Sklyarov A.Yu. "The ancient gods, who are they?

"

www.e-puzzle.ru
Ancient gods - who are they? ..

The literal life of the core cultures was held with the participation of the gods,
whom our ancestors believed to be real beings, and modern historians write off to
the fictions and fantasies of primitive thinking. Meanwhile, on Earth, a huge
number of traces of the real presence in the distant past of these very gods -
representatives of a very highly developed civilization. What kind of civilization
was it? .. Where did it come from? .. And why did our ancestors consider it our
gods? .. This book is devoted to the search for answers to these questions, using
materials collected by the author during numerous expeditions and trips to the very
different countries.

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esotericism / C
Sklyarov A.Yu. - Inhabited Island Earth
Sklyarov A.Yu. - Fundamentals of Physics of the Spirit
Sklyarov A.Yu. - Peru and Bolivia long before the Incas
Sklyarov A.Yu. - Pyramids: the riddles of construction and destination
Sklyarov A.Yu. - In the footsteps of the Ark of the Covenant
Sklyarov A.Yu. - Sensational history of the Earth. How many years is our planet?
Sklyarov A.Yu. - Civilization of the ancient gods of Egypt

Content

Annotation 1
Gods in human life 1
A little bit about the reliability of our submissions 3
Official version 9
Exclusiveness of anthropomorphic gods 18
Possible search destinations 20
Megaliths 23
Key moment 28
Cutting on stones 38
Circular Saws 48
Ancient notches on stones 60
Unidentified technologies 67
"Plasticine" stones 72
Some important "little things" 81
Not so many options 91
Atlantis 92
Extraterrestrial civilization 100
Egghead Skulls 103
Blue blood 108
Consequences for the gods and people 114
Biochemistry of the Gods 118
Differences in the atmosphere of two planets 126
Foci of ancient agriculture 129
Additional information 134
Raw appendage 139
The rebellious refugees 146
The Fate of the Gods 153
We are not so alone. 156
* * *
Gods in people's lives
In the modern view, the life of our distant ancestors was inextricably linked with
the gods.
There were many gods. Somewhere, their number counted in the tens, and somewhere
came to thousands, as, for example, in India.
The gods were different - and in status, and in strength, and in terms of
opportunities, and in the scope of their activities. Some of them were "in charge"
only in narrow areas - sleep, luck in the game, ripening of the harvest, fishing,
trade and the like. Others were subject to the elements of nature. And still others
controlled everything around - including the gods of lower rank and opportunities.
The gods could be good, but they could be evil. And there were practically no
"absolutely good" or "absolutely bad" gods - even the most evil gods could help and
help a man, and the most kind gods could sometimes bring down on him a very severe
punishment for disobedience or even simply because of his own bad momentary mood.
People appealed to the gods on a variety of issues - to heal from the disease, to
avert danger, to help in hunting or commercial transactions, to support in a
campaign or in harvesting. In some cases, for this purpose, a short oral or even
mental appeal to God was sufficient; in others, such treatment should be
accompanied by the execution of complex and lengthy ceremonies and rituals, often
in specially designated places or luxuriously decorated temples.
To obtain the favor of some gods, a simple request was enough, others needed a
blood sacrifice or some other offering, and the third needed to be served regularly
or even permanently. To some gods a person could turn himself, and for
communication with others, additional mediators-sorcerers, shamans or specially
trained priests and prayers, equipped with temple utensils and sacred objects, were
required.

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Now there are already weighty monographs describing the customs, laws and
traditions of the inhabitants of the Hittite empire, its social structure, the way
of life of people and their religious worldview. These descriptions are compiled
primarily on the basis of the Hittite texts themselves and are therefore considered
quite reliable. Meanwhile, the translation of these texts was very, very difficult
work, a huge contribution to which was made by the Czech researcher Bedrich Grozny.
We will not go into details and nuances of problems with the translation of the
Hittite texts and its history. There are a lot of books on this subject, and anyone
can easily find them. We only need one point.
The fact is that to find an approach to "decoding" (it's more correct to talk not
about decoding, but about translation) of the Hittite writing system, G red smog at
the beginning of the 20th century and was engaged in translations for the rest of
his life. However, this was not at all a simple "linear" development of his
knowledge of the principles of Hittite writing. Nearer the end of his work, he was
forced to translate even the texts that he had previously translated, since he
found errors in his own translations.
It is clear that mistakes in translating texts directly lead to mistakes in our
ideas about the ancient peoples, and even more so in the worldview of the people
who composed these peoples. To find out similar mistakes can only the experts who
have put many years on studying of ancient languages. And such specialists for
specific languages, as a rule, very little - they can literally be counted on the
fingers. And the mistake of just one person in the translation can lead to mistakes
in the notions of the ancient reality for all of us.
Another example concerns an even more ancient civilization - the civilization of
the Sumerians, who lived to the southeast of Anatolia, in the Mesopotamia - on the
vast territory between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. From this civilization, we
have reached too many texts written in so-called cuneiform writing.
One of the tablets with a similar cuneiform was found by the expedition of the
University of Pennsylvania in the ancient city of Nippur. It dates from about 2200
BC.
The initial analysis of the text on this plate led the researchers to the
conclusion that it contains descriptions of the preparation of potions from various
minerals, plants and even animals, as well as a mass of incomprehensible terms. As
a result, it was concluded that it contains a text with some "magic spells", which
were used by ancient Sumerians during healing.
However, in 1955 the linguist S. Kramer drew to the translation of this text his
friend chemist Martin Levy, a specialist in the history of natural sciences. And
then it was found that the tablet contains a large number of special words and
expressions that require knowledge of not only the Sumerian language, but also
pharmacology, chemistry, botany and others. In order to prepare an understandable
and accurate translation, it turned out to be necessary to make a complex
comparison of the terms used in the text with the terminology of cuneiform
documents of a later time. And in the end it turned out that the tablet contains
not just descriptions of certain drugs, but a fairly accurate description of the
symptoms of diseases and recipes for the preparation of medicines for these
diseases. It turned out that the substances obtained on the basis of the above
exotic recipes have very effective pharmacological properties! .. And no
"magic"! ..
It is quite obvious that the first version of the translation led to the notion of
ancient Sumerians as people who are strongly influenced by religious prejudices.
The second version of the translation completely corresponds to the natural-science
approach to the world around us. Two fundamentally different types of worldview! ..
Of course, in this case we are talking only about one plate. But where are the
guarantees that other Sumerian texts are translated absolutely correctly? No one
can give such guarantees. And this "medical tablet" is a pretty vivid confirmation
of this. And if so, we can not rule out the possibility that our ideas about the
world view of ancient Sumerians can also contain serious errors.
And already very great difficulties lie in wait for the analysis of such cultures,
from which there is no written language at all. All that we can operate here is a
certain amount of material evidence in the form of objects of everyday life, images
(quite often quite schematic), remnants of structures and the like. In this case,
researchers are forced to put forward a lot of additional assumptions, most often
to reduce the transfer of ideas about any ancient cultures to even more ancient
ones. In mathematical terms, they are engaged in simple extrapolation.
However, extrapolation is a method that can lead to very serious errors. Especially
in those cases when the system of phenomena, phenomena or facts under investigation
is subject to serious changes beyond the range for which its behavior is more or
less known.
We can illustrate this, say, with the example of Neanderthals - an example that has
already become something "classical".
For a long time it was believed that the Neanderthals differed little from ordinary
animals, and their consciousness was practically undeveloped. However, later
discoveries were made, which radically changed the views of scientists on these
long-standing relatives of man. And now it is believed that the Neanderthals
already had their own highly developed religious ideas. In particular, the concept
of life after death and the so-called "bear cult". Here's how to write about it,
for example, Klix:
"The most famous example ... is the cult of the Neanderthal bear. The first
findings were made in the Swiss Alps at an altitude of 2,400 meters, in the so-
called Dragonhole. At the entrance to this cave, a cushion with a side of about one
meter was made of stones. On top lay a massive stone slab. Beneath it were several
bear skulls, turned towards the entrance. In the depths of the cave, numerous bear
skulls were found in the same orientation. One of them had a foot bone inserted
into the hole above the cheekbone. The object of this ritual was a cave bear ...
"(F. Kliks," Awakening Thinking ").

Ethnographers are well aware that many of the so-called primitive tribes have a
cult of certain animals. As a rule, these are the animals with which a specific
given tribe often encounters in real life, and from which human life at times
depends.
It is quite obvious that the Neanderthals who lived in the caves were periodically
forced to deal with the cave bear - a big and dangerous predator. And it seems
quite logical to propose - by analogy with the known primitive tribes - about the
existence of a "bear cult" in them. After all, the very location of the bear
skulls, with their explicit orientation to the entrance to the cave, must somehow
be explained. It must have some reason. Simple logic and the method of analogies
just lead to the hypothesis of the "cult of the bear". But this is the
extrapolation that can give serious errors.
Is it that the "bear cult", having a mystical and religious basis, is the only
possible explanation in this case? .. Not at all!
Everything can be explained much easier without any "rituals" and "cults" - the
skulls served to intimidate dangerous predators and prevent their penetration into
the cave. In this case, a completely natural and known reaction of animals is used
- the kind of dead relatives gives rise to a sense of danger. This reaction is even
now sometimes used when several birds shot at the pole are exposed on the pole to
repel crows in the garden. And in this case there is no "mysticism" or "religious
ideas", but a rational solution is based on empirical experience.
But which of the interpretations is then correct? And what kind of world view did
the Neanderthals have - mystical-religious or just natural-cognitive? .. But the
difference between the two variants is cardinal! ..
Take another "discovery" of the researchers.
"... Neanderthals buried their dead or dead brethren. These burials contain
additional, very different objects, which can serve as an indication of what role
the dead played during his lifetime. In the cave La Chapelle-o-Sen found the burial
of a man with a bison foot on his chest. Immediately there were a lot of fragmented
animal bones and flint tools - caring for a hunter or supplies for a future life in
an invisible "otherworldly" world. His needs "there" were determined by analogy
with the needs "here". Excavations at Mount Carmel in Palestine confirm this
interpretation. There is no doubt that the burials of the Neanderthals were
accompanied by some ceremonies and rituals, the content of which we, however, can
not say anything concrete. In this case, significant regional differences could be
observed. Some indirect evidence suggests that witch rituals associated with
hunting were widespread "(ibid.).
Also at first glance, it seems logical. However, even here there is a usual
extrapolation, capable of leading to errors. Why, in fact, the researchers
immediately unambiguously interpret such findings as some "evidence of magical
rites and representations"? ..
Let's look at the facts of the graves on the other side.
Life in a society (or community) requires certain rules. Among them, it is quite
natural that the rule of enforcement of the ban, say, on someone else's property
(which would be small and insignificant in our submission) would not arise. A
member of the community who was killed on the hunt "took with him" not only his
share of the booty, in the process of hunting for which he may have died, but also
his own (!) Tools. Such "inviolability of property rights", obviously, could be a
very effective means of preventing civil strife in the community (tribe), and
consequently, increasing the stability and survival of the society.
Therefore, if we leave aside the question of the validity of the possibility of
continuing the existence of the human soul after physical death, we can quite do
without explaining the contents of such graves without attracting the version of
the "magical" notions of the Neanderthals.
Further. The same Klix writes the following:
"Some incomprehensible drawings, such as the scene from the cave Lasko, where the
buffalo with the bowels released, bending the horns, comes on a half-lying man with
a bird's head, may be, apparently, connected with the rituals of initiation or
preparation for hunting" (ibid.).
But it can be much easier - the hunter disguised as a bird. And after all, such
examples are well known to researchers of primitive peoples, who quite often use
this technique to increase hunting efficiency. And there is no "magic" here. How
not to do with any "cult of the animal." There is simply the use of empirical
experience.
It is understandable the surprise of Europeans, who at one time faced completely
incomprehensible whole sets of various actions of the so-called primitive peoples
associated with hunting. Careful preparation of weapons, coloring your own bodies
by hunters, collective songs and some coordinated gestures that imitate hunting.
Well, than this is not the "bewitching" of the future victim or the "self-
mutilation" of the killed animal? ..
This is how it is usually treated. As for modern primitive peoples, and for ancient
cultures. But this is not the only way to explain such strange actions for us.
Let's look at this again, purely from a pragmatic point of view.
Collective hunting requires mutual coordination of the actions of hunters, and
maximum effectiveness of this coordination can be achieved only with the
preliminary coordination of activities by the participants in the hunt. A schematic
symbolic image of the process of hunting itself, reproduction or imitation by
participants of the hunt of their actions is obviously the most effective way of
preliminarily agreeing on the strategy and tactics of the directly planned act of
hunting, and as a "visual aid" for the training of growing youngsters.
Similar purposes can well serve as "hunting rituals" not before, but after hunting.
Only here, future actions can be planned for a more distant future and additional
"debriefing" for the just-completed hunting (which is also necessary to increase
hunting efficiency in the future) can be carried out.
Well, and where is the "magic" or "religiousness" of the ritual? ..
There is another point in these rituals, marked by modern ethnographic research.
For example, before a fight with a neighboring tribe, in the process of imitating
an impending battle, male soldiers reach the emotional state beforehand, which
allows the most effective conduct of future hostilities. Tracking the "invisible
enemy", his persecution and imaginary murder are not "enchantment" of the enemy,
but a means of achieving that psychological state, which is the goal of the entire
patriotic education system in the modern army. Moreover, a very effective tool, due
to the well-known psychology of the motor relationship (that is, motorized - in a
simplified sense of) activity with the emotional and psychological state.
And again the question arises: why in such a case such actions of representatives
of primitive peoples are treated exactly as "magical"? .. The answer is quite
obvious: because the researchers so much wanted under the pressure of the
prevailing approach in historical science, to write off everything for some
"mysticism" of primitive tribes. The extrapolation of these ideas to ancient
cultures also automatically occurs ...
It is clear that if we change the approach and do not impose ourselves in advance
to fit some excessive "mysticism" of our ancestors, then the ideas about the
ancient cultures will automatically change. And they can change quite seriously -
the main driving force of an ancient person instead of religious superstitions may
be an objective analysis of the surrounding reality and a pragmatic approach.
However, in this case, one should not rush to the other extreme - to deny
completely and entirely the religious component and its significant role in the
life of ancient cultures simply can not. This will be a biased approach. There is
too much evidence that our ancestors really worshiped a huge number of all kinds of
gods.
And here there is another question. If this was the case, then it must have a
reason. And the reason is quite important, because it spawned not rapidly changing
everyday superstitions, but stable religious systems that persisted for a very,
very long time.
For a society in which, as mentioned above, it is entirely possible that a
pragmatic approach dominated, this reason should be all the more important. After
all, it is quite obvious that without such a reason, without a constant stimulation
of those very "religious ideas", a pragmatic society would quickly abandon them.
So what was the reason? ..
Official version
In the most simplified form, the reason for the emergence of religious cults and
rituals, represented by modern science, boils down to the fact that the ancient man
lacked knowledge about the world around him. This ancient man, they say, did not
know that phenomena and events in the world are governed by natural laws, and
explained what is happening around the action of some supernatural forces - spirits
and gods. The multiplicity and diversity of the same objects and phenomena of the
real world led to the multiplicity of these most supernatural forces. This is what
historic science tells us, starting from the school's bench.
But if, for a schoolboy, such an explanation may seem logical and understandable at
first glance, the skeptical analytical mind of an adult person is able to catch a
very serious contradiction in this version.
Really. In order to "invent" some non-existent in reality (as it is represented by
the same version) certain "supernatural essences" that control everything around, a
person must have a sufficiently developed thinking. Moreover: he must have a very
developed ability to abstract thinking. Meanwhile, the version presented by
historical science is based precisely on the exact opposite - on the fact that the
ancient man has primitive thinking, for which the predominance of the principle
"what I see is what I sing." In other words, primitive thinking is oriented towards
a simple description of the surrounding phenomena, and not at all on the invention
of abstractions.
And if we analyze from this point of view the existing ancient images, texts and
other artifacts that have no direct relation to the religious sphere of activity,
then this is the conclusion we will get. "Visual-applied" orientation of thinking
will be simply obvious here. And this is easily traced throughout most ancient
history up to the period of antiquity - up to the times of ancient Greek culture,
when (and only when) there is mythopoeic creativity in the full sense of the word,
and when a person begins to create in the sphere of abstract images and abstract
concepts.
But why then in the sphere of religious activity the same "primitive man" manages
to rise to the heights of the highest abstractions millennia earlier ...? It does
not happen that in one sphere a person was capable of something, and in the other -
absolutely incapable of same.
The contradiction is obvious. And this contradiction "works" and against the basic
position of the same version, according to which the same natural laws drive the
person.
How to be?..
Perhaps the only related version of the answer to this question in historical
science is still the Levi-Bruhl theory, which since its appearance has been
repeatedly criticized (sometimes sharply) by historians and other researchers
themselves.

"Levy-Bruhl proceeded from the understanding of primitive thinking as qualitatively

different from the thinking of modern man. Primitive thinking is prelogical,
logical laws, abstract categories are not peculiar to it; the world is perceived in
it through the prism of the so-called law of mystical participation (partisipation)
- the identification of phenomena that are incompatible in terms of logic and
common sense. The object can be itself and at the same time something different, be
here and at the same time in another place. By virtue of the law of participle,
everything in the world - people, real and fictional objects and beings - appears
mystically interconnected. The leading place in the constructions of Levi-Bruhl is
occupied by the concept of collective consciousness, which imposes itself on the
individual consciousness, determining it - the concept put forward by Durkheim and
his school. To understand primitive beliefs, one can not proceed from the
individual psyche, as was done before; they are a social phenomenon and represent a
part of public consciousness, which has its own laws. Like Durkheim and Moss, Levi-
Bruhl believes that in a primitive society collective representations dominate; at
the later stages of historical development they do not disappear completely, but
here their specific weight is much less. Primitive collective representations
include emotions and volitional acts, the reality in them is mystically colored.
"(V. Cabo," The Origin of Religion: the History of the Problem ").
"Towards the end of his life Levi-Bruhl reconsidered many of his former views,
trying in particular to mitigate the juxtaposition of primitive and modern
thinking. Indeed, they can not be opposed as fundamentally different systems of
thought: not so much human thinking as the world with which it deals at different
stages of historical development changes, but it is fundamentally one. The logical
laws of thinking in all known human societies are the same, - now Levi-Bruhl
asserted. However, he still believed that primitive thinking was characterized by a
mystical orientation, that here both the "affective category of the supernatural"
and the phenomenon of parti- cipation retain their significance. Levi-Bruhl always
regarded communion as a fundamental property of primitive thinking. It became in
its constructions a key concept, with the help of which only primitive collective
representations can be explained "(ibid.).
We will not analyze the texts of Levy-Bruhl in detail, especially since it has
already been done for us by others. Note that anyone can also do this and make sure
that the only (!) Characteristic that distinguishes primitive thinking from the
thinking of modern man, according to Levi-Bruhl, is his so-called "mysticism".
But what do you mean by "mysticism"? ..
Usually we put into this term either the meaning of "belief in the supernatural",
or (in a more extended interpretation) "belief in the reality of illusions."
If you approach from the perspective of an expanded interpretation, you will get
the following: the religious and mystical life of ancient people is generated by
their very primitive thinking only because it has the property of believing in
illusion. Excellent! .. There is nothing to say: the butter is buttery because it
has an oily characteristic ...
If we return to a narrower and more specific interpretation of the term "mysticism"
as a belief in the supernatural, then everything is not all right. First, Levy-
Bruhl does not explain and justify why primitive thinking he attributes the
property of belief in the supernatural (giving it the status of a distinctive
property!). This position, he simply introduces as an axiom. And secondly, in
modern society there are not a few people whose thinking has the same belief in the
supernatural, that is, this property ceases to be a distinguishing feature of
primitive thinking.
Here we again come up with a question that has already been touched upon: why, in
fact, is it believed that primitive thinking is "mystical"? .. On what grounds do
researchers claim that the whole way of life of a primitive man is literally
permeated with a belief in the supernatural and is accordingly subordinated to the
early forms of religion ? ..
In the description and analysis of primitive societies, for example, much attention
is paid to such attributes as initiation ceremonies, taboos, totems, shamanism and
so on. At the same time, European researchers, say, in initiation ceremonies, were
struck primarily by external features of ceremonies: their solemnity, significance,
color, sometimes cruelty ...
But let's look under the outer shell.
If we discard the "colorful tinsel", which is very different for different
primitive societies, then we can state that the essence of initiation rites is
reduced to the transition of a member of a community from one social group within
the community to another. It does not matter whether this is due solely to
physiological changes due to reaching puberty or with the acquisition of some
skills and knowledge. Another important thing is that the social role of the
individual in the community is changing, and consequently, the rules of his
interaction with other members of the community are changing.
But man is a very considerable social being. Therefore, the words "he becomes a
different person" (after the initiation ceremony) reveals not only "pure
symbolism", but also a very real basis. He really becomes a different person!
The rite of initiation in this case performs several very important functions.
First, it fixes for other members of the community a change in the status of the
initiated. And secondly, it helps the very initiate to adapt psychologically to a
new social role. "Old" man "died" - "a new one was born." In fact, we are dealing
only with a kind of "visualization in simple images" of an important social change.
That's all.
But is not this the modern "initiation rites": the graduation ball; delivery of a
passport, certificate or diploma; dedication to students; admission to the party;
the triumph of inauguration when entering a high state post? .. It is quite obvious
that in its very essence it is all the same. But do we see "mysticism" in them? ..
Knowledge of the cultural traditions of our society frees us from such a "mystical"
interpretation. But then why not look from the same positions (only with an
adjustment to the appropriate cultural tradition) to the rites of initiation of
primitive peoples? ..

With the taboo system, things are much simpler. Here researchers had no difficulty
in seeing behind it the system that regulates the rules of behavior of individuals
in society. The version of the "mystic consciousness" of primitive peoples arises
here only because in an attempt to explain the origin (or meaning) of some or other
taboos, "savage" uses a version that is inaccessible to the analytic logic of the
researcher and the cause-and-effect relationships known to this researcher.
But is it not enough in modern society rules, norms and laws, the causes of which
are impossible or difficult to explain? ..
How many people will be able to explain, for example, why a certain part of
everyday language is banned for use in society (we are talking about the so-called
"profanity")? .. Or why it is not possible to wear anything official except for a
tuxedo or a strict suit, and be sure to have tie or butterfly? .. So it is
accepted? .. But why!?. What does "accepted" mean? ..
I am ready to bet that in the arguments of the majority on these topics, a
knowledgeable expert (if he exists at all) will easily discover such a mass of
erroneously constructed causal relationships, which under other conditions the
researcher of primitive peoples will automatically write off on the "mysticism" of
ideas. But will this "mysticism" take place in reality? ..
Let us now take such a subject of primitive peoples as a totem. The totem refers to
the "classical" attribute of "mystical" thinking. Here, too, is the participation
(partisanship, according to Levi-Bruhl) of a totem of a certain locality and even
every member of the tribe. Here and "animation" of the animal-totem or even an
inanimate object (idol, for example) ...

But let's look at this "sheer mysticism" from a different angle ...
Try, dear reader, to determine for yourself the content of the term "homeland" ...
Is it not found in the essence of this "homeland" of communication with a certain
geographic region and with a certain circle of other people? .. But whether such
interconnection and integrity (at times very difficult to catch and even more
difficult to formulate) a complete abstraction, fiction or mysticism? .. Perhaps
almost anyone will be indignant at such an interpretation and will be right.
The term "homeland" can be found quite natural and really existing phenomenon,
which is related to a certain circle of people, connected by a mass of territorial,
cultural and sometimes even blood ties in
a single whole, into a single system. The system is dual, possessing both material
and spiritual-non-material connections. But after all, spiritual and non-material
connections, as it turns out in more detailed analysis, are not "mystical" at all,
but obey completely natural laws, albeit very peculiar (see the author's book The
Code of the Universe).
Exactly exactly the totem also correlates with a dual system - tribe (clan,
community). He is the embodiment of this system with the totality of its
connections, is its peculiar symbol.
As a child in the game uses some objects for symbolic images of objects that are
inaccessible at a particular moment in time, but actually existing; so a primitive
person sees in the totem the embodiment of his society. However, even now quite
adult people in modern society carry national flags at rallies and draw national
arms, even without thinking that they are essentially using the same "totems"! ..
If we take into account that the society, as a single system, has quite definite
spiritual and non-material properties, then we have the right to use the term
"collective consciousness" in relation to it. Then the primitive man let him
overestimate the abilities of the collective consciousness of his society,
attributing the totem to the properties of rational behavior, but still reflects a
completely objective reality in this! ..

Finally, another phenomenon, often encountered in primitive societies, which is

directly related to the theme of gods and mystical and religious beliefs, is the
so-called "animism," that is, the "animation" of animals and plants.
"... the characteristic features of archaic thinking. Its first property is a high
degree of merging of the individual with the surrounding nature. Immediate and
constant confrontation with the forces of the physical world and the biological
environment, the scale of which exceeds the imagination of an individual, creates a
very emotional and ultimately deeply personal attitude to these forces. The most
vivid expression is found in animistic thinking, which inhabits nature with
deities, demons and spirits. The action of natural forces is attributed to
fantastic reasons. In accordance with the thinking habits, these reasons are
isolated and come into use as an animation of things and phenomena. The oldest
fairy tales tell the remnants of this thinking from the gray prehistory: animals
speak to each other like people, thunder and lightning are caused by a humanlike
being; diseases are caused by spirits; the dead and the gods wander in invisible
ways, preserving, however, the thoughts, feelings, desires and hopes of the living
"(F. Kliks," Awakening Thinking ").
It would seem that the phenomenon of animism already fully and completely agrees
with that picture of the origin of mystical and religious representations of
ancient peoples, which draws us from academic science. However, in more detailed
analysis, even here, there is no more "mysticism" than in everything else.
If we do not stand blindly on primitive-materialistic positions and analyze real
facts, we will have to admit that our entire daily life and all our experience
indicates the presence of a person in addition to the material physical body with
some active spiritual and non-material component, better known as "soul". Even for
a long time the head of the Brain Center of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR,
and later the Human Brain Institute Natalya Petrovna Bekhtereva, was forced to
admit that it is impossible to explain all the features of a person's activity only
by having a material brain - one must also assume the presence of a soul as
special, but really existing "something".
But if a person has such an active spiritual-non-material component as a "soul",
then the simplest logic tells us that both animals and plants we can not deny the
existence of a similar spiritual-immaterial component - albeit less developed.
Which, however, is fully confirmed on an empirical level ... Consciousness (in the
expanded sense of this term) does not appear suddenly and immediately. In a sense,
the animal has consciousness (not to be confused with self-awareness!), And the
plant (although here I prefer the term "pre-consciousness"). For more details see
the author's book "The Code of the Universe" ...
But in this case it renders that the most basic position of animism has a very real
basis! .. And it turns out that in their representations both the members of the
modern primitive tribe and our ancient ancestors here did not focus on a certain
"mysticism", but on a reflection of a completely objective reality! ..
It is curious that the "details" and "details" of animism, with more careful
analysis, also prove to be devoid of any mysticism. Take, for example, the ability
of animals to "talk". We only take into account that in the broadest sense of the
word the term "talk" implies not only the exchange of sound signals, but includes
the whole complex of ways of transferring information from one object to another.
Then from these positions it will turn out that it is quite possible to "talk" with
animals if one understands their "language" (and even the quotes are used by the
author, paying more tribute to the tradition than trying to reflect the essence).
This is well known not only to naturalists, who devoted their lives to the study of
animals. Perhaps, any literate "dog-owner" knows that he is able to talk with his
dog in the full sense of the word, achieving at times simply an amazing degree of
communication and mutual understanding. And even in the event that he is a
convinced atheist, devoid of any mystical and religious inclinations.

However, if everything is simple and understandable with animals and plants, then
with the "animation" of the forces of nature the situation is somewhat more
complicated. Kliks (as well as in general in the representation of modern academic
science) is all piled into a single pile
�and animism as such (that is, a certain "humanizing" of animals and plants), and
"animation" of natural elements. But is it lawful? ..
We draw the following logical chain. Let us assume that we are the owners of that
very "primitive consciousness". For us, the presence of one's soul in animals,
plants, and even inanimate objects-stone, river, rock, and the like, is not unusual
or strange. But then we (because of the primitiveness of our thinking) do not have
to give animals, plants and still more inanimate objects to human beings (!). It is
much more natural to relate the image of the soul to the image of the object
itself. Running past the fox has its own "fox" soul - it will not have arms and
legs, but there will be four paws and a tail. Hare hiding under a bush has its own
- "hare" soul. A rustling tree is the soul of a tree in the shape of that same
tree. But the stone will then have its own - "stone" soul, which already has no
paws and tail. And especially there is no need to put a soul in stone in the form
of a person.
The same can be said about natural elements. The river should have its "river"
soul, similar to the water flow, and not the person with arms, legs and head. In
extreme cases, you can still imagine (the primitive consciousness) the soul of the
river in the form of one of its inhabitants - for example, a huge fish, moving its
body large masses of water.
A thundercloud must have the soul of a cloud, not a human being. And it is more
possible to imagine a fire in the sky from which sparks of lightning fly out from
time to time, rather than to invent there some Zeus throwing fiery arrows. So, from
the "animation" of animals, plants and even natural elements, the notion of gods-
hominids, gods in human form, does not automatically follow (as academic science
presents it to us). Anthropomorphic (that is, "anthropoid") gods are generally
inexplicable from this point of view. And even more: the very appearance of them in
the representations of a primitive person is unnatural and illogical! ..
Exclusiveness of anthropomorphic gods
The modern version of the representations of ancient people, expounded by academic
science, has another significant drawback. In it, literally everything is piled
into a single pile - souls, spirits and gods. Meanwhile, these concepts have very
significant differences.
The soul for man is something quite "understandable". This is what he continually
perceives in himself and perceives it as an integral part of himself. In the
overwhelming majority of cases, he can not see the souls of other people - only
people with extraordinary abilities (shamans, sorcerers and others, whom we would
now call people with extrasensory abilities) can do. But sensing his own soul
within himself, a person easily perceives the idea that other people also have
their soul.
In the framework of the notion of the soul as something "not quite material" it is
also easy to imagine the emergence of the idea of ??the possibility of the
posthumous existence of the soul, that is, the continuation of the existence of the
human soul after its physical death. And in the light of the well-known Robert
Moody's research in the field of posthumous experience and clinical death, it can
be stated that for an ancient person (not burdened by modern materialistic ideas)
the idea of ??the posthumous existence of the soul could also be only a
generalization of some not quite ordinary, empirical experience. "Mysticism" again
turns out to be completely with nothing.
The soul of the deceased leaves this material world - again, it is not visible to
the overwhelming majority of people. Therefore, it moves into a kind of "spirit
world". Here, souls and spirits become essentially the same. Since the study of the
spirit world is not the subject of this book, we will not dwell on it here.
But the anthropomorphic gods differ dramatically both from the soul of man, and
from the spirit. First of all - they, if you focus on the ancient texts, are
periodically present directly among people in a state completely accessible to the
ordinary sight of an ordinary person. They are visible! ..
These gods physically live next to people. They often need ordinary material houses
and material food (although they do not refuse spiritual food at all).
Moreover: anthropomorphic gods are not invulnerable at all. They can be physically
wounded - and the wounds will also be completely visible. Sometimes they can even
be killed - if not by the usual primitive weapon (although this is the case), then
certainly some kind of "divine" weapon. And if a person does this very difficult,
then the destruction and even the killing of anthropomorphic gods by other gods in
ancient legends and legends is plentiful.
And as is easy to see in the same legends and legends, the anthropomorphic gods
stand apart from souls and spirits. Ancient man never identified his soul with the
gods. The gods could have taken her, she could dispose of it, she could even give
her some privileged position in the posthumous world, but never could a person's
soul do anything like that about God himself or the soul of God.
It should also be separately emphasized that when it comes to ancient
anthropomorphic gods, it must be remembered that our ancestors invested a
completely different meaning in this concept than we now put into the concept of
"God." Our "God" is a supernatural all-powerful being that lives outside the
material world and controls everything and everyone. Ancient anthropomorphic gods
are not so universally powerful - their abilities even exceed the ability of people
many times over, but not at all endless. At the same time, quite often, these gods
in order to do something, need special additional objects, structures or
installations - even if they are "divine."
In general, it can be said that the ancient anthropomorphic gods are much more like
ordinary people - they only have abilities and abilities that are much greater than
the abilities and abilities of an ordinary ancient person. At the same time (which
is very important), our ancestors quite clearly distanced themselves from these
characters of legends and legends, calling them not people, not "heroes" or
"heroes", namely "gods". And the closest would be a comparison of these gods, say,
with modern people, equipped with the most modern equipment, which were in contact
with the representatives of some primitive tribe in the jungles of the Amazon.
Members of this tribe could well accept modern people for those same "gods". Only
the "gods" who met them in reality.
But our ancestors, if we are guided by the ancient texts, perceived the
anthropomorphic gods precisely as very real persons with their habits, whims and
other "zamorochki"! .. The gods here look much more like completely natural
creatures - representatives of a certain civilization , which went far ahead in its
development, rather than the civilization of people. And this, in my opinion, is
one of the most important factors in the representations of ancient cultures about
the gods.
Is this a coincidence? ..
As practice shows, in life such accidents are almost never met.
And even more strange would be to expect such a similarity between the relationship
of gods and people with the contact of two differently-leveled civilizations for
the gods, which would be purely a product of the primitive thinking of the ancient
man. Primitive mind with the dominance in it of a "mystical beginning" is simply
not capable of such a result. And especially not able to keep such a "mental
result" in the culture of many nations for many millennia.
But if we abandon the now accepted approach to anthropomorphic gods as a product of
fantasies and inventions of primitive reason, it turns out that in some ancient
times our ancestors came into contact with another, much more developed
civilization. The result, which modern historical science does not consider as a
possible version of our past.
And the question naturally arises: do we have any grounds to consider the very
possibility of simultaneous co-existence on our planet of two civilizations that
differ radically from one another in the level of development? ..
However, in my opinion, the question should be paraphrased and put quite
differently.
And what are the grounds for us not to consider the possibility of simultaneous
coexistence of two civilizations of different levels of development in some distant
past? ..
By quiet and sound reasoning have to admit - there are simply no such grounds. And
if so, then with a really scientific approach to ancient history, we not only can,
but simply have to consider this possibility! ..
And here, as a fairly obvious consequence, we get a good criterion for choosing
between two different variants of the emergence of anthropomorphic gods in the
representations of our ancestors. If, in the case of the accepted view of academic
science, it was simply pointless to seek for any objective and material evidence,
in the case of the reality of contact of ancient cultures with a more developed
civilization, such evidence not only can, but must be! .. Time does not erase all
to the ground. Something must stay! ..
If there is no evidence of such contact, it will be necessary to return to the
version of the "fantasy" and "fancies" of the primitive consciousness, which has
some incomprehensible "mysticism". But if real traces of contact between the two
civilizations are discovered, the version of the explanation of the anthropomorphic
gods adopted today will simply not be needed. And these same gods, and their
presence in the views of our ancestors will receive a completely rational
explanation.
Possible search directions
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Then, proceeding from the same simple logic, it turns out that it is necessary to
search for such artifacts and traces of events that significantly go beyond the
capabilities of known ancient civilizations and which do not fit into the picture
of life and opportunities of people at this stage of society development.
The task seems to be much simpler. But.
The problem is that historians and archaeologists, when describing ancient
societies, do not like to mention traces and artifacts that do not fit into this
description. And it is quite natural - who will take such a picture, in which
something does not fit. As a result, it turns out that to search for descriptions
of such tracks and artifacts in textbooks, in scientific works, in archaeological
and historical publications is practically useless. And as practice shows, this
logical conclusion is fully confirmed in practice.
In addition, archaeologists and historians in the overwhelming majority have a
purely humanitarian education. And the further the development of science proceeds,
the greater the gap between different branches of knowledge, the "more
humanitarian" becomes the system of training archaeologists and historians.
Meanwhile, when we are talking about the capabilities of a particular civilization,
the lion's share in them is occupied by those opportunities that relate not to the
humanitarian, but to the "technical" aspects of culture.
On the one hand, this further exacerbates the situation, since the view of the
humanities easily passes by what will be very important for a person with a
technical background, and as a result, many important "technical" details in
descriptions of ancient artifacts simply do not get - their archaeologists and
historians do not notice. And in trips to archaeological monuments we had to make
sure that sometimes not even "do not notice" (that is, they pretend that they do
not see), but physically they do not even see it - the historian's view often
passes by (in the literal sense of the word) significant for the parts
technician! ..
But on the other hand, the same reasons lead to the fact that on museum shelves you
can sometimes see things that - understand historians and archaeologists, what
these things say for techies - would instantly disappear in some "bins", since such
objects sometimes do not simply fit into the picture of the possibilities of known
ancient civilizations, but directly undermine it. And this is the problem of our
search, on the contrary, in many ways facilitates.
Fortunately, not only professional historians and archaeologists are interested in
ancient cultures and monuments. And by now a whole line of so-called "alternative"
historical literature has appeared, in which the authors purposefully focus their
attention specifically on "anomalies" that do not fit into the stereotypical
perception of ancient cultures.
True, there is a "but" here.
The big problem is that the overwhelming majority of authors of this most
alternative literature often sins with a very careless attitude to the facts. And
moreover, in the pursuit of sensation and circulation, as well as in an attempt to
"prove" their theory in any way, these authors often use very doubtful information
without any verification of its reliability or greatly distort real data
involuntarily or even knowingly. As a result (according to my personal estimates),
now the reliability of information in such literature as a whole is approximately
"fifty-fifty" - that is, in simple terms, it contains only about half of the truth,
and the other half consists of fantasies and even outright lies.
Some "do not see" and hide information, others fantasize and lie. What to do?..
If only reading books at home and in libraries, as well as combing the Internet
space does not give anything, there is only one option - you need to go out and
look at archaeological finds and objects with your own eyes. Check, search,
evaluate and compare.
And, starting from 2004, we gradually formed a group of enthusiasts, each of whom
realized that "no one for us will do what we need." Now this group of enthusiasts,
under the auspices of the Science Development Fund "III millennium", has conducted
a whole series of survey-research expeditions to Egypt, Mexico, Peru, Bolivia,
Ethiopia, Syria, Lebanon, Iran, Greece, Turkey and several other Mediterranean
countries in order to search for various "Historical and archaeological anomalies,"
which do not fit into the academic image of the distant past. The material
presented below relies mainly on the information gathered during these expeditions,
which already formed the basis of a number of books and more than twenty hours of
documentaries from the series "Forbidden Topics in History".
Megaliths
Of course, in the search for traces of the ancient civilization of the gods, the
first thing that comes to mind is the so-called megaliths - ancient constructions
of large and even huge stones. Pyramids, temples, palaces, fortresses, menhirs,
dolmens and stuff-other things from blocks of several tens and hundreds of tons, to
which researchers-"alternatives" have long noticed.
For example, blocks of one hundred tons weigh quite often found in structures on
the Giza plateau in Egypt. Here, such blocks of builders were laid in the base of
the second pyramid (the so-called Khafra pyramid), in the walls of the pyramid
temples, the Sphinx temple and the Granite temple.

But a hundred tons is not the limit. In ancient buildings, you can find examples of
use and much heavier boulders. For example, in Lebanon's Baalbek, on the western
side of the complex, in the masonry of the wall are the so-called trilithons -
three huge limestone blocks, each of which reaches a length of about 21 meters, a
height of 5 meters and a width of 4 meters (see Figure 1-c). If you take into
account that the local limestone is quite dense, and take its specific gravity to
2.5 g / cm, it turns out that weigh trilithons of the order of 1000 tons each! And
with such a huge weight they are not at the ground level, but raised to a
significant height - at the very top of the masonry also from fairly large
blocks! .. Let's say the row under the trilithons consists of stone blocks though
less than a half and a half, but each such lump pulls on the weight of a dozen
modern heavy tanks of the "Abrams" type! ...

Not far from the Baalbek complex in the quarry is the so-called "South Stone" - a
block that was not completely separated from the rock massif and remained lying in
its place. Its dimensions are even greater - 23 meters in length, 5.3 meters in
width and 4.5 meters in height. This gives a weight of about 1400 tons! ..
Despite the fact that the "South Stone" and remained in the quarry, the builders
clearly intended to use it. And if you take into account the size of this block and
the architectural features in the western part of the Baalbek complex, the version
suggests that the "South Stone" should have been laid over trilithons! ..

In Egyptian Aswan there is a similar example. Here an obelisk with a length of

about 42 meters remained in the granite quarries (see Figure 2-c). Each side of its
square base is 4.2 meters long, which (considering that the density of Aswan
granite is not less than 2.7 g / cm3) gives weight of almost two thousand tons!!!

In both cases, the ancient masters obviously had no doubt that they would be able
to successfully complete the work begun and to deliver these stone cars to their
destination. But how?!.
Historians propose to us the version that the ancient builders delivered such whole
blocks manually using the simplest devices and mechanisms, thus performing almost a
heroic feat.
However, in antiquity, not single stones moved at all, which could have been
allowed for such "heroic deeds". In the same Baalbek, blocks of hundreds of tons
are laid along the entire perimeter of the so-called Temple of Jupiter, forming a
series on which trilithons are located. In total, it turns out at least fifty
gigantic blocks that are not simply stacked, but fit together so that the junctions
of the blocks are sometimes even invisible to the eye! ..
Dozens of equally massive blocks were used in the construction of Saksayuaman
�Ancient fortress near the capital of Peru Cuzco. But here the stone monoliths had
to be moved not over the plain, but in the highlands! ..
And no longer dozens, but hundreds of one-hundred-ton (and more) blocks can be seen
in structures in Egypt. And if you consider that all of the above is only a very
small part of ancient megaliths, then we are not dealing with single instances of
heroic deeds, but in fact with massive construction (without exaggeration - of
industrial scale) of huge stones! ..
This does not seem to fit in with the rather low (I would even say - primitive)
level of technology development that took place at the dawn of ancient human
civilizations. This is already (at least from the point of view of banal logic)
just creates a sense of the very "anomaly" that should not exist, but it still
exists.
Another thing is that the supporters of the version of manual labor and
transportation of such huge stones by the method of "pull-push" even such examples
do not convince at all. They prefer to refer to a kind of "mobilization of all the
resources of society" and "a long construction time" - they say, a drop grinds the
stone, and, having spent generations of lives, our ancestors did it all themselves.
Many of the techies understand that the usual arithmetic here does not pass at all.
The organization and implementation of large-scale construction is not a simple sum
of one-off efforts. And here we need to talk about fundamentally different
technologies.
But anyway, now there is such a situation that - in relation to the size of blocks
and the scale of construction - the arguments of one side do not produce any effect
on the other side, which sometimes leads the same arguments as evidence of their
point of view. This dispute has been going on for several decades and can last
forever, as the humanities do not even want to listen to techies.
Meanwhile, there are quite extraordinary examples. For example, "anomalousness"
becomes literally obvious in cases when we see a similarity of work with similar
megaliths on different continents. Not only that the size of huge blocks creates a
complete sense of some kind of "standardization" used by the builders and
determined, apparently, by the technologies at their disposal. There are more
amazing examples.
For example, the megalithic masonry of an ancient object in the town of Aladjahuyuk
in the territory of modern Turkey as a twin brother repeats the features of a
similar masonry in the center of Cuzco in Peru (see Figure 3c). There is not only
practically the same size of blocks, there is absolutely the same style of masonry
- the so-called polygonal masonry, in which the blocks are interconnected on the
surface of a complex shape with a multitude of corners with the creation of all
sorts of additional "hooks" and "fastenings." Moreover, here, even a chamfer on the
edge of each block is removed in the same style.

You do not need to be an expert in order to understand - the same masters worked
here. Well, if not exactly the same, then for the same technology, possessing the
same capabilities. In other words, these buildings, despite the fact that they are
in different hemispheres of the planet, one "author" is one and the same
civilization.
Meanwhile, historians refer Aladzha-huyuk to the times of the Hittite Empire (II
millennium BC), and the construction of Cusco is attributed to the Incas in the
period immediately preceding the Spanish conquest of South America - that is, as
much as three thousand years later! .. However, , that there were no contacts
between the continents before Columbus.
Then where does this similarity between objects so far removed from each other in
time and space? .. It simply is not explained. Moreover, historians and
archaeologists do not even mention the very fact of this similarity. It does not
interest the representatives of academic science, because it does not just fit into
the built-up picture of ancient history, but undermines it completely. The simplest
logical explanation for this similarity in the form of common authorship does not
suit them all the more.
Therefore, we will not go into the analysis of the arguments (which, in my opinion,
speak in favor of the fact that known human civilizations have no relation to the
creation of a significant part of the megalithic objects), but pay attention to one
much more important aspect of the scale of megalithic construction.
Key moment
The fact is that if you sum over the entire planet, it turns out that to build
megalithic structures, their builders had to somehow process hundreds of millions
(if not billions!) Of tons of stone! ..
It is quite obvious that with such a grand scale, no one will ever ideally work
every stone. Somewhere necessarily there will be either flaws or conscious flaws.
For example, where there is no sense in the perfect processing of the stone.
Including such "flaws" as traces of processing tools.
This is what can really become a key moment! ..
After all, such traces are often able to quite definitely say which tool was used
to process the stone, and what technology was used in doing so. And sometimes these
tracks are so eloquent that one should not even be a specialist in the field of
stone processing in order to be able to draw quite correct conclusions.
Well, in fact - almost anyone will determine, say, in the footsteps on a wooden
stick what was done to her: sawed with saw, cut with an ax or cut with a knife.
Each of these tools leaves a completely distinctive track that is difficult to
confuse with something else. And with a stone, everything is absolutely the same as
with a tree. The tracks are just a bit different, and the technologies are a little
different.
Moreover, the specialist trail of the tool at times allows not only to determine
what the stone was processed, but also to find out the characteristics of the tool
- to assess its hardness, strength, dimensions and so on and so on. And all
together makes it possible to draw conclusions about the technology used in the
processing of stone.
So let's leave the problems of weight of megaliths to those who prefer eternal
running in circles and endless disputes, and concentrate on the processing of the
stone. But beforehand, we will have to make a small digression in the technical
aspects of this problem, so that further was clear to "pure humanities" ...
One of the most important factors in the processing of stone are the physical
properties of the material itself - its structure, hardness, brittleness or
ductility and other characteristics. From these properties depends not only the
choice of the tool for processing and the technology of the processing itself, but
also the result obtained.
For example, limestone is much easier to process than granite or basalt, since the
hardness of limestone, which is a sedimentary rock, is much lower than the hardness
of igneous rocks - granite and basalt. Accordingly, it is easier to obtain a more
qualitatively treated surface on a limestone block than on a block of granite or
basalt.
But most importantly: a harder material can handle a softer material, but not the
other way around. When processing a hard material with a soft material tool, the
tool itself will rather grind off the tool itself rather than the material being
processed. And this effect is all the stronger, the greater the difference in the
hardness of the materials.
The hardness of materials is described by specialists in many ways, but we will use
the simplest of them - the Mohs scale.

And already here at the picture of ancient civilizations painted by historians

serious problems begin. The fact is that even those megaliths that date to the most
recent time (for example, megaliths in Peru and Bolivia have, according to the
accepted official version, only five hundred years), created in conditions when the
Indians had at best bronze instruments. Such tools can be processed, say,
limestone, which is quite soft. But what about granite and basalt?!. Here, even
very good bronze will barely cope. Meanwhile, in Peru and Bolivia, many megalithic
structures were created precisely from granite and basalt.
Even worse is the situation with Egypt. For example, the pyramids and main temples
on the plateau of Giza are historians for the period of the IV dynasty of the
pharaohs, that is, approximately to the middle of the III millennium BC. But then
in Egypt, it is believed, there were no bronze instruments, they appeared a
thousand years later! During the Fourth Dynasty, there were only copper tools and
even more primitive stone and wood, which are poorly suited to processing even
dense limestone and are absolutely not suitable for high-quality processing of
granite and basalt. Meanwhile, these rocks of natural stone are in huge numbers
present in the structures on the Giza plateau.
Initially, Egyptologists claimed that granite and basalt were processed with tools
made from harder rock. And from the standpoint of the mere scale of Mohs, there
seems to be a certain logic in this. However, what tool can be made of stone? ..
You can make a knife. But how much can you cut a granite with a stone knife? ..
You can make a stone ax. The hard granite and basalt can not be cut with an ax, but
you can chop slices. However, for this you can just make a beater or not even make
any tool, but take a stone. It is still believed that the ancient Egyptians used,
for example, diorite balls to handle blocks of hard rock.
But there are other problems associated with the structure of the materials being
processed. So, say, the same granite has a highly heterogeneous crystal structure.
Therefore, when machining with impact methods (clapper or diorite cobblestone), the
resulting surface will obviously have irregularities. And no matter how hard you
try, no matter how hard you try, these irregularities will not be less than 1-2
millimeters (and even more), because the material will still be broken unevenly
because of the peculiarities of its crystal structure. If the task is to get a
smoother surface, in the end, from tapping and chipping, one must sooner or later
go to polishing, and this is a completely different technology that requires other
tools and other materials.
Nobody usually rubs stones on a stone, because the effectiveness of such a
procedure is extremely low. Especially when it comes to the processing of large
surfaces (and it is precisely such surfaces that take place on megaliths - for this
they are megaliths). In these cases, various kinds of abrasives are used -
materials in the form of powder or paste, which can significantly enhance the
grinding speed due to the large hardness of small particles, of which such a powder
or paste consists. The simplest natural abrasive is quartz sand, which is added to
the gap between the surface to be treated and the tool (a path even with a
conventional piece of wood), it is possible to grind both basalt and granite well.
And gradually changing the abrasive and reducing its constituent parts, you can not
only grind the stone, but also polish it (polishing differs from polishing by the
fact that irregularities on the surface become even an order of magnitude smaller).
Only now the operation is very, very laborious ...
As an example of the fact that granite can be handled manually, supporters of the
official version of history often lead the columns of St. Isaac's Cathedral in St.
Petersburg. Say, that's how they did everything by simple tapping and polishing.

There is no doubt. From a distance everything looks just fine. But only from a
distance! .. If you go closer to these columns and look closely, you can see that
the polished surface has in some places caverns (that is, "holes") to a depth of a
millimeter - where the granite in the primary treatment is more than average, and
could not. That is, on the columns of St. Isaac's Cathedral, in fact, only so-
called surface polishing is performed. On the deep polishing, which does not leave
such caverns, but requires a large amount of labor for several orders of magnitude,
the builders of the cathedral did not have enough forces, although they possessed
all the possibilities of the stone art of the 18th century (only a couple of
hundred or hundreds of years ago). But on the Giza plateau, say, on the decorative
block, which lies next to the Granite temple and which, even according to the
official version, counts no less than four thousand years, polishing is much
better! ..
This granite block attracts attention also because the surface along it is
perfectly even, despite the complexity of the shape. Equal so that there is a
complete feeling of making it on some huge milling machine. The ability to
withstand such a uniform curvilinear profile with manual processing and such
primitive technologies as were found in ancient Egyptians is so highly
controversial: when looking from the end, the eye does not notice any
deviations! .. But the human eye is a very good measuring instrument, who notices
errors much better than any modern camera or video camera.
But with all the perfection of the human eye, he still has the limits of his
capabilities. Especially when it comes to curvilinear surfaces. Not without reason,
even with modern mechanical processing of the stone, tolerances on the error of the
curved surface are an order of magnitude higher than for errors on flat surfaces -
here the human eye notices much more insignificant deviations. However, in Egypt
there are also such ancient products that have perfectly executed flat faces.
Particularly indicative of this are the granite sarcophagi in the Serapeum in
Saqqara, which have enormous dimensions. The weight of one such sarcophagus
together with the lid reaches up to one hundred tons. And even being inside it, I
did not have enough just a couple of centimeters to fully straighten in my 176
centimeters of growth! ..
At similar dimensions, even the inner (!) Walls of the sarcophagus and the lid are
polished to a mirror luster (which is noticeable by the reflection in the picture),
and there are absolutely no deviations from the ideal planes.
Christopher Dunn, who examined this sarcophagus in the mid-90s of the 20th century,
conducted a small experiment. He leaned a ruler against the walls and lit it with a
flashlight. The surface turned out to be so smooth that not a single ray of light
penetrated from the back of the line! .. Such accuracy of processing is now used
except in the space industry and in other similar industries that require the
highest quality of products.
And if the matter concerned only the planes themselves. In the end, theoretically
(only theoretically!), It can be assumed that the ancient Egyptians were so zealous
and patient that for a very long time to polish the previously grounded surface,
bringing it to perfection and applying to verify the quality of their work, say, a
reception similar to the one that Dunn used. However, the ribs of the sarcophagus
are just as accurately executed, and this is much more difficult to do. And the
reason for this is the same heterogeneity of the crystal structure of the granite:
when it is chipped along the two faces adjacent to the edge, such irregularities
will be formed, which will lead to the fact that the rib line will literally "walk"
from side to side, and this" "Will easily be noticeable by eye. No subsequent
manual grinding will be able to eliminate this "walking" so that it was not
visible. And on a real sarcophagus such "walking" ribs and in commemoration there.
On his return from Egypt, Christopher Dunn put in another "experiment". He turned
to the producers dealing with the processing of granite, with a proposal to make a
similar sarcophagus (supposedly for installation near his house). Despite the fact
that he did not limit potential executors in the costs of production and
transportation, the sarcophagus was agreed to do it only in parts - from individual
slabs. For the manufacture of a monolithic box (and the sarcophagi in the Serapeum
are monolithic!), No one took it.
So. Taking into account some "nuances and details" in combination with technical
features leads to the conclusion that we are dealing with an ancient artifact that
points to the capabilities and abilities of its creators, which are at least
comparable to our modern capabilities (and in fact even surpass their)!..
For information: in Serapeum there is not one sarcophagus, but two dozen such
granite "boxes".
Problems associated with the processing of granite also occur in the case of
working with another magmatic rock - with basalt, although basalts often have a
more even crystalline structure. When processing basalt impact methods (chipping
the material), there are also significant unevennesses that require subsequent
grinding.
But if we do not limit ourselves to chipping the material, we can considerably
simplify the solution of the problem of obtaining smooth surfaces on both granite
and basalt. For example, use saws.
However, before proceeding to concrete examples of the use of saws, here we will
have to return briefly to the field of technical aspects.
In order not to bore the reader who is far from the engineering branches of
knowledge, I will not go into the substantiation of the conclusions connected with
solid-state physics, material science, materials science and other similar
disciplines, but will simply list some of such conclusions. Moreover, in the
future, when considering specific examples, I will return to them in one way or
another. Well, and the reader, who is familiar with the "technical" fields of
knowledge, these conclusions will be obvious.
So, for example, it's pretty obvious that the smaller the width of the cut - the
smaller the width of the saw, and the stronger the saw itself should be. The larger
the saw block, the larger the saw's size, the greater the contact area between the
saw and the stone, and the greater the effort it must be applied to it so that the
saw does not get stuck. And so on and so forth. It's simple and without any
explanation.
But there are less obvious dependencies.
One of the important and sometimes even very revealing details when sawing
�outer edge of the saw. With a slow motion of the saw - even with a very rigidly
fixed plane of its movement - a "torn" edge will remain on the stone block. And the
stronger this will be, the less uniform the structure of the stone. To ensure that
the sharp and smooth edge remains on the basalt or granite, a rather high speed of
the saw is needed, while with its hand, the maximum achievable speed is very low.
High speed saws and high loads on the saw itself. And this, in turn, imposes
certain demands on the strength of the saw and the characteristics of the material
from which it is made. And in this case, it should not only be about purely
physical exertion. Rapid movement of the saw due to friction against the sawed
stone results in a sufficiently rapid heating of the tool, and heating, as a rule,
sharply reduces the strength characteristics of the material. Therefore, let's say,
modern cutting of a stone is mainly accompanied by the creation of additional
cooling with a sufficiently strong flow of air or water.
Another indicative factor, which can often be easily identified by leaving traces,
is the width of the tool's cutting edge. Than this edge is smaller, the stronger
the tool material should be. And for each material there is a maximum permissible
width of the cutting edge, below which, instead of cutting the stone, the tool will
be destroyed.
Often a notion is used such as the step of the tool - that is, the distance to
which the tool is buried either in one forward motion or in one revolution. It is
not always possible to determine it, but when it is possible, it is capable of
giving a lot of information. And not only about the instrument itself, but also
about the technology used. For example, the harder and stronger the material being
processed, the less the step of the tool with the same force. The more effort is
applied to the tool, the greater will be its pitch.
All these and other dependencies are those that have already been mentioned, and
those that will be discussed in the future are not just some "rules" that somebody
has been invented and that can be overcome by patience, diligence and waste of a
huge the amount of time (as historians like to imagine), but direct consequences
from the laws of physics, which have an irresistible character. And not reckoning
with them - in fact means neglecting the laws of nature itself and moving away from
the natural-science analysis of facts.
The author, on the contrary, is inclined to honor the laws of physics and invites
you, from the position of respect for these laws, to look at artifacts in a new
way, many of which have long been known.
If the plane in which the saw moves is fixed to a sufficient degree and sawed at a
high speed, then when the stone is cut, the resulting surface will automatically be
ground. And the result will be very different from the surface obtained by tapping.
In order not to be unfounded, I will give a concrete example. In Fig. 4-c shows a
block of black basalt, on which traces of several processing technologies are
immediately visible. The lateral surface of this block is clearly obtained by the
sawing method - it is fairly even and polished. But later part of this block (right
half) was additionally processed with the use of simple tapping - here the surface
is deeper (which allows to determine the sequence of actions - at first sawing, and
then tapping) and much less even. In addition, when the black basalt is chipped,
its surface acquires a whitish shade, which further enhances visibility. The
difference in the result of the two technologies is visible to the naked eye.

The fact that the polished (darker) surface is obtained by sawing, additionally
confirms the trace, which remained where the saw almost went to the side,
�small shoulder on the plane. This trace has a rather pronounced curvature. Such a
curvature can also be obtained with a normal flat saw, if the saw is slightly
rocked in the plane of its movement. However, in the case of a flat saw with a
straight cutting edge, the resulting track will inevitably be bent in the other
direction. So in this case we have a trace of either a flat saw with a rounded
working surface when the saw moves like a pendulum with a large radius, or from a
circular saw. If we focus on the degree of surface grinding and the size of the
formed shoulder, it can be stated that the saw moved with a very high speed, which
is difficult to provide for the pendulum motion - hence, rather, it is necessary to
talk about a circular saw. And if you estimate the size of the tool by the radius
of the curvature of the track, it turns out that a circular saw was used about 2-3
meters in diameter. Saws of this size are now used in industry ...
Everything is pretty obvious, is not it? .. And it is clear even to the layman.
Perhaps, this example could well be used as an illustration not only in the usual
popular science book, but also in the special literature on stone processing - it
is so obvious.
Could. But only with one "if".
If the stone lay somewhere on the territory of a modern stone processing plant.
However, this particular block of black basalt was found and is now in a small
pyramid satellite that is located near the southeast corner of the pyramid of Pepi
II in South Sakkara in Egypt! .. That is, the block must be dated at least the time
of the reign of this Pepi II himself - pharaoh of the Sixth Dynasty (Ancient
Kingdom), approximately 2100-2200 gg. BC.

What does "Society of the Ancient Kingdom" mean? ..

It is a society with the simplest brass (at best, even if it is bronze) and stone
tools and manual processing methods.
And what does "a circular saw have 2-3 meters in diameter"? ..
First, it implies the presence of some mechanism that rotates the saw blade at a
fairly high speed (at a slow speed, the saw will simply get stuck in the stone).
Secondly, this implies the presence of some power equipment that provides the work
of the rotating mechanism, as well as the availability of a source of this energy!
Thirdly, the saw must withstand the stresses that arise when cutting a stone. That
is, have the appropriate strength. For example, in the modern stone-working
industry (where 2-3 meters is the maximum size of circular saws), special heavy-
duty saws with diamond nozzles are used for this. And fourthly, all this - circular
saws, rotating mechanisms, power equipment, energy sources - should be somehow and
somewhere created. In general: it should be a very highly developed machine
production!
So this block of black basalt (which is, incidentally, in a zone closed to ordinary
tourists) is not just an "anomaly", but a direct evidence of the existence in
ancient times of a fundamentally different civilization, highly developed in terms
of technology. The very "civilization of the gods", which we are looking for! ..
Cutting on stones
In fact, the traces of sawing a stone in Egypt were found quite a long time ago.
For a first time, a hundred years ago, a famous explorer of the pyramids, Sir
William Flinders Petri, noticed them even on the surface of the so-called
"sarcophagus" in the Great Pyramid on the Giza plateau. In his opinion, the
"sarcophagus" was cut from a granite block with straight saws of about three meters
length.
Petri writes: "He is not brilliantly crafted, and in this respect can not compete
with the sarcophagus in the Second Pyramid. On the outer sides, sawing lines can
clearly be seen: horizontal to the north, a small horizontal slice on the east,
vertical to the north, and almost horizontal on the west side; this demonstrates
that the stonecutters did not hesitate when cutting a piece of granite."
The parameters of errors made on the "sarcophagus" of the Great Pyramid, measured
by Petri, led him to the conclusion that a very high sawing speed, which requires
at least machine technology (ie, machines, in simple language).
In every way emphasizing Petrie's merits in the study of the pyramids,
Egyptologists literally buried his "inconvenient" conclusion for them. And
seriously, only Christopher Dunn, a machinist who has experience in the American
space industry, turned to the study of this problem only in our time. He checked
the measurements of Petri and confirmed his conclusions, saying that it can only be
about advanced machine technologies.
If the saws were only on the "sarcophagus," Egyptologists could have ignored them
for a long time. However, explicit references to the use of saws are found almost
everywhere in Egypt. For example, next to the same Great Pyramid, there are remains
of a structure that is considered a temple. From it there was only a floor from
blocks of black basalt on which the weight of traces of sawing has remained simply.
At the beginning of the 20th century, German archaeologists carried out restoration
work there and, apparently, deliberately arranged blocks with traces of saws along
the perimeter of the fragment of the floor they collected, so that these tracks
could be viewed.

Once there are tracks, then their presence must be explained somehow. Therefore
historians have put forward a version of the fact that the ancient Egyptians used
copper saws. And since copper is much softer than granite and black basalt, this
version was supplemented by the assumption that quartz sand was used as an abrasive
for sawing - there is a lot of sand here on the border of the desert.
But manual sawing with the use of sand as an abrasive is a very difficult and time-
consuming process. Meanwhile, the whole nature of the traces left by a saw on the
blocks of the floor of the temple near the Great Pyramid indicates that the saw cut
the basalt as oil. Well, or as a styrofoam.
On some blocks, you can see the risks by which a very significant step of the saw
is seen - the distance between two successive movements of the tool. The saw sank
into one motion for a whole millimeter! ..
It seems that the masters had nothing to do with the fact that they are working on
one of the hardest rocks. They did not suffer any difficulties.
In some places, along the cuts, you can determine both the thickness of the saw
blade and the size of its cutting edge. The canvas was only a few millimeters
thick, and the width of the cutting edge is a millimeter, a maximum of two! There
can be no question about any copper saws here. The copper sheet with such
parameters during sawing will behave almost like a piece of paper - crumple and
tear. Harder and more durable materials were clearly used here. And if we take into
account that now special cuts are used for such cutting, then we are obviously
dealing with very high technologies.
On the south side of the temple there is a very noteworthy block. On its lateral
surface, a number of nonparallel vertical notches have been preserved. It seems
that the block was used in the manner of a log - it served as a support, and it
sawed other stones. Where the saw passed beyond the sawed stone, it bit into the
"chump" and left a mark. This in itself indicates that the sawing was done at a
very high speed - the master did not have time to stop immediately, and the saw
continued to move even after the stone lying on the "log" had already been sawn.
Again, this implies not manual cutting.

Another similar "churbach" lies on the edge of the temple - where earlier,
apparently there was some kind of limestone "edging" of the floor (maybe missing
walls now); the remnants of this "edging" are visible next to each other. On the
stone "chump" there is another curious detail: in the places of the basalt block
cutting, the limestone material is preserved! .. The cuttings were made so long ago
that during the time that the basalt block was lying next to the limestone, the
limestone "floated" a little. And maybe, in the cuts, limestone crumbled. When you
install or later - it's not the point; It is important that the basalt block here
stands certainly since the construction of the temple. However, in those handbooks
where footprints on the floor blocks of the temple near the Great Pyramid are
mentioned, even Egyptologists do not express any doubts about their antiquity.
It should be noted that the vast majority of cuts here produce a complete sense of
randomly left traces that do not have any technological purpose (see Figure 5-c
below). And it amazes that ease with which the instrument entered black basalt! ..
This is possible only with machine processing! ..
Moreover, on the treated surfaces, obvious deviations from flat planes are often
noticeable. And these deviations are absolutely not characteristic for stone
processing on stationary machines. Everything is much more similar to the fact that
the machining tool (like the same "Bulgarian" or "chainsaw") moved by hand, rather
than a rigidly fixed mechanism. About the presence of ancient Egyptians from the
time of pharaohs such mobile mechanical tools can not be a question! .. There are
clearly traces of the presence of a completely different civilization.

And one more little nuance. Among the vast number of different finds in Egypt,
there is still not one (!) Copper or at least a bronze saw that was used for sawing
stone (only saws with which the tree was processed, and the first saws for stone
processing date back to the period of the Roman Empire ). This is at least strange
for several thousand years, during which the Egyptian civilization not only existed
as a fully formed society, but also built houses, palaces, temples.
Cuttings are found not only in Egypt. For example, in Greece, on an ancient
monument in Tiryns, the sawdust is abundantly present on the blocks that are laid
in the foundation of buildings attributed by historians to the times of Mycenaean
civilization (II millennium BC). Here, the traces of sawing have almost all such
blocks.

But if the blocks with cuts, as a rule, are quite large and have approximately
rectangular shape, then the designs on them are made of torn stones on clay mortar
in the most primitive way. The difference between the two fundamentally different
technologies for building and processing stone is simply obvious. And the position
of the "torn" masonry on the upper tier clearly indicates that this more primitive
technology (which is precisely characteristic of the Mycenaean civilization) was
used much later. And the location of blocks with traces of sawing just as clearly
indicates their secondary use. Mycenaean civilization found here already the ruins
of an older building, the remains of which laid in the foundation of their houses.
Some of the cuts retained on their side walls risks that indicate not only a
straight saw motion, but also a sufficiently large pitch of the tool when
processing the stone - the distance between the risks is, as in Egypt, about one-
and-a-half millimeters (see Fig. 6-q).

And just like in Egypt, there are signs that the sawing did not present any
difficulties for the masters. Traces of their work have a chaotic, directly
negligent character. Such traces are visible, for example, on a pair of separately
lying blocks, which someone literally "shredded in parts".

A similar picture is observed in the capital of Mycenaean kingdom - Mycenae, which

is located not far from Tiryns. There are also blocks with cuts laid in the
foundation of more simple designs. There are signs of all the same secondary use of
the remains of older structures.
Fairly indicative in Mycenae are the traces of sawing on blocks of pebbles. Such a
rock is characterized by the fact that it is formed from very hard stones (pebbles)
that hold together a softer bond material. Despite the difference in the hardness
of these components, the block was sawed as if it had no difference in different
places - the saw passed without any difficulties either through the bonding
material or through a harder pebble. Traces of such sawing indicate that some kind
of machinery was used here, which in principle could not have been in the Mycenaean
civilization.

The famous "tombs" of Mycenae, where excavations of the equally famous Schliemann
(who discovered Homeric Troy), also have blocks with traces of sawing. Such traces
exist, for example, on the blocks that lie at the entrance to the "tombs" and which
may have served as the original pedestals of some statues or the foundations of
columns. Here the tracks are again very sloppy. It seems that the master did not
care about the quality of the work, and he only tried to designate the overall
shape of the block, casually cutting the pieces along the edges without any
difficulties, although he had to work with the same pebble.

Even greater negligence in the work of the master is visible on the block, which
archaeologists discovered during excavations in the ancient large shopping center
called Alalah in the territory of modern Turkey. It is even difficult to call this
"work", as well as use the word "master". Anyone who left traces of sawing on such
a solid material as black basalt, in general it is unclear what he wanted to
achieve. The stone is cut from all sides so carelessly and almost chaotically that
the task before it remains a complete mystery (see Figure 7-c). But it is quite
obvious that here we are dealing with traces of machine processing.

And this conclusion did not cause, obviously, any doubt also among the
archaeologists who continued to work here while we were examining such a wonderful
sample. At first they tried to assert that this is a modern stone. Then they
acknowledged that the stone was found during excavations, but they suggested that
the previous party of archaeologists for some reason "took samples for analysis"
from this stone. Our questions about why it would be necessary to saw basalt at the
same time, and not simply to chop off a small piece from it, and why analyze the
usual basalt in general, remained unanswered (for which, of course, one can not
accept a surprised shrug of the shoulders). As unanswered and requested to show the
equipment, which allegedly "taken samples for analysis."
However, we did not have any doubts that they simply can not have such equipment.
The nature of the remaining traces clearly indicate the processing with the help of
some machinery, which at the same time was held and moved by hand. The one who held
the tool, easily changed the angle of the saw and, if necessary, made several
passes in the same place.

The closest analogy that can come to mind is a circular saw - something like our
"bulgarian". However, the modern "Bulgarian" leaves very characteristic traces in
the form of concentric scratches. There was nothing of the sort here, although the
curvature of the edges of the cuts did not cause doubt that a circular saw was used
while processing this basalt block ...
Circular saws
Traces that are left openly by disk saws in general represent one of the most
revealing moments. The point is that circular saws are an unthinkable thing for the
famous ancient cultures. After all, in order to cut a stone with such a saw, you
need a disk that rotates at a very high speed. Accordingly, there must be a way to
ensure this rapid rotation; there must be some mechanism that ensures this
rotation; and there must be a source of appropriate effort. A simple modification
of the potter's wheel - even with some kind of clever device that increases the
effectiveness of the efforts of the hands or feet - there absolutely does not work.
In order to cut a stone with a circular saw, you need exactly the mechanical
equipment. Especially when it comes to hard rock.
Meanwhile, on ancient monuments of the traces of the use of circular saws there is
very, very much. For example, in another place in Turkey, directly in Hatus, the
capital of the Hittite Kingdom during its heyday, in the foundation of the most
ancient part of the so-called First Temple, there is a basalt block, traces of
which can not be confused with anything else. The saw saw absolutely worked here
(see Figure 8-c). The measured cutting parameters showed that the diameter of the
saw blade was. as much as 1.5-2 meters! ..

This is a fairly standard size for circular saws at a modern stone processing
plant, where such saws are controlled by special stationary powerful equipment,
which is the size of a small room. Such saws are produced from high-strength grades
of steel, and sawing is carried out with the help of special diamond nozzles.
Can there be any doubt that the Hittites did not have such equipment and could
not?!. Meanwhile, the block is clearly ancient - it is all covered with lichen and
has no traces of movement from its place in the foundation of the destroyed
building. However, despite its antiquity, it has traces of processing using very
highly developed technologies that are inaccessible to known ancient cultures.
Furthermore. For modern circular saws at mills, so that the saw can withstand the
loads that arise when cutting, the disk is made at least a centimeter thick. On the
block in Hutussa, there are cuts, according to which it can be concluded that the
edge of the cutting tool was no more than a half or two millimeters thick! .. This
is a fantasy even for our modern civilization! ..
We are dealing with traces of such technologies that are not yet available to us.
Which, however, is only confirmed with certainty by the fact that on the block this
is not the only trace. It is literally sliced ??from all sides by cuts from the
saw, which run in different planes from different angles and to different depths.
What for it was necessary for "masters", again remained a continuous riddle, but
the process obviously did not represent for them any problems or difficulties. And
no doubt it was in the machining of any - the side surfaces of the cuts are not
just polished in the process of sawing, they were polished to a mirror finish! ..

In Egypt there are also quite a few ancient artifacts with traces of circular saws.
For example, a trace on the basalt block of the floor of the temple near the
pyramid of Usurcafa in Saqqara (Userkaf - the first pharaoh of the V dynasty -
around 2500 BC). To confuse this trace (see Figure 9-c) with the result of the
action of some other tool is just as impossible - here it was clearly used a
circular saw. And on the parameters of the left track, we can conclude that the
size of the disk that cut the stone was about several dozen centimeters in
diameter.

Traces similar to this trace on the block of the floor of Userkaf's temple leave
the Bulgarian who is familiar to us, who is now considered to be a "hand tool". And
because of this, there is often serious confusion. In fact, with respect to ancient
societies, we are accustomed to using the same term, although we invest in it a
completely different content - the simplest instruments that function solely at the
expense of man's hand power. However, the Bulgar is only held by the hand, and the
rotation of its working disk is already provided by a mechanical device that is
powered by electricity (in the stone industry, air or water under pressure is also
used instead of electricity). Therefore, the Bulgarians are in fact the fact that
when analyzing ancient artifacts, one should call machinery! .. Even if this
machine equipment moves in space with the usual hand.
The use of a tool similar to a Bulgarian is indicated by traces preserved on the
sidewall of the black basalt sarcophagus, which is also in Sakkara, but already in
another pyramid, the pyramid that Egyptologists refer to the pharaoh of the
Sixteenth Dynasty of Teti (according to various sources 2320-2370 years BC).

The curvature of these tracks leaves no doubt that the disc was used. A very
noticeable randomness of the tracks indicates that it was moved in space, most
likely by hand. And it is obviously careless - the whole sarcophagus has rather
uneven walls. It seems that the manufacturers of the sarcophagus simply grabbed a
piece from the basalt block piece by piece as much as it pleases. Apparently, the
qualitative result of them was not particularly interesting, only the general shape
of the rectangular box was important. As a result, traces of the use of a
mechanical tool can be found literally on all sides of the sarcophagus.
A similar negligence is visible on the basalt block, which is in the side wall of
the passage to the temple near the Niusser pyramid in Abusir (Niuser is the pharaoh
of the V dynasty). There is also no doubt about the use of a circular saw. At the
same time, the masters cut the block a little, and then chop off the unnecessary
part of them.
The position of the disc clearly changed during the sawing process - the depth of
its penetration into the material varies noticeably along the length of the block.
The masters were not at all interested in the beauty and aesthetics of their work
in this place. The goal was only the result - somehow remove the excess from the
workpiece.

The depth of the cut is striking. Its shape (see Figure 10-c) indicates that
everything was done literally in one pass of the instrument, which at the same time
was buried at once by 10-15 centimeters. Meanwhile, when working with a modern
Bulgarian with a steel disc and diamond dusting, the master, even leaning on the
bulgarian with all his weight, can go deep into the solid black basalt in one pass
just a millimeter and a half, that is a hundred times less! ..

And here it is necessary either to recognize that Egyptologists are fundamentally

wrong in the level of development of the society of the times of Ancient Egypt, and
the Egyptians possessed a developed machine production (for which there are no
grounds). Or assume the presence before the Egyptians of a highly developed
civilization, at least reached the level of machine technology and left us and the
pharaohs many evidence of the use of circular saws. Tens, if not hundreds, have
found similar traces for just a few expeditions. And here are just some of them.
Of course, not all traces of tools indicate exactly the machine technology. In the
same Egypt there are a lot of traces of the simplest tools that fully correspond to
the rather primitive level of development of the ancient Egyptian civilization,
drawn to us by archaeologists and historians. But the more revealing the traces
left by the machinery. In general, the traces of instruments on different stone
blocks indicate a colossal difference in the two levels of technology, which can
not be explained by any "ejection" of Egyptian skills.
Traces of circular saws are not only in the Old World. We found them and the
Western Hemisphere during our expedition to Peru and Bolivia.
For example, in the Peruvian Ollantaytambo, somewhat away from the main complex, at
an altitude of several meters on an almost sheer rock there is a very remarkable
small horizontal platform. By its very existence, it already causes surprise - from
a natural granite rock a semi-oval cut out a piece so that not only a horizontal
platform was formed, but also a vertical wall of curved shape. And the vertical
wall as a result was not even polished, but polished! ..

However, there are many such cut-outs with polished vertical ones nearby. And this
one differs from the others in that a peculiar "grid" is applied to its horizontal
surface - apparently, so that the foot does not slip off the wet stone in rainy
weather (see Figure 11-c).

Similar "grids" can be seen on the steps at the entrance to some stations of the
Moscow metro and in the crossings where it is likely to slip on wet granite. This
"grid" is made just by the Bulgarian, in which a diamond abrasive disc is installed
for these purposes.
A similar instrument was also used on the rock in Ollantaytambo. Only here the cuts
are much deeper than on the Moscow steps. In addition, in a number of places it is
noticeable that each line is made by a double pass of the instrument (or a tool
with two disks). In this case, the width of the cutting edge of the disk was only
about a millimeter! ..
Unlike the Moscow steps, the platform on the cliff in Ollantaytambo is
"uninhabited" - tourists do not go there. They did not go before. This area is
generally on the side and much higher than the hiking trail. Consequently, this
grid was not made for them. In addition, this place has long been considered an
archaeological site, and archaeologists in this way do not "hooligan", cutting
"grids" on ancient sites. Everything indicates that the "grid" is made in ancient
times. But when? ..
The Spanish conquistadors did not have any circular saws. The Incas especially did
not have any saws at all. To get the same with a simple chipping of the material is
simply physically impossible - too flat as the depressions themselves, and their
edges. Here we can only talk about a machine tool. So everything indicates only
that the "grid" is left here by some unknown ancient civilization, which had a
very, very high level of technological development.
Slots similar to those left on the rock in Ollantaytambo, there is also in
neighboring Bolivia - in Tiahuanaco. Here on the territory of a very badly damaged
monument called Puma-Punku you can see a granite block with a very even vertical
notch. True, single, not double, as in Ollantaytambo. But this incision is for some
reason accompanied by a number of regular round holes with a diameter of just a
couple of millimeters (Figure 12-c).

Another block with similar incisions and holes lies nearby. Explicitly executed
using the same tools, he puzzled even more. Two parallel slots begin practically
from nowhere - not from the edge, but from a completely arbitrary place on the
block, and the holes are located on different sides of the block, forming a
completely meaningless chain of curvilinear shape.

If the purpose of such "delights" of the manufacturers of these blocks remained a

complete mystery, then we did not have any doubts about using machine tools of
ours: too smooth cuts and grooves, and also the edges at them. Anything similar to
any "shock" methods of simple copper and bronze tools, which were in the local
population in antiquity, can not be depicted. Moreover, the beginning of the slots
"out of nowhere" on the second block indicates the use of something like a disk
type, not a straight saw ...
But much more obvious traces of the circular saw can be seen on the territory of
another Peruvian archaeological site - Sacsayhuaman. Here a square piece with a
size of a third of a meter is cut off from a natural rock. Why would someone need a
piece of an ordinary rock - it's hard to say. Maybe for some laboratory research or
just "for memory" ... But it is quite obvious that this was done by an instrument
that can not be correlated with nothing but a circular saw. How impossible it is to
correlate this instrument with the Incas, which historians consider to be the
representatives of the only civil civilization that has been developed in the past
in the past.

Ancient notches on stones

Not far from the place where these traces of a circular saw were preserved, an
unimaginable thing is made at all: a very decent piece, no less than a good ten
meters long, is cut off from the same rock. And initially the rock was cut also by
something like a circular saw, the trace of which remained almost along the entire
length of the cut piece. The incision is very shallow - no more than two
centimeters (see Figure 13-c). It seems that the ancient masters - like us when
working with glass or tiles - just cut the material a little, and then split it in
a notch. Only a breakaway piece weighs several hundred tons! ..

Anyway, everything indicates that the masters did not make absolutely no problems
at a length of a dozen meters to be cut into a couple of centimeters in a solid
magmatic rock, while for a modern Bulgarian this would be a very difficult task.
It is fairly obvious that when working with a hard stone, the tool gradually wears
out. And some particles of the tool material will inevitably get stuck in the
roughness of the processed stone, forming microblockings. And the softer the
material of the instrument, the more such microclusters will be. Moreover, the
microparticles of the tool material are able to so closely adhere to the particles
of minerals (especially in such heterogeneous rocks as, say, granite) that even
thousands of years is an insignificant period for complete washing or weathering of
these microblockings in the course of natural erosion processes.
We managed to take a sample of a rock with a notch. Further investigations of the
specimen with the help of an electron microscope yielded what we expected, but
unpleasant for historians - there is no trace on the surface of the incision
the slightest trace of copper or tin. Consequently, neither copper nor bronze tools
were used in its creation. But the Incas had nothing else! ..
The results of the analyzes give only one more confirmation that the Inca had
absolutely nothing to do with the incision. This is the work of a completely
different, much older, but much more advanced civilization. And in fact, to the
work of the same civilization, denied by historians (and not the Incas), it is
necessary to include another more rugged and more famous place on the same rock -
the so-called "Inka throne". However, like the whole megalithic complex of
Sacsayhuaman.

Long incisions, as on a rock in Sacsayhuamane, are also found in Egypt. Only here
they have a character, rather decorative than technological. They can be found in
abundance, say, in Karnak. Here the incision (or slit) most often as it were
outlines on the surface of the stone the zones in which images or hieroglyphs are
located.
For example, on the granite gate racks located in the central part of the complex -
just in front of the temple - such cuts, delimiting different parts of the images,
run through the entire height of the gate. And this is about 5-6 meters! ..
With such a long extension, the incisions are very small in depth (only a
centimeter) and have a V-shape in the cross section - starting literally from 3-4
millimeters at the entrance and ending at an acute angle of practically zero width
(see Figure 14c). And such a truly jeweler's work is executed along the entire
length of the slot, that is, for all 5-6 meters! .. In addition, the surfaces
inside the notch are polished! ..
Some ordinary flat saw does not fit here - too much length is obtained. Much better
cut is a circular saw (Bulgarian), having in
section of the V-shaped working part. And if you look closely, some cuts can be
seen in places "wobble" from side to side - just the same as if the hand of the
master driving a Bulgarian had suddenly trembled for some reason.

Perhaps, purely theoretically, now it is possible to create similar. But again,

purely in theory. And in practice, there are two very serious problems. Firstly, we
do not have circular saws designed for stone processing and having practically zero
cutting edge thickness. Especially for working with such a solid stone as granite.
When cutting granite, the load on the tool in its working area will be such that
the thin edge of the tool simply can not withstand it. And secondly, the modern
master at work with the Bulgarian for one pass cuts the material to a very small
depth - at best to a millimeter or two, and therefore, in case of some error, it
can be corrected with the following passages. Here, the "wiggling" of the slits
looks as if they were made in just one pass! .. The tool cut the granite as if it
were not a stone, but quite soft wood! ..
The analysis of the sample taken by us from this gate, which was carried out using
the X-ray mass spectrometry method, showed that there are absolutely no traces of
copper or tin on the polished surface inside the notch. Consequently, here as well
(as in Saksayuaman), neither copper nor bronze tools were used. However, to do this
manually, even with the help of bronze tools of the times of the New Kingdom (and
this period Egyptologists
date this section of the Karnak complex) on such a hard material as granite
�physically impossible. But this is not a single incision here! ..
However, even more puzzling are the distinct risks that are visible on the polished
surface. They do not go at all on a strongly rounded curve, as would be the case
with a circular saw, but in parallel with the slits! .. A similar sharp knife could
have left such risks simultaneously with polishing the surface (as a by-product).
But we do not know knives that can cut granite in this way in one pass! .. This is
from the field of technologies that are not yet available to us! ..

However, sometimes ancient masters did all the same not one pass, but two. In such
cases, sometimes - as, for example, in the case of a fragment of the obelisk lying
now near the Sacred Lake next to the famous scarab sculpture around which tourists
like to travel in circles - the incision has a "broken" surface with two planes
located at different angles. And sometimes there is a double track from the
instrument in one notch. A similar trace from the double passage can be seen on one
of the numerous granite debris that are now stacked in rows in the still closed to
the tourists area of ??Carnac, where the restoration work is taking place. However,
in Karnak in general a lot of similar cuts on the most different granite blocks and
their fragments - the number of cuts is counted in hundreds! ..
There are similar incisions in Greece. For example, on the blocks that form the
gate posts of the so-called "tombs" in Mycenae. And like the cuts mentioned earlier
on the blocks near the entrance to the "tombs", the incisions on the gate blocks
are very careless in nature. In some cases, the master of some clearly high-tech
tool seemed to only "emphasize" the inner corners, in others - to refine the
corners of the exterior. But there and there there is a feeling that they did not
need an ideal result at all, and the work seems not to be finished.

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