U.S. Senate Kills H.R. 2499, White House Delays Task Force on P.R.

’s
Status Report
In  Citizenship Equality, Commentary and Analysis, Enemies of Equality, H.R.
2499,  Puerto Rico,  Puerto Rico Democracy Act,Self-Determination, Tennessee Plan, The Big
Lie: The PPD's "Commonwealth" on October 12, 2010 at 4:05 PM
A Lesson on Territorialism and why Supporters of Self-Determination Clamor
“TENNESSEE! TENNESSEE!”

Once again, the U.S. Senate refused to be a constructive partner in solving Puerto Rico’s
unequal status. After months of claiming senators wanted to wait for the White House task force
report at the end of October, Sen. Jeff Bingaman (D-NM), chairman of the senate’s Energy and
Natural Resources Committee, informed the public that his colleagues could not reach a
consensus on moving forward with Resident Commissioner Pedro Pierluisi’s House-approved
Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2009/10 (H.R. 2499).
What is there to know, senators?
Let us see:
 The United States invaded Puerto Rico (a colony of the Empire of Spain) in 1898.
 Since, Puerto Rico is a territory of the United States under the U.S. Congress’ plenary
authority under the U.S. Constitution’s Territorial Clause.
 Congress made all Puerto Ricans United States citizens in 1917 and in 1952 gave them
autonomy to organize in a republican form of government under a constitution of their
own writing (amended by Congress, of course).
 After 1952, Puerto Rico remained a United States territory, now called a
“Commonwealth” in English and a “Free Associated State” in Spanish—still not a state
or an independent country, but an American colony where the citizens have second-class
citizenship.
 There have been three attempts at finishing the current unequal territorial status through a
direct, democratic vote. Once in 1967, another in 1993, and yet another in 1998—all of
them inconclusive for various reasons, none of which are legitimate reasons not to
proceed with a final self-determination vote for citizenship equality.
 The Americans of Puerto Rico still wait for a congressionally sanctioned plebiscite for a
chance to vote for their future.
Facts are facts!
The United States Senate has been singularly instrumental in keeping the four million
American citizens of the island territory unequal for 112 years. The Senate has never passed a
bill giving Puerto Rico a clear path toward self-determination, while the U.S. House has, at the
very least, engaged the political leadership of the territory in short debates about the status. The
White House, through the Clinton-, W. Bush-, and Obama Administrations, has been involved in
trying to build consensus among the key status factions in Puerto Rico on what the status
alternatives mean to Puerto Rico and the U.S. On October 12, the Obama Administration
signaled that it would give the President’s Taskforce on Puerto Rico’s Status more time (perhaps
until December) to complete its report.
The White House’s decision, reported in El Nuevo Dia by Jose Delgado, also seems to
include two key new pieces of information. The first is the notion that the Obama Administration
is going to focus heavily on economic development in the American territory. The second, and
most Obamaesque, is that  the new report will back away to more “neutral” ground assertions
made on the first and second Taskforce reports about Puerto Rico’s true colonial status.
The 2005 and 2007 reports (see Must Axxess Files box, below), ordered originally by the
Clinton Administration and concluded under the W. Bush Administration, inflamed the
“Commonwealth” PPD Party because they asserted in no equivocal terms that the federal hold on
the territory was absolute, so much so that the federal government could give Puerto Rico away
to another foreign power with no reason whatsoever.
These not-so-new developments—this federal dance, if you will—is unworkable. This is
a political process more than it is a problem. Supporters of Self-Determination cannot allow this
to continue!
We have the federal house acting on well-intentioned but mingled bills to solve the
unequal status of four million Americans. We have a federal senate that refuses to look at their
fellow citizens in the face while, simultaneously, single-handedly denies them even the
opportunity to exercise their most fundamental democratic right to self-determination. Ladies
and gentlemen, we have a federal executive that seeks neutrality and consensus in that which can
have neither the former nor the latter. In the words of a once-bold leader, it is time for Change.
Another such political pioneer was a man by the name of George Lehleitner who, according to
the University of Alaska’s statehood files, was a “New Orleans businessman who single-
handedly convinced the Alaska Constitutional Convention to adopt the ‘Alaska-Tennessee Plan’
in order to lobby for statehood.”
The U.S. Constitution spells out the statehood and territorial processes, but in
constitutionally short language:
“New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new States shall be
formed or erected within the Jurisdiction  of any other State; nor any State be formed by the
Junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the
States concerned as well as of the Congress.
The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations
respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this
Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any
particular State.”
Article IV, Section 3, Clause 1 & 2
Traditionally, Congress has filled the constitutional gaps through vigorous involvement
in the constitutional management of territories, but not always. Since the original Thirteen
Colonies (i.e. March 4, 1789 to Present), the territorial map of the United States has had over 100
variations, with as many flags to match an Age that was—long before it was named—Manifest
Destiny.
Congress has never made a state. It simply manages territory under the auspices of the
federal government, and when, and only when, certain population centers develop to a certain
number and write a constitution that forms a republican democracy can they petition the federal
government for statehood. That is the way the overwhelming majority of territories became
states; of course, powerful interests did get involved in all statehood petitions, but that is not to
say that the goal of statehood did not benefit most in the particular territory.
There are other ways.
California never had a “territorial status”; Congress carved it out of the unorganized
territory acquired from Mexico after Californians instituted their own version of the Tennessee
Plan. Congress organized the remaining territory as the Utah and New Mexico Territories. Texas
was meant to be five states, but it was left as one. North Carolina gave up all of its land beyond
its present-day western border to the federal government, which turned it into the Southwest
Territory and later admitted it as the State of Tennessee—through the Tennessee Plan.
Why these niceties about the territorial process?
Because since 1796, when the Southwest Territory (also called the Territory of
Tennessee) became the State of Tennessee four month after it instituted its namesake Plan, a
series of other territories have successfully instituted their own bold plan for self-determination.
Because today, the enemies of equality seek to portray Puerto Rico’s internal, democratic
plebiscite process as one out of synch with the national traditions of statehood simply because
Puerto Rico seeks to have Congress clarify the real options for its people through congressional
action before the ballots are printed.
However, many in Congress—Doc Hastings their leader during the H.R. 2499 debate in
the House—have argued that Puerto Rico does not need a congressional mandate before it carries
a local plebiscite on status because they have done it before without congressional mandate;
further, they argue, a congressional mandate would do two things that are incompatible with the
traditional process: 1) it would put the Congress in front of the proper petition for statehood from
the territory; and 2) it would indirectly “bind” Congress into accepting a vote for statehood that
might result from a plurality of the votes cast (e.g. a 34 percent vote for statehood, 33 percent for
independence, and a 33 percent for “Commonwealth”). This is the same class of congressional
impotence that gave rise to the Tennessee Plan.
If the territory of Puerto Rico were anything like the territories that came before, the
status issue would have been resolved long ago.
No other territory has ever had to weigh three or more options before petitioning for
statehood. There are those for which Congress explicitly stated its intent to grant independence
(i.e. Cuba, Philippines, and various post-WWII trusteeships), but in terms of territory acquired,
organized, and kept, none has had a “Commonwealth” movement, though they might have had a
weak independence movement, like the territory of Puerto Rico. Congress, for over a century
now, has inculcated a sense of perpetuity in the minds of the “Commonwealth” status supporters,
and president after president has simply gone along.
Let us not doubt Puerto Rico’s current capacity allows it to fulfill the four traditional
requirements imposed by Congress: 1) population; 2) republican form of government; 3) a
written constitution; and 4) a petition for statehood. The last requirement, of course, has not
happened, and it has much to do with the aforementioned example of congressional approval for
a Puerto Rican vote, but a lack of support for an actual law clearing the way for Puerto Rico’s
exercise in self-determination.
What would the first unorganized territory of the United States, which later became the
Northwest Territory, and even later the states of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, and
Wisconsin, had been left as a territory for one hundred years before Congress acted on its
management and advancement on behalf of the American people outside of the original
Thirteen? What would the Louisiana Purchase look like as a permanent territory under the
dubious status of Puerto Rican “Commonwealth”? What about the lands acquired from Mexico
after 1848? What would most of the country look like?
After Tennessee instituted its Plan, seven other states successfully followed suit:
Michigan, California, Oregon, Iowa, Minnesota, Kansas, and Alaska.
The territory of Puerto Rico is unique in this tradition, and not for its language or local
culture, but because it has been mismanaged as a territory of the United States of America. Our
American tradition of self-determination for the peoples of the territories has always worked, but
sometimes some territories had to push harder than others did.
As George Lehleitner said as he concluded his argument for the Tennessee Plan à
laAlaska:
“You have already seen that it is NOT irregular. Nor is it illegal. For the very first
Article of our Bill of Rights, you will recall, guarantees that ‘Congress shall make no law …
prohibiting the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a
redress of grievances.’
In its very essence, the ‘Tennessee Plan’ is a forthright and logical form in which to
petition the Government for the redress of a monstrous grievance. Because the grievance is real
and stubborn, the petition for its correction must be vigorous and dramatic. For these reasons
the ‘Tennessee Plan’ has ALWAYS succeeded in the past.”
For the Americans of Puerto Rico, their most “vigorous and dramatic” move should be
preceded by the equally bold move of passing H.R. 2497 and S.B. 1407 (see Must Axxess
Files box, below) in the Puerto Rico legislature. By forcing a vote between statehood and
independence, Puerto Rico will be able to present a petition for statehood to the U.S. Congress.
After that, in the name of citizenship equality, “TENNESSEE, TENNESSEE, TENNESSEE!”