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Work, Employment & Society
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Article
(DSAGE
Damian Hodgson
University of Manchester, UK
Louise Briand
Universite du Quebec en Outaouais, Canada
Abstract
The creative industries have recently been hailed as presenting a liberating model for the
work and a valuable terrain on which to examine purported new regimes of workplac
This article, based on the empirical examination of a Canadian video game developmen
traces the modes of control which operate on and through project teams in creative setti
impact of the adoption of an 'emancipatory', post-bureaucratic project management tec
'Agile', is critically examined through interviews and non-participative observation of man
technical and artistic labour within one project team. The potential for autonomy in such
teams is critically assessed within the managerial regime of creative production and th
power relations implied by the financial, organizational and institutional context.
Keywords
autonomy, creative industries, creativity, project management, teamwork
Introduction
Corresponding author:
Damian Hodgson, Manchester Business School, University of Manchester, Booth St West, Manchester
6PB.UK.
Email: damian.hodgson@mbs.ac.uk
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Hodgson and Briand 309
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310 Work, employment and society 2 7(2)
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Hodgson and Briand 311
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3 12 Work, employment and society 2 7(2)
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Hodgson and Briand 313
We are uncovering better ways of developing software by doing it and helping others do it.
Through this work we have come to value:
That is, while there is value in the items on the right, we value the items on the left more.
The supporting 'Twelve Principles' (Agile Alliance, 2012) reproduce the language of
modern teamworking literature, referring to projects 'built around motivated individu
als', reliance on trust, internal communication and internal reflection, dialogue and
adjustment. Various methodologies emerged following this to offer practical guides
operationalizing the principles of Agile. One of the most influential methodologies,
labelled Scrum (Schwaber and Beedle, 2002), combines regular internal communica
tion with intensive iterative cycles to solve production problems adaptively within an
'empowered' team structure. It is argued by proponents that Agile and methodologies
linked to Agile (eXtreme Programming, Scrum, etc.) deliver better results through the
flexibility and commitment which can be delivered by 'tight, self-organizing teams'
(Agile Alliance, 2012).
In the empirical research reported below, then, the following questions were explored.
First, how far did new forms of project management such as Agile/Scrum depart from
traditional rationalist approaches to the control of project work? Secondly and in light of
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314 Work, employment and society 2 7(2)
Methodology
The empirical focus on this research was a team working i
studio (approximately 200 developers) in the video game ind
'StudioOne'. The studio was a wholly owned subsidiary
lisher and developer, here referred to as 'Videocorp', whic
developers worldwide. The case study presented below f
research programme involving three video game developm
gramme aims to examine the control and autonomy of kn
project-based organizations in creative industries. The focu
team, 'Gameteam', within StudioOne.
Data collection was based primarily on semi-structu
participant observation techniques. Data collection aim
crucial dimensions of management' (Audet and Déry, 19
dinating and surveillance. Over a six-month period, 13
on site with 12 individuals (directors, producer, game
developers, the latter category covering programmer
Interviews lasted between 60 and 90 minutes and were tap
scribed. With the specific purpose of capturing the d
between team members, 11 full days of non-participan
ried out over the duration of the project. Non-participa
ting close by and listening to presentations and conv
members at meetings ('scrums', 'sprint reviews', 'plan
ning sessions', 'brainstorm sessions', 'project managem
and various casual encounters.
The fieldwork was conducted by one of the article authors and a research as
tant. To ensure reliability and validity, interviews were tape-recorded and fully tra
scribed before being shared with the first author who did not participate directly
fieldwork; transcriptions and observation notes were discussed by the entire resear
team regularly throughout the project. The data collected from the various sources
were analysed with the aim of describing and developing general conclusions on the
way creative projects are managed. In an inductive approach, the data collected were
analysed in an open-ended and exploratory manner to allow detection of patterns on
planning, coordinating and monitoring (Silverman, 2006). Key themes emergin
from detected patterns were discussed with the author not directly engaged in the
empirical research, who would challenge inferences, request corroboration/evidence
or propose alternative explanations in light of the 'enfolding literature' (Eisenhardt
1989). Through this critical dialogue, a detailed and plausible account emerged
the organization of Gameteam and its internal and external dynamics over the cour
of the project.
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318 Work, employment and society 27(2)
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Hodgson and Briand 3 19
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320 Work, employment and society 2 7(2)
The challenge for artists is that things can be very hard to identify. In programming, everything
is very Cartesian. Their tasks are very mathematical and can be quantified. But in art, for one,
it's hard to quantify the work; and for two, there are days when you're inspired and days when
you're not and it's hard to manage that. (Team leader)
As a result, alternative approaches were used to monitor and assess the work of the
animators and artists. For senior management within Gameteam, the pragmatic response
was to turn to personal monitoring to capture in an informal manner information on the
artists' and animators' progress:
We [the senior managers and team leaders] have learned to ask them how things are going: 'So,
what are you working on? Have you had any problems with it?' We got that from Agile. But
tracking tasks, poker planning and all that, we don't use any of that for the artists. We reserve
that for the programmers. But try telling the artists: 'We need your decors ready for such and
such a date'? Good luck! (Producer)
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Hodgson and Briand 321
My role is to standardize. One animator will tend to be more extravagant, one will animate
more 'bang bang' and it does not work ... [When playing a game, one must not see] that there
are four different animators who made the animations. (Team leader)
Reliance upon such personalized and time-intensive forms of control recalled long
established practices in craft labour (Sennett, 2009) and a distinct logic of control as
compared with that of Agile/Scrum.
Interestingly, it was also observed that spaces where autonomy was afforded to staff
were not necessarily sought or valued by developers. Between projects, the developers
were typically allocated some 'off-project' time. In the eyes of the producer and team
leaders, this time represented the freedom to explore new avenues and do 'crazy things'
- in other words, to be creative. However, it appeared that developers put very little effort
into these activities, which they saw as a waste of time or, worse, a sign that their talent
was not appreciated. This phenomenon challenges the assumption that creative workers
seek and value autonomy. Instead, it seems, several appear to perceive non-directed work
time as a challenge to their sense of worth, rather than an opportunity to escape manage
rial control.
To sum up, the adoption of the Agile/Scrum methodology by Gameteam had limited
success in initiating real autonomy within Gameteam or any of its individual members.
The limited autonomy implicit in Agile project management resulted in a degree of con
flict with the parent organization whose structures, decisions and impromptu demands
overrode local agreements. Moreover, observation of the processes in action indicated
that despite the rhetoric, power hierarchies persisted in practice within the team, evident
in the process of enacting the methods of Agile/Scrum and eventually requiring a re
articulation of the power structure. Finally, the control imperative within the arrange
ment became explicit where it faced its limit in the refusal of the artists and animators to
participate in Agile project management practices, thus undermining the viability of the
system.
Conclusion
The key aim of this article has been to consider the novelty and effectiven
forms of control which operate on and through project teams in creative indu
study above provides evidence that the nature of work in game developmen
obstructs many traditional modes of control, leading to attempts to introd
control technologies such as, here, Agile project management, enacted using
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322 Work, employment and society 2 7(2)
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Hodgson and Briand 323
Funding
The authors would like to acknowledge the support of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council of Canada (SSHRC) who provided funding for this research.
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