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EBERSBACH-NEUGERSDORF, Germany — Frank Dehmel was on the streets of

East Germany in 1989. Every Monday, he marched against the Communist regime,
demanding freedom and democracy and chanting with the crowds: “We are the
people!”

Three decades later, Mr. Dehmel is on the streets again, older and angrier, and
chanting the same slogan — this time for the far right.

He won freedom and democracy when the Berlin Wall came down 29 years ago on
Nov. 9. But he lost everything else: His job, his status, his country — and his wife.
Like so many eastern women, she went west to look for work and never came
back.

To understand why the far right is on the march again in Germany, it helps to
understand the many grievances of its most loyal supporters: men in the former
Communist East.

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The emergence of Eastern Man as a disruptive political force stands as a prime
legacy of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s 13 years in power. As she prepared
Germans last week for her eventual political exit, some noted that, politically at
least, her Germany was more divided between East and West than at any point
since reunification.

No doubt the far right has made gains across Germany. The Alternative for
Germany, or AfD, won 13 percent of votes in last year’s elections, enough to make
it the leading opposition voice in Parliament. It is now represented in every one of
the country’s 16 state legislatures.

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But support for the AfD in the East is on average more than double that in the
West. Among eastern men, the party is the strongest political force, with 28
percent having cast their ballots for the AfD last year.

Image

Ebersbach, in eastern Germany, lost seven in 10 of its jobs and almost half its
population after the Berlin Wall fell in 1989. It shrank so much that it was forced
to merge with the neighboring town of Neugersdorf.CreditGordon Welters for The
New York Times

Eastern Man, a figure long patronized, pitied or just ignored in the West, is in the
process of again reshaping German politics.

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No one more embodies the frustrations of eastern men — or has been more the
object of their ire — than Ms. Merkel, an eastern woman who rose to the pinnacle
of power and provides a daily reminder of their own failure.

Yet Ms. Merkel never became the ambassador for the East that people yearned for:
Living standards in the region still lag those in the West, even after what is
perceived as a traumatic economic takeover.

Mr. Dehmel calls her a “traitor” and worse.

After reunification, Mr. Dehmel recalled, western men in suits and Mercedes-
Benzes arrived in his eastern home state of Saxony, soon running businesses,
running universities, running the regional government, “running everything.”

And that was before more than a million asylum seekers, many of them young
men, came to Germany in 2015.

“I didn’t risk my skin back then to become a third-class citizen,” said Mr. Dehmel,
now 57, counting off the perceived hierarchy on his fingers: “First there are
western Germans, then there are asylum seekers, then it’s us.”

One-third of male voters in Saxony, where he lives, cast their ballots for the far
right last year — by far more than any other place in the country.
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Image

Verena Hergenröder, the mayor of Ebersbach-Neugersdorf, said the town “lost a

generation” following German reunification.CreditGordon Welters for The New
York Times

“We have a crisis of masculinity in the East and it is feeding the far right,” said
Petra Köpping, minister for integration in Saxony.

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When Ms. Köpping took office in 2014, she thought her job was to integrate
immigrants. But as hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers began arriving in
Germany a year later, a middle-aged white man heckled her at a town-hall-style
meeting.

“Why don’t you integrate us first?” the man had shouted.

That question, which has since become the title of a book written by Ms. Köpping,
prompted her to tour her eastern home state and interview dozens of angry men.
The disappointed hopes and humiliations of 1989, she found, still fester.

Some three million jobs, most of them in traditionally male industries, were lost
over two years. The working-class heroes of Socialism became the working-class
losers of capitalism.

East German men were abandoned by their newly united country practically
overnight, Ms. Köpping said: “They are the original left-behinds.”

And they were quite literally left behind — by their women.

Long before the #MeToo movement, Communism succeeded in creating a broad

class of women who were independent, emancipated, often better educated and
working in more adaptable service jobs than eastern men.

After the wall came down, the East lost more than 10 percent of its population.
Two-thirds of those who left and did not come back were young women.