrainedand unconstrainedmod-
RESULTS
els provides a test for race/ethnic differences
in the structuralmodel. Table1 presentspercentagedistributionsof cur-
rentlypoorandnonpoorchildrenby persistence
4 The modelsreportedarenot strictlyhierarchi- of poverty for the total sample and for the two
cal. Foreachmodel,onlythevariableswhosecoef- race/ethnicgroups. Persistenceof poverty,de-
ficientsarereportedwere"selected"intothecova- fined as the percentof life spentin poverty,was
riancematrixusedto estimatethemodel.Thus,the collapsed into five categories (0, 1-25, 26-50,
x2 valuescannotbe comparedacrosstables. 51-75, and76-100 percent).Approximately30
POVERTYAND CHILDREN'SMENTALHEALTH 357
Table 1. Percentage Distributionof CurrentlyPoor and CurrentlyNonpoor Children by Percent of Life in Poverty,
for Race/Ethnic Groups:Childrenof the NLSY, 1986
Percent of Life
in Poverty Total Black/Hispanic Non-Hispanic White
(Poverty Currently Currently Currently Currently Currently Currently
Persistence) Poor Nonpoor Total Poor Nonpoor Total Poor Nonpoor Total
Table 4. Total, Direct, and IndirectEffects of Poverty on Internalizingand ExternalizingSymptoms: Childrenof the
NLSY, 1986
is significant and negative for both measures panic children and non-Hispanic white chil-
of mental health. The spanking variable ac- dren. Relative to their nonpoor peers, poor
counts for the significant indirect effects, i.e., black/Hispanicmothersand poor white moth-
the indirect effects are significant in models ers display comparabledecreases in mother's
that include spankingbut omit responsiveness; responsiveness and increases in the frequency
they are not significant in models that include of spanking(X2= 1.61, d.f. = 4, p = .81 for the
responsiveness but omit spanking (results main effects of poverty; X2= 6.20, d.f. = 6, p
available from the authors). =.40 for the model that included the interac-
Although race/ethnicdifferencesin the total tion term). Mother's responsiveness and fre-
effects of poverty on mentalhealth are not sig- quency of spanking also have comparableef-
nificant, race/ethnic differences may occur in fects on mental health in the two groups of
the processes that account for those effects. children(X2= 1.98, d.f. = 4, p = .74). Finally,
MatsuedaandHeimer(1987) foundracediffer- tests for race/ethnic differences in the comn-
ences in their analysis of the relationshipbe- bined effects of poverty on parenting behav-
tween single parenthoodand delinquency,i.e., iors, poverty on children's mental health, and
single parenthoodhad a strongerdirect effect parentingbehaviors on mental health are not
on attitudesconducive to delinquency,and on significant(X2= 7.77, d.f. = 12, p = .65 for the
delinquentbehavior,amongblacksthanamong main effects of poverty;x2 = 17.69, d.f. = 16,
nonblacks. Most previous analyses of the ef- p = .34 for the model thatincluded the interac-
fects of economic deprivation on parenting tion term). Thus, the family processes linking
have focused on whites (Conger et al. 1992; povertyto children'smentalhealth do not vary
Elder 1974; Elder et al. 1985; Lempers et al. significantlyby race/ethnicity.
1989), leaving open the question of whether
similarrelationshipshold for other groups. DISCUSSION
We tested for race/ethnic differences in the
relationshipsamong poverty,parentingbehav- The length of time spent in poverty is an im-
iors, and children's mental health by estimat- portantpredictor of children's mental health,
ing a series of multi-groupmodels that con- even after currentpoverty status is taken into
strainednone, some, or all of the structuralpa- account.As the length of time spent in poverty
rameters to be equal for both race/ethnic increases, so too do children's feelings of un-
groups. Ourtests covered models thatincluded happiness, anxiety, and dependence. The ob-
only the main effects of poverty as well as served effect of persistent poverty challenges
models that included the interactionterm for the prevailingassumptionthat currentmaterial
the two poverty variablesto allow for the pos- circumstancesare the sole determinantof the
sibility thatthe specificationof the links among stress families face. Clearly, stress is also a
poverty,parentingbehaviors,andmentalhealth functionof the durationof poverty.
variedby race. These resultshave broadimplicationsfor the
The processes that link povertyto children's conceptualizationand measurementof socio-
mental health throughmother's parentingbe- economic status as it relates to mental health.
haviors are substantiallysimilarfor black/His- Priorresearchon adultshas usually focused on
POVERTYAND CHILDREN'SMENTALHEALTH 361
Variable
Variable Mean s.d. (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11)
(9) Answered questions .72 .45 -.09 -.13 .11 .10 .06 -.13 .45 .59 - -
(10) Numberoftimes 1.35 1.88 .10 .04 .04 -.04 -.02 .03 -.01 .01 .03
spanked
(11) Internalizinga 18.01 3.67 .13 .15 -.07 -.11 .07 .04 -.04 -.02 .02 .16
(12) Externalizinga 16.52 3.68 .14 .12 -.05 -.07 .08 .04 -.06 -.03 .04 .27 .64
a Simple additive scales were constructedfor these variables for this table.
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