Center For Latin American and Caribbean Studies, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor
SUBALTERNITY AND THE ARTICULATION OF CULTURE IN THE BOLIVIAN ANDES

Author(s): Javier Sanjinés C.
Source: Dispositio, Vol. 19, No. 46, Subaltern studies in the Americas (1994), pp. 147-164
Published by: Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor
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Dispositio/nXIX.46 (1994) : 147-163
©Department ofMichigan
ofRomanceLanguages,University
SUBALTERN1TY AND THE ARTICULATION OF CULTURE

IN THE BOLIVIAN ANDES*
Javier Sanjinés С.
Duke in the Andes
Readingthemorningpaperis a kindof realisticmorningprayer.

G. W. F. Hegel
Beyondthedescriptionof a model of realityto whichwe shouldadhere

as theultimatearbiteroftruth, thisessayis an interpretive inquiryofcontemporary
Bolivian culturalmovements,an explorationthatis groundedin how people
understand themselvesas practitioners oftheirownworld. Some ofthequestions
thatframethisundertaking include:How, forinstance,do patronfestivalsamount
to anythingpolitically?How are we to studytalkshowsand other"alternative"
meaningsproducedat themicrolevel of everydaylifeby subalterngroups,as
well as theirrelationto politics? Is itpossibleto studyformality and informality
relyingsolely on existing models of In
economicdevelopment? otherwords,
thisessay studiessomeofthepopularpracticesofcontemporary Bolivia through
an articulatory logic thatplaces the rise of new actors within their struggleto
attainsocial and politicalsignification.
In the organizationof the essay, I begin by consideringpeople's radio
and talkshows. My intention hereis to discusstheirrelevanceas transmitters of
the communalvalues of the indigenouscountrysidewithinthe hierarchical
*For critical ofearlier I wouldliketothank
drafts LuisH. Antezana,
helpful readings
Patricia
Seed,andMarciaStephenson. I wouldalsoliketothank JoséRabasa,JoséMaría
Naharro-Calderón,andGonzaloandCarmiña Molinafortheir intellectual
support.
148 JAVIERSANJINESС.
structures of thecity. Summoningthedispossessedand themarginalsectorsof

urbansociety,peasant broadcastingand talk shows are not only exercises of
morning meditation butalso formsofcommunication thathave important political
functions.In thissense,theyoffernew insightson theredefinition ofdemocracy.
It is precisely at the level of redefinitionsthat I later explore the crisis of
development as thestrategicdiscourseofmodernity. Ignoringthecomplementary
natureoftheformalandtheinformalsectorsof society,theoriesof development
and underdevelopmenttook the notion of salary to be axiomatic to the
reproduction of labor. New populationmovementsindicatethatthenarratives
of economicdevelopmentforgototherformsof thereproduction of capitalism
thathave littlein commonwiththewaylaboris reproducedinthemodernsectors
of the economy. It is crucialthatdevelopmentand its crisis not be seen here
solelyinpoliticaland economicterms.Indeed,itsfundamental culturalcharacter
and to
has to be recognized subjected analysis. The vast landscapeof identities-
urbanmarginalizedpeoples, the the
dispossessed, informal, and so -
forth were
includedbythesenarratives of developmentamongthemanyabnormalities that
developmentwould treatand reform throughappropriate "interventions." To
correctthisview of urbanidentities, go I on to study -
festivals particularlythe
-
patron festival of "Our Lord of Great Power" as the most important
manifestation of theverymultiplicity thatdevelopmentwantedto eradicate. It
is through festivalsthatthemarginalandtherisingbourgeoisiemeetand become
social actorsin theirown right. Finally,thisessay concludeswithan example
fromcontemporary literatureto discussin greaterdepththearticulatory process
of themarginaland the integrated, therationaland the irrational, the"centric"
and the"eccentric."
Aftertravelling tothecityfromthecountryside, thefirstjob thata migrant
peasantwoman findsis to serve in a householdof themiddle-class. The new
environmentis different, in factalien to the one she leaves behind. Indeed,
this woman must adjust to new patternsof behavior; her knowledge of the
Spanish language is generallyso minimalthatshe has troublecommunicating
withherfemaleemployer. Hired "cama adentro"(she is providedwithroom
and board),thisparvenuemustlearnto use bathrooms,answertelephonecalls,
buy newspapers, and cook meals that she has never sampled before.
Marginalizedfromthefamilyaffairs,thewomanturnsto a morningritualas a
way to starttheday: she tunesherradioreceiverto thebroadcastthatgives her
back herlanguageand hercommunity values.
If morningpapers are typesof realisticmorningprayersfor"modern"
individuals,as Hegel's aphorismsuggests,thisremarkcan also be applied to
"pre-modern" ruralmigrants.Indeed,forthemigrant peasantwomanI described
above, the early morningAymaraprograms are a public rite of hospitality.
Carefullyprepared,theyreproducea model humanityof thatclearlyoriginates
withinrural communities: affective warmth, close-knit kinship,egalitarian
tendencies. As could be expected,theseelements,opposed to the fragmented
SUBALTERNITY AND THE ARTICULATIONOF CULTURE 149
hierarchiesof urbanstructure, attractthose who need to confrontday-to-day

urbanobligations.
Talk shows,on theotherhand,arenotonlyexercisesofmeditation.They
can also constitutea call to actionby steppingoutsideestablishedinstitutional
mechanismsand by questioningtherolethattraditional politicsplaysin society.
The example of the servant woman can help illustratethisotheraspect of talk
shows.
At noon,afterhavingworkedthewholemorning, thewomanagain tunes
herradio,thistimeto listento "compadre"Palenque and "comadre"Mónica in
theirpopularprogram"La tribunalibredel pueblo" ["The freetribunalof the
people"]. She thus participateswith other subalternsin theirworries and
necessities. The popularsectorsof urbansocietyempathizewith"La tribuna
libredel pueblo" because it reflectstheirown conditionsof existence. If, for
example,theservantwomanis beingmaltreated, or ifshe has notbeen paid, she
can go to the talk show and requestthat"concrete"justice be grantedto her.
The nameof thepersonforwhomshe worksis revealedto theentirepopulation
and "compadre" Palenque admonishesthe transgressorto fulfillhis or her
obligationsbeforeany legal actionis taken. Thusthemigrantpeasantfindsher
way of circumventing thecourtswhere,otherwise,herdirectcomplaintwould
have been lostor nevermet.
How did people's radioand talkshowsacquiresuch social signification?
Interwoven withthefabricofsocietyandcrucialtothedominant powerstructures,
social communicationhas played a key role in the preservationof the "status
quo" and,thus,in inhibiting theevolutiontowardsa realdemocracy.Luis Ramiro
Beltrán,thewell-knownBolivian developmentcommunication specialistlinked
to the CenterforCommunicationProgramsof the JohnsHopkins University,
indicatesthatmassmediado notfullyreachthemassesbecause ofhighlevels of
povertyand illiteracy,especially in the rural areas. Therefore,with some
variation,themediamostlyseekto reachthewell-to-dosegmentsofurbansociety.
Radio is theexception.Indeed,byabouttheendofthe'40s radiocommunicators
startedbuildingmedia formatsthatwould give the forgotten people access to
and participationin mass communication(Beltrán 1993, 45-47; Beltrán and
Reyes 1992).
Bolivia's experiencewithpeople's radiocorrespondsto fourformats that
span some forty-fiveyears, thus establishing this country as theprecursor of the
region in thepractice of what, since the '70s, is called "popular," "alternative,"
"participatory," "dialogic" and otherwisedemocraticcommunication. From
oldestto youngest,theformatsare: miningworkers'radio;Catholiceducational
radio; peasantbroadcaststhroughcommercialstations;and peasantunion and
communityradio. The fourco-existtoday and are examples of how practice
precededthetheoryof communications by twenty-five yearsor so.
Miningworkers'radiostartedbythemiddleofthe'40s intheheartofthe
tinproducingdistrictsofthecountry.A unionofminingworkersestablishedin
one of the districtsa small radio stationin 1952 and, withina decade, some
twenty-five moreunionsdid likewiseelsewhere.The stationsbecame powerful
tools in the workers'strugglefora decentexistencein a democraticsociety.
Althoughsimpleand small,theseradio stationsbecame veryinfluentialsocial
institutions.The minersthemselvesbecame broadcastersand theirmannerof
workingprovedby itselfto be democratic.Theyaskedthepeople's preferences
to buildtheirprogramming, and demandedsincerereactionsto them. Covering
union meetings and organized public debates, these broadcasts took the
microphonesintothedepthsoftheminesand werealso presentat marketplaces,
churchesand sportfields,invitingpeople to speak up as theypleased. But the
mainuse ofthis"openmicrophone" practice,especiallyintimesofsocial struggle,
was to bringabouta sense of consciousness,solidarity,and unity.Thus,along
withstrikes,broadcastsbecame theworkers'mosteffectiveweapon. Because
ofthis,miningworkers'radiostationswereto be,alongtheyears,rudelyrepressed
by militaryauthoritarianism.
Coincident in time was the gradual establishmentof field stations
sponsoredbytheCatholicChurch.These stationsevolvedto coverthemultiple
needs ofpeople who struggledto achieveruraldevelopment, a processthatwent
hand in handwithsocial justice and culturalautonomy. The fieldstationswere
the of
successfulbecause theyfostered participation peasantsbycommunicating
in their own languages. The movement was consolidated through the
establishment ofERBOL,a cooperativenetworkofgreatsuccess. Withseventeen
affiliatesand twenty-five years of experience,ERBOL is the largestand most
complexorganizationof itskindin theAndeanregion.
Earlyin the'50s peasantstookyetanotherroadto securetheiruntilthen
neglectedcommunication rights:peasantbroadcaststhrough commercialstations.
Known littleand researchedless, peasant broadcastingis a formatin which
communicators do not own or runthe stations - urbanand commercialforthe
-
mostpart buthave gainedaccess to themat theearliesthoursoftheday,when
Aymaraslike the migrantservantdescribedearlierlistenwhile city dwellers
continueto sleep.
Peasant communicators rentthis"dead time" fromthe stationowners,
using it eitheron a profit-sharing basis with them or by being paid to do
programming thattargetstheAymara-speaking audienceinthemarginalsuburbs
of La Paz and the outlying rural areas. The main objective is to create
communicationties between the Aymaras living in the city and theirrural
communitiesof origin.
This audienceis notsmallat all, at theveryleastone millionpeople, in a
countrywitha totalpopulationof sevenmillion. Halfof themare locatedin La
Paz and in itssatellitecityof El Alto. The otherhalfis in thefieldareas of the
northwestern regionof La Paz, whichincludesthehugeLake Titicaca at twelve
thousandfeetandtheborderswithPerú. La Paz has someeighthundredthousand
inhabitants,of whicha thirdare Aymaramigrants, and theneighboringEl Alto
SUBALTERNITY AND THE ARTICULATIONOF CULTURE 15 1
countson aroundfourhundredthousandpeople, of whicheasily two thirdsare

also such migrants.Togethertheyconstitutea strongsubalternculturein the
country'smain urban centerand seat of government.The growingpolitical
importanceof thiscommunity is considerable,becomingmostevidentin times
of elections. Carlos Palenque understoodthisrealitylong ago.
Back in theearly'60s, Palenquestartedhis careerin communication as a
singer in the well known group, "Los caminantes." He latercreatedhis own
radiomusicshow,"La horadel chairo." At thebeginningof the'70s, Palenque
was affectionately named"el compadre"by migrantsand thedispossessed. He
thussetthefoundationfora new formofpoliticalactionthatincludeda woman,
RemediosLoza, now a senator,in his program"El hipershow." He proceeded
to buy television and radio networksto consolidate his "Radio Televisión
Popular." "La tribunalibredel pueblo" was bornwithinthisnetworksystem,
and rapidlybecame an "alternative"institutionof importantmicro-political
significance.Indeed,whenthistalkshowwas closed,in 1988,bystateauthorities
because Palenque had intervieweda drugtrafficker, the popular protestwas
overwhelming.Withpopularbacking,Palenque nextmoved swiftlyto create
his own political party: Conciencia de Patria (Awareness of Fatherland).
CONDEPAnow plays a keyrole in nationalpoliticsusingmicro-political tactics
thathave been extremely successful - Carlos Palenquewas electedthemayorof
thecityof La Paz in the '80s, a positionhis wife,"comadre"Mónica, currently
holds.
"La tribunalibre del pueblo" is a good example of how politics has
acquired the natureof a spectacle. By means of a formof communication
increasingly based on emotionally chargedimages,"el compadre"fillsthevacuum
thattradeunionsand politicalpartiesleftovertheyears. Palenque consciously
places radioand televisiontalkshowsas newlycreatedmediatory publicspheres
between state and civil society. Althoughthe immediatepurpose is well
intentioned - thepublicdemandthatjustice be done forthosesectorsof society
thatotherwisewould remainunrepresented - the underlyingaim of securing
politicalpowerdistortstheoriginalintent.
By reinforcing communalvaluesinthemarginalsectorsofurbansociety,
Palenque uses the family as themetaphorforsociety. Withthismetaphor,"el
compadre" wishes to decolonize the seigneurialorder. The metaphorof the
familyalso functionsas a rite. Since the audience is presumablycoached, the
host's personalityis dominantand determinesa well-definedstructureof
authority.The show is therefore ideologicallychargedbecause Palenque is not
interested in a balance ofviewpoints.In thissense,histalkshowis notcognitive
buttherapeutic, withtheorchestration moreinconsequential thanargumentative.
Palenque,"el compadre,"is followedby his wife,"la comadre"Mónica,
who notonlyshareshis mission,buthas functions ofherown: she helpsinterpret
thenecessitiesofthelowerstrataofsocietyand is alwaysnextto "el compadre."
She also adds an important elementof symbolicpowerto theeventsof thetalk
showbecause together, Palenque and "la comadre"Mónica reflectthemale and

female complementarinessof the rural areas, where couples, ratherthan
individuals,mustfilltheritualpostsof authority.
If "la comadre"Mónica represents thematernalside of themetaphor,the
talk show has another"comadre," Remedios Loza, the typical "chola" who
embodies the vigorous risingbourgeoisie (I will touch on this topic in the
discussionof festivals).A senatorof theRepublic,"la comadre"Remediosis a
powerfulfigurewho represents how farthenew social actorscan go. Finally,
"el compadre"Paco represents thelowerstrataofthemiddle-classand hisjob is
to connectthetalkshow to thatsocial group.
The womenin Palenque's talkshowplaya significant role:theyrepresent
thepowerful"cholas,"femalevendorswhomaintaina progression oftiesbetween
theruralcommunitiesand theurbanspaces of themarketplace.Thus theyare
crucial in stagingthe talk show thatCONDEPA and Palenque have been so
successfulin usingto attainpoliticaland social power.
Situatedat the micro-politicallevel, talk shows are one example of the
profusionofdiscursivemeaningsthatneedto be articulatedbysubalterngroups.
This profusionof meaningsmay offendthe puristwho may wantto preserve
faithin the incorruptibility
of modernreason and its correspondingdiscourse
of universais. Nevertheless,talk shows and othermeans of articulatingthe
formaland informalsectorsof societyconstitutea collectionof practicesthat
have, forbetteror forworse,refusedany such process of distillation. These
practiceshave nothingin commonwiththediscourseof universaisestablished
by modernity,nor are theyfoundedon or maintainedby an analysis of the
that
universalityof social functionssuch as specificsocial classes, particularly
of the proletariat. Lacking a teleological "idea" of History, talk shows
demonstratethattermsdo notnecessarilydefinemeanings(I will discuss this
when touching on the complementarynature of the terms "formal" and
"informal" in the reproductionof labor), and that these meanings can be
appropriatedand redefinedfordifferent purposes,different contexts,and,most
importantly, causes. In fact,thispoliticsof appropriation
fordifferent is crucial
to groupson thesocial marginwho have preferred to struggleforrecognition
and legitimacyon established"metropolitan"politicalgroundsratherthanrun
the risk of segregationby insistingon the "authenticity"of theirgroup and
ethnicidentities. Like "La tribunalibre del pueblo," talk shows proveto be
flexible and effectivetools of analysis when exploringhow new social and
politicalmovementsnegotiatethe"alternative"meaningsproducedby subaltern
groups at the micro-levelof daily life, as well as theirrelationto politics.
Moreover,theymake it possible to studysocial movementswithoutrelyingon
traditionalmodelsof politicalpractice.
Most models of social productionhave focusedon themacroaspectsof
theseprocesses,particularly on the structures and mechanismsof domination.
New research,however,has begunto giveattention totheotherside ofthecoin-
namely,thesubaltern - notas a massivedatum- "themasses"- butas a reality

characterizedby complex,fluid,and heterogeneous elementsand processes. As
ArturoEscóbar indicates,a typeof micro-sociology and ethnography of popular
resistanceis emerging.The workof Michelde Certeauis quiteimportant in this
regard (Escóbar 1992, 62-85). If domination goes on through"strategies"
(economic,political,cultural,and institutional) thatorganizetheworldin ways
thatlead to the colonizationof the public sphere,the marginalof society(all
thosewho have to existwithinthestructures of domination)are nevertheless not
merelypassivereceivers of theseconditions. As usersand of
producers meaning,
subalternseffecttransformations of thedominantforms,as well as createnew
configurations thatgive added significanceto theirown interests.
If strategiesof dominationstructure the world into "grandrécits"that
dominantinstitutions can understandand control,popularproductionoperates
through"tactics,""petitehistoires"intherealmof everydaylife. Strategiesand
tacticsare twodifferent waysof knowing,of practicinglifeand organizingboth
publicandprivatesocial spheres.Strategiesseekto disciplineandmanagepeople
and institutions;tacticsconstitutean "artofarticulation" thatmanipulatesimposed
knowledgeto createnew symbolsat propitiousmoments.True"weapons of the
weak," tacticsintroducea certainplay intothesystemof power(Escóbar 1992,
74-75).
I will now discuss how certain tactics problematize the clear-cut
distinctions betweenthe"formal"andthe"informal"sectorsof society. Starting
with some general remarkson development as the strategicdiscourse of
modernity, I will thenfocus my analysison the reducedeffectthatsalaryhas
nowadayson thereproduction of labor.
To analyze developmentas a culturaland economicdiscourseis also to
locate it in the soil and space of modernity. Built on the consolidationof
capitalism and the arrival of the democraticrevolution,the boundaries of
modernityare markedby the birthof modernreason and rationality.In this
way, modernitycan be seen as an attemptto providea foundationforsociety
thatis groundedin reason,theeconomy,and a projectof global emancipation.
Whatis at stakewith"development"is preciselythecompletionof themodern
project,the transformation of ThirdWorld entitiesthatare allegedly not yet
rationalintofullymodernmodes. Consequently,the crisis of developmentas
the strategicdiscourseof modernity is a strikingsign of its failurein the Third
World. In the Latin American case, and particularlyin its so-called least
developedareas,thedifferentiation ofeconomicandculturalmodesofproduction
and the segmentationof culturaland economic systemsproducea mixtureof
premodern, modern,and postmodernforms(see Escóbar 1992, 66-68).
LatinAmericanmodernity is therefore plural,contradictory, and uneven.
For George Yúdice, who has studiedthecomplexcharacterof Latin American
social andculturalformations (Yúdice 1992, 1-28), heterogeneity is nottheresult
of some postmodern simulation; rather, it is produced by the uneven
implementation of modernization.Even today,thereare culturalmatricesthat

are not of modernorigin(indigenousand African)and large groupsof people
who are separatedfromthedominantcircuitsof materialreproduction.Indeed,
in Latin America's project of developmentand modernization,culturaland
economicformsofdifferent temporaloriginscoexist,forming layersratherthan
stages. This simultaneity of time and forms, capturedbyartistsand
cultural best
writersthrough themythicmodeofmagicalrealism,indicatesthatLatinAmerica
is unique and quite different fromtheinstrumental rationality of theWest.
Heterogeneity and social polarization have reached unprecedented
proportionsin the era of development.The erosionof modernity is evidentin
everydaylife, in the concrete behavior of people, as well as in the disenchantment
withthe"grandrécits"ofthemodernproject(nation-building and development).
Moreover, the crisis of modernity has been intensified in Latin Americaby the
of
global restructuring capital. The response of the elite has been to advocate
the dismantlingof the state in the name of neoliberalismand its free-market
economicpolicies. This has exacerbatedthesocial fragmentation and has led to
theconformation of new social actorsthathave an unstablesituationwithinthe
existingmechanismsfor the productionof meanings,identities,and social
relations(see Escóbar 1992, 68).
Comingfromthemarginsandfromthefissuresofcapitalism,theinformal
are the new social actorswho take space away frommodernity.In so doing,
these informalactors may be offeringnew insightsfor the redefinitionof
democracyand development.As I indicatedat thebeginningofthispaper,these
groupscome togetherin talk shows, festivals,and othernationalarenas that
fostertheformation ofpublicspheresthatarequitedifferent fromthetraditional
domainsassociatedwiththestateandwithrepresentative democracy.ForGeorge
Yúdice, the narrativesor collective imaginaryconstructedto account for
informality are hardlyconsistentwiththe"grandrécits"of modernity (Yúdice
1992,2). Theyare in an obverse(perhapsperverse)relationwithmodernity and
capitalism. In this sense, Yúdice argues,the new narrativesare an irrational
outburstof theguidingrationality of modernity.
ThoughI agreewithYúdice's analysisof informality and itsnarratives(I
will returnto themin my discussionof literature and paintingas articulatory
processes of perversityand de-sublimation),I feel, nevertheless,thatwhen
observedin concretesituations, thedistinction Yúdice makesbetweenformality
and informality becomesless tenablebecause thisapparentsetof oppositesdoes
share in realitysome commonground. This complementariness, I argue,can
be
only seen at the micro-level, when studying the function that families play
withinthereproduction of labor(see Toranzo 1991a, 57-113).
The "grandrécits"of modernity createda dualisticexplanationof Latin
America, dividing the continent into "modern" and "traditional"societies.
Consequently, those groups thatparticipated in modern societies were named
"integrated," while those that dwelt in traditional societies were labeled
"marginal."The hiddenpurposebehindtheseartificialdivisionswas thebelief

in a certainteleologythattook all formsof capitalismto be homogeneousand
destinedto followtheparadigmaticmodelof themostdevelopednationsof the
Westernworld. Social scientistsof the timeplaced theirhopes in a fastand
steadytransition fromtradition to modernity, and frommarginality to integration.
Behindthisexpectationwas thecertitude thatLatinAmericawouldhomogenize
its social developmentand solve its imperfections. The marginal,describedby
Yúdice as theabnormalresultofunevendevelopment, mustnowbe reinterpreted.
Wheremarginality was seen as abnormal,irrational, and pathological,we must
now introducea correctivehypothesis:marginality is nottheabnormalresultof
unevendevelopment, but the normal consequence thereproduction
of of labor.
Followingthe"grandrécit"of developmentas thestrategicdiscourseof
modernity, the"escuela cepalina"(LatinAmerica'sEconomicCommission)took
salary,the fixedcompensationforservices,to be centralto the acquisitionof
goods and to the constitution of familybudgets. Taking forgrantedonly the
most advanced sectors of the economy where salary is axiomatic to the
reproduction of labor, CEPAL, as well as otherschools of Marxistformation,
wereblindedbytheirownuniversaisand failedto acknowledgethatthecomplex
and multiple nature of Latin American societies, particularly the non-
industrialized nationsthathad notreachedthelevelsof import-substitution, were
undergoingveryconcreteand peculiarpopulationmovementsthatdid notrely
on salaries in orderto assure the reproductionof theirfamilybudgets. The
narratives ofeconomicdevelopment hadobviouslyforgotten othermultipleforms
of the reproductionof capitalismthatbear littlein commonwiththe modern
sectorsof theeconomy.
A strikingaspect of contemporary Latin Americaneconomies, where
marginalityand informalityconformlarge and significantsectors of the
population,is thatfamiliesconstitutethe"locus" of thereproduction of labor.
Bolivia is illustrativeof the complementary natureof boththe formaland the
informal.Large sectorsoftheBolivianurbanpopulationsreproducethemselves
through activitiesthatplace theheadofthefamilyina legalestablishment, earning
a salary,whiletheothermembersmayverywell function as vendors,smugglers,
and participants of multipleothernon-legalactivities.Do we definethefamily
as formalor informal?In situationssimilarto thisone, thenotionof salarycan
no longerexplainthereproduction of labor. In itsabsence,we turntothefamily,
well awarethatitscomplexityincludesboththeformaland theinformalwithno
set of rules,boundaries,or definitions.It is also difficult to assumethatfamily
membersare creatingwell thoughtout"strategiesforsurvival"as exceptionalor
abnormaloutburstsof theguidingrationality of thatwhichis consideredto be
integrated, functional,and formal. On the contrary, familiesare creatingnew
tactics for the reproductionof labor thatarticulateboth the formaland the
informal, thelegal and theillegal.
Let me now explore other examples of this articulatoryprocess of

multiplicity wherethecomplementary natureofthemarginaland theintegrated,
theformaland theinformal, the"centric"and the"eccentric,"is also present.
To various degrees, it appears that all cultureshave some corporeal
processesthataredegraded.The ruralindigenousculturesoftheAndes,repressed
forcenturiesby the dominanturbansectorsof society,have always been the
uncomfortable "other,"undecidablyinside and outsidethe social body. They
are partof this non-rational"otherness"thathauntsthe urbansystemand its
order.Nevertheless,theseindigenousculturesgo farbeyondabjectionto create
a different, redemptiveand vivifyingformof the grotesquebecause of the
"jubilant" "ecstatic"wayinwhichmarginality
and invadesthecity.Thesenotions
of "otherness"and the grotesquemay seem ratherobscure here. I expect to
articulatethemas I progressively discussfestivalsand contemporary expressions
of Bolivian art.
Temporarilyundefined,the marginalgo beyond the normativesocial
structure.This liberatesthemfromurbanobligationsand places themin close
connectionwiththe non-socialor asocial powersof lifeand death. The "anti-
structural" natureof marginality appearsin specificfestivals,particularly in the
"Fiesta del GranPoder" (Festival of Our Lord Of GreatPower),withoutdoubt
themostimportant and complexrepresentation of thesenew sectorsin the city
of La Paz.
The "Fiesta del Señor del Gran Poder" began in 1922 as a symbolic
representation of one of the mostimportant popularquartersof La Paz. Well
known for its marketplaces,the quarterof Chi'ijini has gatheredthe best
embroiderers ofthecity.In itsinception, thefestivalwas promotedbya fraternity
named "FraternidadDiablada de Bordadores" (Fraternityof Devil Dancing
Embroiderers), thatperformed aroundtheneighborhood marketplaceor"tambo."
The festival was then a localized celebrationof the artisans
ofthispopularregion
ofLa Paz. In time,however,particularly duringthepasttwenty years,thefestival
has attainedgreaterpopular significance. It has grownbeyondthe limitsof
specificneighborhoodsand countiesto become thepatronfestivalof the city,
thusseizingpowerthroughritual.
Today,Chi'ijini and theborderingpopularquartersare the"center"of a
new citythatgives added significanceto the communalvalues of the Aymara
migrants, as well as to theeconomicinterests ofthepowerfullocal entrepreneurs
who control,amongotherthings,theruraland urbansystemsof transportation,
and the breweryof La Paz. (The "CerveceríaBoliviana Nacional" is virtually
ownedby Max Fernández,a businessmanand a politicaltycoon. Thoughnota
"paceño," Fernándezis an exampleof therising"cholo" bourgeoisie).
Well publicizedthroughthepeasantbroadcastingsystem,thefestivalis
carefullypreparedat the beginningof the year by prominentmembersof the
popularquarters.The euphoriaincreasesduringApril,and reachesitsapex right
beforethereligiousfestivity oftheHoly Trinity.It is noteworthy thatin thecult
of Our Lord of GreatPower,theoriginalimageshowedthreefaces,an old way

ofrepresenting theTrinity.The twolateralimages,laterprohibited bytheChurch
because theywere "horrendousand distorted,"portraying Satan and the devil,
areremembered bythecollectivememorynotas terrible orhorrendous, butrather
as "grotescasy jubilosas" (Xavier Albó and Matias Preiswerk1986).
Othersensorialdimensionsof this festivalare just as importantas the
religiousimage. Drinking(an averageofone millionbottlesofbeerareconsumed
duringthreedays of drinkingand dancing,representing an added value of six
hundredthousand dollars) and other expressions of "excess" also help our
understanding of this "jubilantgrotesque."Particularlyinteresting is thatthe
grotesqueis notperceivedas regressiveand alienating: on the contrary, it now
has deep connectionswiththe sociological notionof "ecstasy" (Berger 1990,
53). By ecstasy, sociology refersnot to some abnormal heighteningof
consciousnessin a mysticsense,butrather,quite literally, to theact of standing
or steppingoutofthetaken-for-granted routinesof society. In thepassage from
ruralto urbancultures,ecstasyis morelikelyto take place amonggroupsthat
are marginalto societythanamongthoseat itscenter.It is morelikelyto occur
in groupsthatare insecurein theirsocial position.
Appliedto thefestivalof "El GranPoder,"ecstasyindicatesthesituation
of themigrating peasantrythathas no definitivemacro-visionof society. What
is interesting aboutthemarginalis thattheyoftenlook to theirgroupof origin,
theso-called inferiorgroup,forcommunity values, and to themoreprestigious
group,the mestizoor "cholo" bourgeoisie,as theirreferencegroupforhigher
status. The "cholo" bourgeoisie,on theotherhand,reinforcesitssocial prestige
in the festivalsof "El Gran Poder" or "Virgen de Urcupifla"(Our Lady of
Urcupiña),throughkinshipstructures and "compadrazgo."In thisway,thenew
bourgeoisie gives the migrating peasantry, the pauperizedurbanmiddle-class,
and the informalsectorsof the economya triumphant image of success- an
image,I would add, thatis grotesqueandjubilant.
The festivalof "El GranPoder" gives expressionto the ambivalentand
problematicsituationof thecityof La Paz; it is a ritualnotonlyof themarginal
peasantrybut also of the emerging"cholo" bourgeoisie. By combininglocal
traditionswiththepowerofmoney,thesegroupsaremodifying thesocial spectrum
of society. Thoughdifficult to define,thesenew social forcesare shapinga new
identitythatis rootedin a free-market economythatlooksto Miami- themarket
for computers and other smuggled electronic goods is actually named
"miamicito" - as the new promisedland. High culturemustnow surrender to
"cerveza and chicha" (beer and beer maize) culture,with the upper-classes
sometimesparticipating withthe"cholaje" in theopeningof thepopularfestival;
thecholoswantto be "señores"and thepeasantsstruggleto be entrepreneurs. So
confusing is thesocietyofclashinggroupsthatlocal politicalsociologyhas decided
to label it "ch'enko" (Toranzo 1991b), an Aymarawordfor"mess." Indeed,the
informal have capturedthecity,co-optingitseconomyand culture.
Once peripheral andnowreadytooccupythecenterofsociety,the"cholo"

bourgeoisie is the unwanted productof the Revolutionof 1952. If thismajor
eventof contemporary Bolivianhistorycouldnotcreatea nationalbourgeoisieof
itsown,itwas also incapableof destroying boththeseigneurialmentalstructure
andthestrongoligarchicconstitution ofBoliviansociety.Recentstudiesofpolitical
sociologytendto believethatthemainachievement of thisrevolutionmayhave
beentheunsolicited promotion ofthe "cholaje"tothe statureofbourgeoisie,
thereby
overstepping the barrier of seigneurialism (Toranzo 1991b,24) .
Untilrecently,thisnew entrepreneurial class did nothave any political
representation nor did it partakein the economic decision-making.It could be
said thatalthoughthe"cholaje" achievedthelevel of an economicbourgeoisie,
theoligarchicsectorsof society- bothon theRightand on theLeft- managed
to keep it away fromthe center. This has been the ideological functionof
"nacionalismorevolucionario,"markingthissocial groupas "pre-modern."
Furthermore, itwould be too simplisticto place the"cholo" bourgeoisie
withincapitalismand forgetits complexity,its cultural"ch'enko." Behindthis
"ch'enko" lies theclashingcombination ofeconomic,ethnic,and culturalfactors
thatmakeitimpossibleto treat"cholaje" in a linearway. In economicterms,for
example,thisnew bourgeoisieshowsa modalityof accumulationof capitalthat
is quite different fromtheseigneurialbourgeoisie. Indeed,thisnew sectorwas
not bornundertheprotectionof the state;it re-investsits capital gains within
Bolivia anddoes notprivilegehighconsumption, butspendsinritualceremonies
and festivals such as "ch'alias," baptisms,marriages,and "presterios."
The cultural "ch'enko" thatthe "cholaje" introducesin societyis also
of
revealedin some expressions contemporary painting.
In developingan ontologyof thehumanbody,thephilosopherMaurice
Merleau-Pontyexplainedthatthebody is "thatstrangeobject thatuses its own
partsas a generalsystemofsymbolsfortheworld"(1970, 237). This is a theory
of sublimation.Conversely,and in a totallydifferent context,we mightsay that
forBolivian painterssuch as Raúl Lara and Dario Antezana,the symbolsand
matterof the world are those strangedeformations, of the
indeed distortions,
humanbody- the"cholos." This is a processof de-sublimation.
In Dario Antezana's "Complicidad,"thetwo"cholos" are associatedas if
in a wrongfulact. They are probablycomingout of a "presterio"afterhaving
consumed chicha or beer. Their grotesqueness reveals a process of de-
sublimation.This processis indicatedin theverycenterof thefigureof one of
the "cholos," wherethe intestinesare shownin the formof a labyrinth.The
labyrinth, equivalentto theNietzscheansign of the Earth,is the signifierthat
embraceschaos. Hence it is no longerof thesymbolicregisterwhichcollapses
as the labyrinth absorbsall possible symbols,transforming themintoprimary
matterwithnothingin exchange.
The labyrinth, exposed as thebowels of the"cholo," is a static,fire-like
labyrinth. signifies transformational
It a systemwherebywhatentersfromabove
Complicidad.
Darío Antezana, 1987.
Casa de la Cultura, Cochabamba.
is changed into base matter,shit,the ultimateanti-idealistsymbol. Such a

metamorphosis signifiesmaterialismas scatology,wherethe end productmust
now be culturallyinterpreted.The intestineas labyrinth proffers a miasma;out
of itschaos, itsheterogeneity, some formofmeaningis generated.Shitis a sign
thatis doublythreatening to culturalformations:firstbecause it signifies,just
like the legal and illegal economicactivitiesof therising"cholo" bourgeoisie,
an expenditurethat circumventsestablished modes and organizations of

production;secondly,because it is a sign of self-production, an autonomous,
sovereignactivity thateludes theexigencies of thetraditional,seigneurialgroups
in power.
As an articulatory processof de-sublimation, Antezana's paintingis an
expression of one of those instances where adult social productiontakes the
inverseroutebacktowardthebody. In so doing,itbreaksthesignificative chain
of everydayexistenceby inaugurating a returnof the uncomfortable "other"I
discussed before. In the same way, literatureoffersotherexamples of de-
sublimation through a contestatory setof"laws" outsidetheorderofthesymbolic
and of modernreason. I referto those"alternativenarratives"whichhave little
in common with the modernbourgeois aestheticsthat seek to constructan
autonomousculturalsphere. I will touchon thissubjectbrieflybeforeI turnto
thenarrativeof JaimeSaenz.
In the1960's, as GeorgeYúdice indicates,thewriters oftheBoom thought
they could achieve a global culture. Leaving behind indigenousand popular
traditions,theysought forge to a new aesthetic language as an option of the
elites in theirbid for hegemony. Notwithstanding theirprotestationsto the
this
contrary, group of writersended up espousingtechnologicaldevelopment
in therealmof theaesthetic(Yúdice 1992, 10-1 1).
Today,withpoorprospectsforliberatinghomogeneousculturalprojects
and withthe popular appeal of revolutionaryheroism displaced onto drug
traffickers(the case of Pablo Escóbar is revealing), it becomes difficultto
accept autonomous,autotelic culturalspheres. In compensation,what we
now see is the conformationof alternativenarratives that deviate from
modernityseekingthere-articulation of traditionsthathave littlein common
with the linguisticinnovationsof the 60's and 70's. These new narratives
are in a betterpositionto measurehow and to whatextentthe diversegroups
of Latin America's heterogeneityinteract;how "eccentric"subalternshaunt
the "center"of rationalityand the orderof the symbolic.
An interesting case studyof alternative narrativesis the workof Jaime
Saenz. Throughhis "aparapitas,"migrantAymaraloaders who dwell in the
marketplaces ofthecityofLa Paz, Saenz aestheticizes theruralindigenouscultures
oftheAndesas the non-rational"otherness" that invades theurbansystemand its
order.
Felipe Delgado (1979), Saenz's mostimportant novel and a masterwork
is a
on thegrotesque, challengingstudy of the city of La Paz. Since Saenz was
not particularly interested in writing a modern novel, his unparalleled
interpretation of La Paz cannotbe classifiedas avant-gardewriting,but as a
traditionalnarrationof a vigorousset of charactersseen throughthenarrator's
unifyingpointof view.
It is inthecellarpassagesofthenovelthatSaenz makessomeveryoriginal
observationson the loaders- "aparapitas"- of La Paz, the ideal models of
SUBALTERNITY AND THE ARTICULATIONOF CULTURE 16 1
corporealdestructionthatDelgado emulates. As notedin his narrationon "El

aparapitade La Paz" (The "aparapita"of La Paz) (1968), Saenz picturesthese
Aymarasettlers,theseruralparvenus,as thequintessenceof thecityof La Paz.
The "aparapitas,"destinedto perishintoxicated,are whatrationalminds
wouldconsidertheabject. People, Saenz writes,repudiatethem;priestsconsider
themto be possessedbythedevil. Forsome,theyarebeasts;forothers,repulsive
lepers. High culturehas deliberatelyforgotten themwhile sociologistsdeem
thema productof underdevelopment.For Saenz, who is fascinatedby them,
thejacket theywear. In "El
theyare a sourceof venerationand fear,particularly
aparapitade La Paz," Saenz makesa wonderfulinterpretation ofthemultiplicity,
the heterogeneity of the Andean culturesthatthe traditional,dominantsocial
classes rejector,at best,unwillinglyaccept:
...La ropaque llevaen realidadno existe.Es paraquedarseperplejo.

El saco ha existido como tal en tiempos pretéritos,ha ido
desapareciendopoco a poco, segúnlos remiendoshancundidopara
conformar un saco, el verdadero,pues no es obrade sastre,es obra
de la vida un saco verdadero.Los primerosremiendoshanrecibido
algunosotrosremiendos:éstosa su vez hanrecibidotodavíaotros,
y estos otros,todavía muchos otrosmás, y así, con el fluirdel
tiempo,ha ido en aumentoel peso en relacióndirectacon el espesor
de una prenda,tantomás verdaderacuantomás pesada y gruesa...
[...The jacket reallydoes notexist. It existeda longtimeago, but

it has been disappearinglittleby little,replaced by the patches
whichhave been forminga newjacket,thereal one, whichis not
tailormade. The newjacket is theproductoftime,somethingthat
can onlybe provedby itsweight. The value of thegarmentis in
strictrelationto its thickness. The moreits weight,the more its
worth...]
A signsystem,a way to reinventa totalityfroma fragment, thejacket is a

truesymbolofthecomplexitiesofthedisquietingworldthattheofficialSpanish
culturewishes to reject. For Saenz, the jacket is not simplysomethingthe
"aparapitas"wear; it is whattheycreatethroughout life. The finalmeaningof
thatlife is thetranscendenceintodeath. Whenthe"aparapita"decides thathis
timehas arrived,he remainsin thecellarand consumesalcohol uninterruptedly.
Close to death,he leaves thecellarandthrowshis bodyinthestreet.This action,
whatSaenz calls "to shedthebody,"indicatesa formofnegationthatreintroduces
thenotionof theabject.
Abjection is a by-productof the social and psychical investmentand
privilegingof certainbodilyzones and sensationsat the expense of others. It
resultsfromthosecorporealfunctionsthatcannotbe readilyclassifiedand thus
remainambiguous. Throughouthis work,Saenz has seen, like no otherauthor,
thattheabject is bothdead and alive, autonomousand engulfing(like infection

and desease). It is whatdisturbsidentity, system,and order(Kristeva1982).
Felipe Delgado , a novel of the ridiculous and the terrible,shocks
consciousnessandrationality becausecorporealwasteandrefuseprovokecultural
and individualhorrorand disgust,symptomatic of Westernculture'sinabilityto
the its
accept body's materiality, limits, and itsmortality.Saenz knowswell that
themosthorrifying exampleof waste is thecorpse,whichis almostuniversally
surroundedby taboos and ritualsto prevent"contamination" of the living. He
thusgives us an interpretation of the"aparapitas"thatis shockingbecause it is
no longerthe"I" who expels, it is the"I" expelled,rejected,abandonedto the
street. The corpse is intolerable,and Saenz rejoices jubilantly,ecstatically,
because the corpse signifiesthe body's recalcitranceto consciousness,reason,
or will. It poses a dangerto the ego insofaras it questionsits stabilityand its
controlover itself. That is why Felipe Delgado is constantlyattacked by
apparitions thatarea disturbance oftheselfanda movement thatundoesidentity.
In Saenz's fiction,abjectionsurpassesthe rule-governedorderof the
symbolic. Repression,then,theprohibition made on theabject notto hauntthe
rationalside ofthings,is tooweak. Consequently, therepressedreturns disguised,
masked,and concealed.
Felipe Delgado , thenovel of La Paz, is a metaphorforthesiege thatthe
marginalparvenusimpose on the centerof the city. In the novel, the cellar,
wherethe"aparapitas"purify themselves, demarcatessacredspace andtimefrom
profanespace and time. This magicalspace is an alterationof "communitas,"a
fantasy-rejection of the rationalsystem,whichallows its dwellersto standor
step outside the taken-for-granted routinesof society,a rejectiontheymake
jubilantly,ecstatically.In thecellar,Delgado and his friendsacquire a special
kindof freedom;bothhumbleand haughty, theyare outsidesociety,and society
has no powerover them. The "aparapitas"are temporarily undefined,beyond
thenormativesocial structure.This positionmayweakenthemsincetheyhave
no rightsover others,but it also liberatesthemfromstructural obligations. It
places themin a close connectionwiththenon-socialor asocial powersof death.
Indeed,theyare dead to thesocial world,butalive to theasocial world.
Like the"aparapitas"of thisnovel,migrating parvenusprovokecultural
discomfort.Theyusuallyinvertbutdo notsubvertthe"statusquo," thestructural
formof society.Theirreversalis disquietingbecause itunderlinesto therational
membersof societythatchaos maybe thealternative to cosmos. Theycan also
provoke discomfortgiven theirinsecuresocial position. Their transitional
situationin societyappearsto be ambiguousin connotation,because, coming
fromthe repressedpast, theyhave not yetbeen able to conformto a positive
articulatedfuturecondition.Insideand outsidesociety,theyare,forrationality,
system,and order,the abject, withno definitepositions,or rules,or socially
imposedlimits. It is in thissense thatFelipe Delgado maybe incorporated into
the contemporary debatesgeneratedby postmodernism concerninga possible
subalternculture.This bringstheargument back to mycommentsregardingthe

natureof people's radio and talkshows.
One mustlook at themicro-levelofeverydaypracticesto understand talk
showsandotherprocessesofsocial articulation. How do theseprocessesrepresent
people's lives? Whatare theireffectson people's identityand social relations?
The answerto thesequestionscan onlybe obtainedthrougha close readingof
popularactions.It is also truethatthesystemthatstabilizedidentities has changed
dramatically. Nowadays, it is difficultto determine who is who in society.
Theoristshave givenmanylabels to thisproliferation of identities
(hegemonies
of the diverse,messyculture,are some of them). Whatis important fromour
pointof view is thatidentitieshaveto be constructed as processesof articulation.
It is at themicro-level,I have argued,thatclear-cutdistinctionsbetween
the formaland informalsectorsof societybecome problematic.Beyond these
artificialborders,new formsof articulation indicatethatmigrantsand parvenus
are learning how to negotiate more explicitly their participation in the
transnationalmarketsof commoditiesand meaningsthatcharacterizeLatin
Americatoday. By hauntingrationality and order,perhapstheyare comingto
rejectthe"boundsof valuation"withinwhichtheycan onlybe seen as second-
class, "underdeveloped"subjects;perhapstheyare learningto assertthemselves
in a languageof powerthattheyhave craftedthroughtalkshows and festivals.
Last, but not least,migrantsare probablygeneratingotherformsof collective
action. These shouldbe added to theones discussedin thisessay.
WORKS CITED
Albó,XavierandMatíasPreiswerk. 1986.LosSeñoresdelGranPoder.La Paz: Alenkar.

LuisRamiro.1993. "TheQuestforDemocracy
Beltrán, inCommunication: Outstanding
LatinAmerican Experiences."Development3 (1993).
LuisRamiro,
Beltrán, andJaime Reyes.1992. Peoples Radioinbolivia:tnestruggle oí
Workers andPeasantstoDemocratize Communication." La Paz: mimeo.
- Societyas Drama." Lifeas Theater.
Peter. 1990. "SociologicalPerspectives
Berger,
Eds.DennisBrissettandCharles Edgley.NewYork:Aldinede Gruyter.
Escóbar,Arturo.1992. "Culture, Economics, and Politicsin LatinAmericanSocial
Movements, TheoryandResearch."TheMakingofSocial Movements in Latin
America:Identity, , andDemocracy.Eds. Arturo
Strategy EscóbarandSoniaE.
Alvarez.Boulder:Westview Press.
Julia.1982. PowersofHorror
Kristeva, : AnEssayonAbjection.NewYork:Columbia
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Merleau-Ponty,Maurice.1970.Phenomenology Trans.
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Routledge & KeganPaul.
Saenz,Jaime.1968. "El aparapita
de La Paz."MundoNuevo.
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Toranzo,Carlos. 1991a. "Economíainformal, economíailícita:el roldel narcotráfico."
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University Press.

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SUBALTERNITY AND THE ARTICULATION OF CULTURE IN THE BOLIVIAN ANDES

SUBALTERN1TY AND THE ARTICULATION OF CULTURE

Readingthemorningpaperis a kindof realisticmorningprayer.

Beyondthedescriptionof a model of realityto whichwe shouldadhere

structures of thecity. Summoningthedispossessedand themarginalsectorsof

hierarchiesof urbanstructure, attractthose who need to confrontday-to-day

countson aroundfourhundredthousandpeople, of whicheasily two thirdsare

showbecause together, Palenque and "la comadre"Mónica reflectthemale and

namely,thesubaltern - notas a massivedatum- "themasses"- butas a reality

implementation of modernization.Even today,thereare culturalmatricesthat

"marginal."The hiddenpurposebehindtheseartificialdivisionswas thebelief

Let me now explore other examples of this articulatoryprocess of

of Our Lord of GreatPower,theoriginalimageshowedthreefaces,an old way

Once peripheral andnowreadytooccupythecenterofsociety,the"cholo"

is changed into base matter,shit,the ultimateanti-idealistsymbol. Such a

an expenditurethat circumventsestablished modes and organizations of

corporealdestructionthatDelgado emulates. As notedin his narrationon "El

...La ropaque llevaen realidadno existe.Es paraquedarseperplejo.

[...The jacket reallydoes notexist. It existeda longtimeago, but

A signsystem,a way to reinventa totalityfroma fragment, thejacket is a

thattheabject is bothdead and alive, autonomousand engulfing(like infection

subalternculture.This bringstheargument back to mycommentsregardingthe

Albó,XavierandMatíasPreiswerk. 1986.LosSeñoresdelGranPoder.La Paz: Alenkar.

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