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Promoting sustainable festival events tourism: a case study of Lamu Kenya


Roselyne N. Okech,
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Sustainable
Promoting sustainable festival festival events
events tourism: a case study tourism
of Lamu Kenya
193
Roselyne N. Okech
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Tourism Studies, Memorial University of Newfoundland, Corner Brook, Canada

Abstract
Purpose – Tourism has been a key force in promoting festival growth and expansion. Towns, villages
and cities are increasingly keen to share their culture, environment and spending opportunities with
visitors by the promotion of festivals. One such festival is held annually in Lamu Old Town, a world
heritage site in Kenya. The purpose of the paper is to highlight the importance of hosting sustainable
events in Kenya.
Design/methodology/approach – The subject scope is on maintaining sustainable events within
local communities with an aim of improving the local economy.
Findings – Results suggest that although festivals may have the potential to provide opportunities for
sustainable local economic development, such opportunities frequently remain unexploited. For these
reasons, festivals’ engagement with tourism forces in Lamu need to be carefully managed, both in the
interests of sustaining festivals and of promoting sustainable approaches to tourism development.
Practical implications – In addition to their cultural and social values, cultural festivals have
emerged as an instrument for tourism development, tourism seasonality expansion, city image
improvement and boosting regional economies. Therefore, the implications will be to invest in festivals
development and community engagement and present the tourist with authentic experiences.
Originality/value – This article is valuable to policy makers as not enough research has been done
on the importance of this festival and the need to provide a significant role to the local people in Lamu
in communicating their identity, history and cultural practices.
Keywords Events, Festival, Kenya, Lamu, Sustainability, Tourism, Sustainable development
Paper type Research paper

Introduction
Festival tourism was termed “an emerging giant” over ten years ago (Getz and Frisby, 1988,
p. 22), but even now there appears to be a relatively small and disparate literature on the
subject. Most frequently used as a “catch all” term to include special event tourism and
festivals of any size or organisational persuasion, festival tourism makes a complex topic of
study that has been tackled from a variety of perspectives. Broadly speaking, these may be
grouped into four areas of interest: sociological (Manning, 1983; Tomlinson, 1986;
Van Esterik, 1982; Wilson and Udall, 1982), leisure participation (Getz, 1988; MacCannell,
1976; Pearce, 1982), community development (Getz and Frisby, 1988; Janniskee and Drews,
1998) and from a tourism industry perspective (Mitchell and Wall, 1986; Mules, 1998; Mules
and McDonald, 1994; Ritchie and Beliveau, 1974; Smith and Jenner, 1998; Syme et al., 1989).
This literature suggests that the critical advantages of festival tourism to localities are Worldwide Hospitality and Tourism
based around opportunities for community development and environmental enhancement, Themes
Vol. 3 No. 3, 2011
in addition to the more obvious benefit of income generation (O’Sullivan and Jackson, 2002). pp. 193-202
The number of festivals and events being staged continues to increase in both rural and q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1755-4217
urban areas from a global to a local scale. Associated current issues, such as visitor DOI 10.1108/17554211111142158
WHATT numbers and perceived economic and social benefits and impacts, continue to receive
3,3 discussion both in the public and academic domains. Many festivals have now become
annual or bi-annual occurrences. With the increased frequency in staging of festivals,
competition between various festivals is significant. However, of interest to this paper is the
resultant role of the festivals noted by many event managers. While the nature, size and
formality of management practices for staging of events is receiving increased attention
194 from researchers, the issue of increasing competition between festivals also requires
research (Getz, 1997; Higham and Ritchie, 2001; Shanka and Taylor, 2004). This highlights
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the need for relevant information for both strategic and operational event planning and
management (Getz, 1997; Goldblatt, 1997; Hall and Macionis, 1998; Nicholson and Pearce,
2000). There are many reasons for the growth in the events sector. The changing structure
of family units to smaller family sizes appears to have had an ensuing effect on the scope
and nature of events. Formerly, many “events” were organised at a family (extended) unit
level comprising a set number of group members at festive or celebratory times.
This has changed to organising events at a community or macro level of unlimited
number of events for any given reason, comprising any number of unrelated groups of
people. This ability to attract a range of visitors from areas other than the local area and
attract vast numbers of visitors has led to a change in how events are viewed by various
stakeholders. Governments and businesses, as well as residents and festival organisers,
now perceive festivals as a boon to local economies, often seeking to maximise economic
impacts by attracting as many visitors as possible (Delamere, 2001; Shanka and Taylor,
2004). It is important for festival visitor research not only to examine visitor motivational
factors, but also to investigate visitor evaluation of the festival characteristics, these
results being linked to repeat festival visitation (Nicholson and Pearce, 2000; Schneider
and Backman, 1996). Research should also investigate the reasons for attending festivals
and the evaluation of nominated characteristics to examine first timers’ and repeat
visitors’ perception of success in the staging of the festival.
Undoubtedly, and increasingly, there is a very strong association between festivals and
tourism. Abundant evidence is now available to show that countless festivals are marketed
as tourist attractions and draw definable tourist flows (Quinn, 2006; Getz, 1991; Goldblatt
and Supovitz, 1999; Hall, 1992; O’Sullivan and Jackson, 2002; Yu and Turco, 2000). By
extension, a key principle underpinning the development of festivals for tourism purposes
must be to consolidate and enhance the role that festival practices play in sustaining
communities (Quinn, 2006). While few researchers have explored these issues, Klaic (2004)
argues that the danger facing festivals striving to develop international dimensions, in
terms of programmes, directors, audiences, repute, etc. is that they risk neglecting their
local resources and cultural needs in the process. In similar vein, Landry et al. (1996) argue
that when a festival focuses on external audiences, it can result in limiting the ability of
artists to question, challenge and criticise. If this happens, festivals lose their “celebratory
energy and capacity to involve” elements of the local community (Quinn, 2006, p. 34).

Cultural festival events marketing


Over time, the ties between culture and tourism have grown stronger. As stated by
Myerscough (1998, p. 80), “The arts create attractions for tourism and tourism supplies
extra audiences for the arts”. However, defined, cultural tourism is applied to tourists
regardless of motivation or interest in culture (Hughes, 2002; Rivera et al., 2008). Several
authors have provided different definitions of cultural tourism. McDougall (1998) classified
cultural tourism as “trips which include participation in any of the cultural activities or Sustainable
visits to any cultural sites”. Foo (1999) describes a cultural tourist as “an inbound visitor festival events
who attends at least one of the cultural attractions during his or her stay”, while Richards
(1996) stipulates that cultural tourists gather new information and experiences to satisfy tourism
their cultural needs. Cultural tourism also deals with tourists who take part in cultural
activities while away from home, and whose purpose is to discover heritage sites and
cultural monuments in the course of their travels. These activities can include attending a 195
performing arts event, visiting historical sites, monuments and museums, joining
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educational tours and participating in cultural or religious festivals. Hence, for the purposes
of this paper, festival attendees are considered “cultural-core” tourists.
According to Hughes (2002), these people travel to a destination primarily to see or
experience a particular aspect of the culture (Rivera et al., 2008). Place marketing is a
strategy of managing resources for the rehabilitation of cities, as well as a type of civic
boosterism (Loftman and Nevil, 1996) that uses culture as a tool of economic growth. A city’s
image is critical in providing an environment attractive to highly skilled workers and such
newly arising industries as those in the areas of advanced technology and culture
(Sandercock and Dovey, 2002; Sassen, 1994). The deliberate efforts of place-marketing
strategy ironically standardize the image of cities and in many cases induce citizens’
resistance (Neill, 1999; Sadler, 1993; Woodward, 1993). Formulating a standardized
imitative image of the city brings about conflicts between the government and residents
who wish their cities’ images to reflect their own culture and history. Increases in the
numbers and spending of sightseeing travelers and the cultural turn of economics
throughout the world have stimulated old manufacturing cities to shift their main industries
to tourism and cultural festivals (Holcomb, 1993, 1994; Scott, 1997; Urry, 1995; Zukin, 1995).
A cultural festival in particular plays three significant roles in place marketing.
First, a festival encourages existing residents to continue to live in the city by
promoting local patriotism (Goodwin, 1993; Philo and Kearns, 1993). Second, a festival is
itself an advantageous business. Third, a festival can reshape or change the image of a
city in accordance with the city-boosterism model (Griffiths, 1995). In this third role, a
cultural festival, with a visible performance or exhibition, is a good opportunity to
escalate the value of the city.

Sustainability: festivals, tourism and local economic development


Festivals, perhaps inevitably, engage in tourism processes. From a tourism perspective,
festivals create “product”, enliven a destination and promise a glimpse into the authentic
culture of a place. From a festival perspective, visitor audiences create new forms of demand,
sources of box office income and a means of heightening their repute. The relationship
between the two, however, is far from simple, and the triangular equilibrium inherent in
definitions of sustainability, in this case the local population, the visiting population and the
socially valid practice of festivity, is difficult to achieve. The difficulty stems from the fact
that while festivals have an overt outward orientation and premise their very existence on
interaction and the exchange of flows (of people, information, ideas, money, cultural
expressions, etc.) they simultaneously constitute arenas within which local knowledge, local
ways of living and local creative expressions are reproduced. Enabling the latter to flourish
without being overwhelmed by the former is a challenge (Quinn, 2006).
Though economic impact studies continue to suggest that festival tourism can benefit
local tourism-related businesses (Yu and Turco, 2000), income generation alone
WHATT is not enough. If festival tourism is to contribute to sustainable localities, it is reasonable
3,3 to suggest that a spread of benefits for residents and business should be sought. For
communities living on marginal incomes, being able to pay for a college education is “too
significant to be ignored” (Janniskee and Drews, 1998, p. 168; O’Sullivan and Jackson,
2002). From another perspective, this “challenge” is in fact, a festival’s life force. Festivals
have always absorbed and adapted to outside influences (Green, 2002). Their survival
196 and reproduction has depended on the ability to create links between endogenous
resources and exogenous forces (Quinn, 2005). Nevertheless, promoting sustainable
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approaches to ensure the continuing social, cultural and economic well-being of human
communities (Richards and Hall, 2000) remains an unresolved issue.
Arguably, despite the variety, three distinct approaches to local economic
development can still be identified: “conventional economic development”,
“community economic development” and “sustainable economic development”
(Bingham and Mier, 1993; O’Sullivan and Jackson, 2002). The conventional approach
emphasises policies which operate within the formal economy through such measures as
inward investment and promotion, the building and management of industrial
workspaces, assisting new sectors of growth and supporting training schemes (Blakely,
1989). Community economic development focuses on the interface between the informal
and formal economies and promotes the “well-being” of the community it serves. The
latter approach can be either complementary to the conventional approach or an
alternative to it. “More sustainable” forms of local economic development involve
consideration of the “longer term” and “inter-generational equity”. Notions of “carrying
capacity” and “balance” (social, economic and environmental) are common, fostering
participation and community ownership of initiatives (Richards and Hall, 2000;
Warburton, 1998). These acknowledge the need for a shift in the way localities operate
and imply a need for changes in lifestyles. Sustainable local economic development is
not, as yet, a checklist of activities or policies to be “ticked off” when achieved, but the
work is ongoing. An example would be the attempts being made to develop frameworks
which allow local authorities or other responsible bodies to audit and review their
progress towards the implementation of sustainable tourism (Bruce et al., 2001).

Using festivals as a tourism strategy


Local festivals are increasingly being used as instruments for promoting tourism and
boosting the regional economy. This is often reflected in the level of public assistance
made available to them. The use of local festivals as an instrument for tourism
development has gained worldwide momentum in recent years. While in some instances
time-honoured existing local cultural or religious events have been revived or repackaged
as tourism events, in other cases new festivals have been invented and promoted for the
singular purpose of drawing new visitors to a city or region. The most obvious reasons for
the popularity of the local festival as a tourism promotion tool are that:
.
Festivals increase the demand for local tourism (Smith and Jenner, 1998).
.
Successful festivals can help recreate the image of a place or contribute toward the
exposure of a location trying to get on the tourism map (Felsenstein and Fleischer,
2003; Kotler et al., 1993).

When assessing the effect of the festival as a tourism or economic development tool,
the standard approach is to invoke some form of impact analysis. In most instances,
this involves estimating an aggregate measure of income and employment change Sustainable
attributable to the festival. festival events
Invariably, the results are favourable and are then used to bolster the demand for
public support for the festival. However, in many cases, the analysis ends prematurely tourism
with the estimation of local multiplier effects but without progressing one stage further
and illustrating how these translate into local economic growth (Gazel and Schwer, 1997;
Kim et al., 1998; Long and Perdue, 1990). A large local, expenditure driven, multiplier 197
generated by a festival is not, in itself, a sufficient indicator of local gain. It says little
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about the costs involved in producing an event, the distribution of the local gains to local
people, or how much better off the local area would have been in the absence of the
festival. In addition, many festivals only exist because of generous public funding
(Felsenstein and Fleischer, 2003; Getz, 1997; Heilbron and Gray, 1993; Smith and Jenner,
1998). The important link between public assistance and its transformation into local
income change is therefore absent in many studies. Promoting the festival as a tourist
attraction usually means public sector assistance. This is a somewhat contentious issue
made all the more opaque by the difficulty of estimating the extent of the festival’s
contribution to local economic growth. On one hand, issues of equity and distribution
seem to suggest that public support should not go to festivals catering to culturally elite
tastes (such as chamber music and alternative theatre).

Case study: Lamu Old Town


In the early 1970s, Lamu acquired a reputation as the Kathmandu of Africa – a place of
fantasy and other worldliness wrapped in a cloak of medieval romance. Both
Kathmandu and Lamu were remote, unique and fascinating self-contained societies
which had somehow escaped the depredation of the twentieth century with their culture,
centuries-led way of life and their architecture intact (Hoyle, 2001). Though Kathmandu
is now overrun with well-wheeled tourists, Lamu remains much the same as it has
always been – to a degree. With an almost exclusively Muslim population, it is Kenya’s
oldest living town and has changed little in appearance and character over the centuries.
There are probably more dhows (an Arab ship with one large sail in the shape of a
triangle) to be seen here than anywhere else along the East African coast and local
festivals still take place.
The waterfront promenade has been partly paved, and both the town entrance (lango
la mui ) and the town square in front of the fort (mkunguni ) were improved in the late
1980s, substantially reducing congestion and enhancing the quality of the urban
environment. Subsequent achievements have included the rehabilitation of several
buildings and open spaces. There are today more foreign visitors, attracted by the
town’s character and reputation. Apart from a few government land rovers, there are
almost no motor vehicles; transport on land is by donkey (for goods and passengers) or
by traditional two-wheeled “hamali” handcarts (mikokoteni ) essential for goods
transport between the waterfront and the commercial storage and sales premises of
the town. For many port – waterfront zones in the developing world, improvement of the
quality of urban and urban life is a necessary intermediate step towards the
restructuring of local economies towards services and notably towards heritage tourism
(Hoyle, 2001). As an historic port city experiencing continuing tourism development,
Lamu contributes a component to the global mosaic and helps to lace all other port cities
in perspective.
WHATT Community participation in festival tourism management
3,3 Every year, Lamu holds a cultural festival event which results in at least 80 per cent of
the community participating in the festivals. The three-day festival showcases
traditional dances (ngomas), historical masterpieces, which have been an important
expression of neighbourhood rivalries. Besides competitive ngomas, deep-seated
animosity among Lamu residents in the past was settled through competitions on water
198 and land. The festivals also encourage Kiswahili poetry competitions, donkey races,
dhow races, as well as displays of traditional handicraft, henna painting, Swahili bridal
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ceremony and a Swahili food bazaar. The festival offers a modern sample of these
time-honoured traditions against a rich backdrop of the beauty and splendour of the
Lamu archipelago.

Socio-economic benefits of festival tourism


Viewed as a socio-cultural process, festival tourism has the power to bring together
people of such diverse backgrounds. It is the sure way to reinforce the reality of global
villagisation as tourist intersects areas of cultural differences. The social changes,
resulting from the interactions between the tourists and the host community, influence
employment and income. This article found that individuals in the community have
played important roles in festival tourism management. There was evidence of
employment opportunities and cultural identity increasing as a result of the annual
festivals to Lamu. Since tourists look for and appreciate local and authentic traditional
style carvings, so many community members sold their curios during festival days.
About 80 per cent of the community members receive some remuneration from occasional
sale of handicraft and curio sales. More than 70 per cent of the residents are employed on a
casual or part-time basis in a tourism-related activity. Community awareness of festival
tourism potential and its subsequent development share similarities with tourism
planning. For example, a community may become cognizant of its present situation and
its possibilities for tourism. Consequently, interested residents and leaders may prepare
for the festival tourism due to this state of awareness. This is assuming that favourable
conditions exist including accessibility, basic services, competitive prices, marketing
strategy and financial resources. Overall, there is a greater perception of direct economic
benefits from festival tourism in Lamu.

Conclusion
The degree to which the festival organisation animated local involvement is matched by
the extent to which it fosters a deep sense of pride among the local population. Over
80 per cent of the locals agreed that the festival increased their sense of pride in the town.
Furthermore, it is clear that visiting audiences are welcomed so that they generate tourism
business for the town. From a local perspective, the festival puts Lamu on the map. The
kind of employment and degree of influence within the local tourism scenario is as
important as the distribution of economic benefits. Social benefits encompass positive
perceptions and attitudes towards the local tourism industry, as well as changes in
traditional lifestyles. Nevertheless, it was found that integration elements – awareness
raising and equitable sharing of benefits – may be congenitally easier to achieve in
communities characterized by a long tradition of solidarity. This paper demonstrates that
influential local and often non-local dominant interest groups may circumvent overall
community needs or wishes, but at the same time provides the semblance of consensual
decision making. Perceptions and possibly conflicting views of members of the Sustainable
community may be largely ignored or sacrificed for the sake of unanimity, whereas overt festival events
conflict can bring out legitimate differences and opportunities for resolution.
Likewise, facilitating input decision making by marginalized community members tourism
such as women may be difficult yet critical to attain, especially if equitable sharing of
power and other benefits are desired. In the final analysis, it is critical that community
residents be included in all tourism development stages, as well as management should 199
be encouraged whenever possible.
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Future research could further explore whether the impact of the festivals from visitor
perspective and visitor expenditures during the festivals, as well as relationship
between the communities and the destination management aspects. Moreover, future
research should explore the concept of “cultural distance” or “heritage proximity”
(Uriely et al., 2002; Poria et al., 2006) as a factor relevant in the perception of historic
settings. Such research would provide data on the proportion of the community in Lamu
who own, manage and work in different categories of tourism enterprises, as well as
reveal the constraints of the community participation in tourism by conducting more
in-depth interviews. Policy makers must move quickly and prepare creative plans which
will provide a significant role to the local people and assure that tourism’s multiplier
effect trickle down sufficiently to the locals.

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Further reading
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Kenya, African Studies Centre Research Series, Ashgate, Aldershot.

Corresponding author
Roselyne N. Okech can be contacted at: Rnokech@gmail.com

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