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CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 442
SOCIAL CAPACITY FOR RESPONDING TO AND SHAPING
ECOSYSTEM DYNAMICS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445
Knowledge, Learning, and Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445
Adaptive Management and Organizational Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 447
Governance and Adaptive Comanagement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 448
Adaptive Governance and Social Capital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 449
SOCIAL SOURCES OF RESILIENCE FOR ADAPTABILITY AND
TRANSFORMATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 452
Social Memory, Teams, and Actor Groups as Sources of Resilience . . . . . . . . . . . 453
Transforming Governance for Social-Ecological Sustainability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 455
1543-5938/05/1121-0441$20.00 441
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INTRODUCTION
The history of human use and abuse of ecosystems tells the story of adaptation to
the changing conditions that we create. Often, the response has been to increase
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time, the capacity of the environment, from local ecosystems to the biosphere, to
sustain societal development seems to have been reduced over historical time (3,
4) and at increasing pace during the past century (5). This has lead to vulnerability
in many places and regions with constrained options for human livelihoods and
progress (6, 7). But has humanity adapted its capacity for learning and foresight
to deal with this new and challenging situation?
Sometimes change in ecosystems and society is gradual or incremental. During
periods of steady progress, things move forward in roughly continuous and pre-
dictable ways. At other times, change is abrupt, disorganizing, or turbulent. During
such periods, experience tends to be incomplete for understanding, consequences
of actions are ambiguous, and the future of system dynamics is often unclear and
uncertain (8). Evidence points to a situation where periods of abrupt change are ex-
pected to increase in frequency, duration, and magnitude (9). At the same time, the
capacity of ecosystems to remain within desired states in the face of abrupt change
seems to have been reduced as a consequence of human actions (10). Vulnerable
terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems may easily shift into undesired states in the sense
of providing ecosystem services to society. The existence of such alternate regimes
poses new fundamental challenges to environment and resource management (11).
Theories and approaches to environment and resource management have to a
large extent focused on single issues or resources and been based on a steady-state
view, interpreting change as gradual and incremental and disregarding interac-
tions across scales. Such partial approaches are less useful in the current situation
wherein the capacity of many ecosystems to generate resources and ecosystem ser-
vices for societal development has become vulnerable to change and no longer can
be taken for granted. Furthermore, it is now clear that patterns of production, con-
sumption, and well-being arise not only from economic and social relations within
regions but also depend on the capacity of other regions’ ecosystems to sustain
them (12, 13). A major challenge is to assure this capacity in the face of change (14).
Emerging theories and approaches point to the importance of assessing and ac-
tively managing resilience, i.e., the extent to which a system can absorb
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resilience, but if there is capacity in the social system to respond to change and
restore the lake the social-ecological system is still resilient (47, 48).
The capacity to adapt to and shape change is an important component of re-
silience in a social-ecological system (42). In a social-ecological system with high
adaptability, the actors have the capacity to reorganize the system within desired
states in response to changing conditions and disturbance events (18). Adaptive
management (49) is often put forward as a more realistic and promising approach
to deal with ecosystem complexity (50) than management for optimal use and
control of resources (1, 44). Dietz et al. (51) used the concept of adaptive gover-
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nance to expand the focus from adaptive management of ecosystems to address the
broader social contexts that enable ecosystem-based management. By governance,
we mean creating the conditions for ordered rule and collective action (52) or in-
stitutions of social coordination (53). Governance is the structures and processes
by which people in societies make decisions and share power (54). Advocating an
adaptive ecosystem approach, Boyle et al. (55) suggest a triad of activities, wherein
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governance is the process of resolving trade-offs and of providing a vision and di-
rection for sustainability, management is the operationalization of this vision, and
monitoring provides feedback and synthesizes the observations to a narrative of
how the situation has emerged and might unfold in the future.
There has been substantial progress in understanding the social dimension of
ecosystem management, including organizational and institutional flexibility for
dealing with uncertainty and change (8, 40, 42, 51, 56–61) and social capital (62–
64). Challenges for the social sciences have been raised in this context (65, 66). So-
cial sources of resilience, such as social capital (including trust and social networks)
and social memory (including experience for dealing with change) (67), are essen-
tial for the capacity of social-ecological systems to adapt to and shape change (68).
Here, we extend the framework of ecosystem-based management, as currently
applied, to explore the social dimension in what we refer to as adaptive governance
of social-ecological systems. We concentrate our review on experiences of gover-
nance in relation to complex adaptive ecosystems and in particular during periods
when change is abrupt, disorganizing, or turbulent. This is the time when existing
structures are most challenged, and the risk for a shift into undesired regimes is the
highest. We are particularly interested in social sources that seem to be of signifi-
cance in responding to and shaping change as well as building resilience for reor-
ganization in social-ecological systems, both internally and in relation to external
drivers. The focus is on local and regional governance of landscapes and seascapes.
In the first part of the review, we address the social responsiveness to ecosystem
dynamics, in particular learning from the level of individuals through management
practice and social networks to organizations. It is argued that adaptive gover-
nance is operationalized through adaptive comanagement systems and that the
roles of social capital, focusing on networks, leadership, and trust, are emphasized
in this context. The second section strives toward understanding social sources
of resilience, in particular the interplay between crisis and mobilization of so-
cial memory for reorganization. The issues of transformation of social-ecological
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tain resources and ecosystem services requires the ability to observe and interpret
essential processes and variables in ecosystem dynamics to develop the social ca-
pacity to respond to environmental feedback and change (23, 40, 69). Processes
that generate learning, meaning, knowledge, and experience of ecosystem dynam-
ics expressed in management practice are part of the social capacity of responding
to environmental change.
their benefit and livelihood with ecosystems (77, 78). The way such knowledge is
being organized and culturally embedded, its relationship to institutionalized, pro-
fessional science, and its role in catalyzing new ways of managing environmental
resources have all become important subjects (79–85).
There is a growing literature on the potential in combining local knowledge
systems with scientific knowledge to cope with change in resource and ecosystem
management, including understanding climate change (86) and managing fish-
eries, biodiversity, and landscape dynamics (87–90). For example, in the Solomon
Islands, indigenous knowledge, practice, and sea tenure systems were used in
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(111).
conflicts among diverse stakeholders and, at the same time, adapts this social
problem to resolve issues concerning dynamic ecosystems (51). The term “gover-
nance” has recently become a catchword for various alternatives to conventional
top-down government control, including collaboration, partnerships, and networks
(120). Issues of legitimacy and accountability are often stressed in the literature
on governance (121, 122), and good governance of ecosystems has been inter-
preted as solving the trilemma characterized by tensions between effectiveness,
participation, and legitimacy (123).
Governance emerges from many actors in the state-society complex and can
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actors at local to state levels. However, in 1998 the Swedish Environmental Protec-
tion Agency and the National Board of Fisheries initiated a joint project between
Norway and Sweden to implement an action program for conserving the noble
crayfish (131). It involves collaboration between county administration boards,
municipalities, rural economic and agricultural associations, local fishing associ-
ations, the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency, and the National Board of
Fisheries of both countries. It is funded by the European Commissions Interreg
program, three Norwegian and two Swedish county administrations boards, and
several Norwegian municipalities. The action program for the noble crayfish illus-
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network-based governance systems in which diverse policy actors are knitted to-
gether to focus on common problems, but these multilevel networks can stimulate
collaboration, build trust, provide information, and encourage the development
of common perspectives on policy issues. Such networks represent informal gov-
ernance systems across organizational levels with an interest in influencing and
implementing policies in a given resource area. They have been referred to as
policy communities (133) or epistemic communities (134).
In times of rapid change informal social networks can provide arenas for novelty
and innovation and enhance flexibility, all of which tend to be stifled in bureau-
cracies (99). However, these network structures do not replace the accountability
of existing hierarchical bureaucracies but operate within and complement them
(135). As observed by Steel & Weber (136), too much decentralization may coun-
teract its purpose and miss the opportunity of collective action that involves several
organizational levels.
Networks of collaboration may emerge from different actors and levels, in-
cluding local as well as governmental initiatives. Schusler et al. (137) describe
a successful attempt by a New York State agency to encourage comanagement
through a deliberative process. Aided by researchers, the agency initiated collabo-
ration and catalyzed social learning. The stakeholders were invited to a conference
and learned about system dynamics of the basin, about the concerns of other par-
ticipants, and as much as half of them experienced value formation and altered
their own concerns related to natural resource management in the area. Formal col-
laboration initiated by authorities can be supported by legislation and institutional
interaction, as the polycentric fishing institutions in Sweden, or be nonstatutory
arrangements with the purpose of collaborative learning and conflict resolution,
as the example by Schusler illustrates. Berkes (138) distinguishes between real
comanagement, with shared management authority, and multistakeholder bodies
that are often used by government agencies to increase legitimacy and manage
conflicts without devolution of power.
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level but may also span the regional and global levels. For instance, UNESCO
Man and Biosphere reserves are often governed by an informal ad hoc assembly
of concerned individuals and NGOs with no legal power but ability to influence
the policy-making process (55).
Collaboration in governance networks requires leadership. Here we focus on
leadership in the direction of adaptive governance of social-ecological systems.
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Crises open up arenas for new leadership with various objectives (99). In a review of
the empirical literature on watershed partnership by Leach & Pelkey (141), effec-
tive leadership and management was the second most frequent factor for successful
partnership after adequate funding. Leadership is essential in shaping change and
reorganization by providing innovation in order to achieve the flexibility needed to
deal with ecosystem dynamics. This is addressed by Shannon (142) in her work on
the role of policy entrepreneurs in forest management and by Kuhnert (143) and
Ostrom (144) on public entrepreneurs in relation to irrigation- and groundwater
basin management. Furthermore, entrepreneurial leaders have proven their signif-
icance in the development of international institutions by functioning as agenda
setters, popularizing issues at stake, devising policy options to overcome bargain-
ing impediments, brokering deals, and lining up support for salient options (145).
Leaders can provide key functions for adaptive governance, such as building trust,
making sense, managing conflict, linking actors, initiating partnership among ac-
tor groups, compiling and generating knowledge, and mobilizing broad support
for change. Key individuals also develop and communicate visions of ecosystem
management that frame self-organizing processes (58). These individuals often
have the ability to manage existing knowledge within social networks for ecosys-
tem management and further develop those networks. Lack of leaders can lead to
inertia in social-ecological systems (111).
Trust makes social life predictable, it creates a sense of community, and it makes
it easier for people to work together (146). Trust can be said to be the basis of all
social institutions and is also integral to the idea of social influence, as it is easier
to influence or persuade someone who is trusting (147, 148). Building trust and the
growth of social network are closely related to investments in social capital. Pretty
& Ward (149) refer to social capital as relations of trust, reciprocity, common
rules, norms, sanctions, and connectedness in institutions. Several authors have
regarded social capital as the glue for adaptive capacity and collaboration (63,
109, 149–151), whereas others have contested its empirically explanatory power
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(152, 153). Social capital is built by investing in social relationships, and the
networks that emerge can either focus on horizontal or vertical collaboration (111).
Both dimensions seem to be necessary for transforming ecosystem management
to more adaptive governance (58). Wondolleck & Yaffee (118) provide several
examples of how public managers have invested in building trust and collaboration
to meet their objectives in natural resource management. Stakeholder networks
have emerged in some of the U.S. National Estuary Program areas (154). These
areas have been found to span more levels of government, integrate more experts
into policy discussions, build trust, reduce the level of conflict among key persons
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from different stakeholder groups, and as a result, increase the legitimacy of the
program (132).
We emphasize that, to emerge and be effective, self-organized governance sys-
tems for ecosystem management require a civic society with a certain level of social
capital (53, 149), and the governance system must continuously learn and generate
experience about ecosystem dynamics. Social capital increases the flexibility of
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management organizations and institutions, but the social features and processes
underlying reorganization after disturbance are not well understood. In the next
section, we focus on social sources of resilience that make adaptive governance of
social-ecological systems possible. We are particularly interested in social sources
of resilience that can be mobilized to adapt to and shape periods of rapid and
turbulent change as well as contribute to the reorganization of social-ecological
systems into desired states.
tipping points stresses the social roles of mavens (altruistic individuals, with social
skills, who serve as information brokers, sharing and trading what they know) and
connectors (individuals who know lots of people not only by numbers but the kind
of people they know and in particular the diversity of acquaintances). They are the
strength of the weak ties and enhance the information base of their social network.
Mavens are data banks and provide the message. Connectors are social glue and
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spread the message, and then there are salesmen, individuals with the social skills
to persuade people unconvinced of what they are hearing. All interact to create
rapid and large change (160).
Many patterns of adaptive comanagement can be understood by personal traits,
and these traits combined with the roles of teams or actor groups are important
factors for building adaptive capacity and provide a source of social resilience in
social-ecological systems. Bebbington (161) identified brokers with different back-
grounds, including a priest, university professor, European volunteers, and funding
agencies that came from outside and played key roles in sustainable agriculture
intensification in the Andes. They brought in new ideas, but more importantly they
brought in networks of contacts that helped the members of the local communi-
ties gain access to nonlocal institutions and resources, including access to NGOs
with technical assistance and financial resources, sources of technology, donors,
and alternative trading networks. Tompkins et al. (162) show how expanding and
linking networks of dependence and exchange helps facilitate integrated and in-
clusive coastal management in Trinidad and Tobago. Such networks spread across
national and international boundaries in ways that would have been hard for the
locals to do on their own.
Other social roles of key individuals operating in teams or actor groups in
adaptive comanagement systems include knowledge carriers, knowledge gener-
ators, stewards, leaders, and people who make sense of available information
(109). Folke et al. (68), using several case studies, also identified the following
actor groups: knowledge retainers, interpreters, facilitators, visionaries, inspirers,
innovators, experimenters, followers, and reinforcers. Social capital focuses on
relationships among such groups, i.e., the bridging and bonding links between
people in social networks (163, 164). Applied to adaptive governance, these re-
lationships must be fed with relevant knowledge on ecosystem dynamics. This is
related to the capacity of teams to process information, to make sense of scien-
tific data and connect it to an empirical context, to mobilize the social memory of
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experiences from past changes and responses, and to facilitate adaptive and inno-
vative responses.
Social roles of actor groups are all important components of social networks
and essential for creating the conditions that we argue are necessary for adaptive
governance of ecosystem dynamics during periods of rapid change and reorga-
nization. Linking different actors groups in networks and creating opportunities
for new interactions are important for dealing with uncertainty and change and
critical factors for learning and nurturing integrated adaptive responses to change
(165). We hypothesize that the combination of social roles of agent/actor and
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and interact (e.g., Reference 166) or when the cultural dynamics created by the
policies of those in power during earlier periods may inhibit development of the
ability to respond to disturbance and surprise (99). In this sense, the underlying
worldview of resource management (167) may impose a grid on social memory
for managing ecosystem dynamics (1), and opinion shifts may be inhibited by
credible authorities, who neglect the problem, or by competition for attention to
other issues and problems that take place simultaneously (111).
However, key individuals with strong leadership may catalyze opinion shifts
(111, 160), and creative teams and actor groups may emerge into a large connected
community of practitioners who prepare a social-ecological system for change
(105, 158) and transform it into a new state as discussed below. Such fundamental
change in social-ecological systems can occur rapidly (111).
change in social structures (58). For instance, in a study of the U.S. Fish and
Wildlife Service, Danter et al. (59) highlight the need for organizational change
as a component of ecosystem management and put forward the role of leadership
in actively initiating change within organizations (Figure 1). Visionary leaders
fabricate new and vital meanings, overcome contradictions, create new synthesis,
and forge new alliances between knowledge and action (58). Leadership that can
engage and change the opinions and values of a critical mass of people to create
an epidemic movement toward an idea has been investigated by Scheffer et al.
(111) and is referred to as tipping-point leadership (168). Kingdon (169) stresses
the importance of timing for initiating change and suggests that policy windows
open either when decision makers perceive a problem as pressing and seek a policy
(problem-driven window) or when they adopt a theme for their administration and
look for problems that may justify change and proposals that are along the theme
(politically driven window). A policy entrepreneur in this context is a person who
connects political momentum to problem perception and a policy proposal. Grindle
& Thomas (170) have also studied the role of such key individuals in shaping and
influencing policy and institutional change with a focus on developing countries.
Key individuals assess and identify a range of opportunities for change, a process
referred to as creating policy space. Single individuals have also been found to play
key functions in managing boundaries between different organizations involved in
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science and policy and also in the context of learning, knowledge generation, and
social responses for dealing with global environmental risks (103, 171), including
the social amplification of risk (172).
In the literature on resilience, adaptability is the capacity of actors in a social-
ecological system to manage resilience in the face of uncertainty and surprise.
It implies remaining and developing within the current attractor of the social-
ecological system. In contrast, transformability is the capacity to create a funda-
mentally new system when ecological, economic, or social (including political)
conditions make the existing system untenable. Transformability means creating
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and defining a new attractor that directs the development of the social-ecological
system by introducing new components and ways of making a living, thereby
changing the state variables, and often the scales of key cycles, that define the
system (18).
Transformations toward alternative forms of governance have been addressed by
Kettl (135), Kuks & Bressers (173) and Agrawal (174). In a recent paper (109), we
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458
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FOLKE ET AL.
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Figure 2 Transformation toward adaptive comanagement of the wetland landscape in southern Sweden. The transformation was orchestrated
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by leaders providing vision and meaning, learning and knowledge generation, and gluing and expanding social networks, thereby preparing
the social-ecological system for change when the opportunity opened [reprinted with permission from Olsson et al. (109)].
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and opinions (175). This is critical for reducing the resilience of undesired trajec-
tories and building up a momentum for moving into new trajectories (58). Currently
efforts in the wetland landscape of Kristianstad are directed toward strengthening
the resilience of the new governance system in the performance of ecosystem man-
agement. Olsson et al. (109) identified 30 different strategies for increasing the
capacity for dealing with uncertainty and change and divided these strategies into
developing motivation and values for ecosystem management, directing the local
context through adaptive comanagement, and navigating the larger environment.
The new governance system strives to combine vision, direction, learning, and
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management and has been instrumental in orchestrating the area to become the
first Man and the Biosphere Reserve in Sweden.
Successful social transformations toward adaptive governance for ecosystem
management seem to be preceded by the emergence of informal networks, orches-
trated by key individuals, that help facilitate information flows, identify knowledge
gaps, and create nodes of expertise of significance for ecosystem management that
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can be drawn upon at critical times. These networks place emphasis on political
independence, out of the fray of regulation and implementation, places where for-
mal networks and many planning processes fail (50). Gunderson et al. (99) have
emphasized the role of such shadow networks as incubators of new approaches
for governing social-ecological systems. Because members of these networks are
not always under scrutiny or obligations of their agencies or constituencies, most
likely they are freer to develop alternative policies, dare to learn from each other,
and think creatively about the resolution of resource problems. But, even if the new
adaptive governance system is performing in a resilient manner through adaptive
comanagement of ecosystems and landscapes it may be challenged and fragile
during changes in external drivers.
causes behind land-use change, Lambin et al. (176) argue that land-use change can
be understood using the concepts of complex adaptive systems and transitions.
They illustrate that synergies between resource scarcity leading to an increase
in the pressure of production on resources, changing opportunities created by
markets, outside policy intervention, loss of adaptive capacity, and changes in
social organization and attitudes are essential drivers that challenge governance
systems in tropical regions. The strength of marine tenure institutions in Papua
New Guinea and Indonesia seems to be undermined by connectivity to larger
markets. Immigration, dependence on fishing, and conflicts also impact marine
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tenure systems (177). Differences in land tenure, agricultural policy, and market
conditions are more significant drivers of long-term changes in semiarid African
savannas than are agro-pastoral population growth, cattle numbers, or small-holder
land use (178). Increasing vulnerability places a region on a trajectory of greater
risk to the panoply of stresses and shocks that occur over time. Catastrophes, i.e.,
undesirable sudden changes in social-ecological systems, are due to a combination
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of the magnitude of external forces and the internal resilience of the system.
As resilience declines, it takes a progressively smaller external event to cause
a catastrophe. The process is a cumulative one in which sequences of shocks and
stresses punctuate the trends, and the inability to replenish coping resources propels
a region and its people to increasing criticality (6, 7, 179).
Hence, adaptive governance of social-ecological resilience also requires ca-
pacity to deal with the broader environment and preparation for uncertainty and
surprise (180). A growing literature on polycentric institutions (124, 125, 181)
demonstrates that flexible coping with external drivers and rapid change is en-
hanced by systems of governance that exist at multiple levels with some degree of
autonomy, complemented by modest overlaps in authority and capability (155).
Such flexible institutional arrangements have been judged as inefficient because
they look messy and are nonhierarchical in structure, but they help provide a reper-
toire of general design principles that can be drawn on by resource users at multiple
levels to aid in the crafting of new institutions that cope with changing situations
(182, 183).
A lot of attention is given to multilevel governance and cross-scale interactions
in relation to social-ecological systems and adaptive comanagement (e.g., Refer-
ences 41, 127, 129, 138, 184–186). The real challenge is dealing with systems
that are not only cross-scale but also dynamic, whereby the nature of cross-scale
influences in the linked social-ecological system changes over time, creating fun-
damental problems for division of responsibility between centralized and decen-
tralized agents (187). Gunderson & Holling (8) use the concept “panarchy” as a
heuristic model to conceptualize complex interactions, emphasizing the interplay
between periods of gradual and rapid change within and between scales and be-
tween novelty and memory, and scholars have used such aspects to address change
in complex adaptive social-ecological systems (e.g., References 188 and 189).
An important factor in this context is organizations in adaptive comanage-
ment that emerge to bridge local actors and communities with other scales of
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organizations. Such bridging organizations can serve as filters for external drivers
(190) and also provide opportunities by bringing in resources, knowledge, and other
incentives for ecosystem management. Westley (58) used the term “bridging” for
interorganizational collaboration. In Kristianstad, southern Sweden, a bridging or-
ganization, the Ecomuseum Kristianstad Vattenrike, emerged as a local response
to the perceived crisis in wetland landscape management. The Ecomuseum pro-
vides an arena for building trust, sense making, learning, vertical and/or horizontal
collaboration, and conflict resolution. The bridging organization encompasses the
function of a boundary organization (171, 191) by communicating, translating,
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and mediating scientific knowledge to make it relevant to policy and action. The
organization also uses its network of stakeholders to mobilize knowledge and so-
cial memory in turbulent times, which in turn help deal with uncertainty and shape
change (68).
NGOs may act as bridging organizations in, for example, community-based
ecosystem management in tropical regions, and scientists may serve as visionary
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leaders in the process (e.g., Reference 81). The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment
(http://www.maweb.org) provides several local examples of how bridging organi-
zations perform essential functions in crafting effective responses, often without
changing formal institutions (192). These include the bottom-up initiative in Swe-
den, a top-down initiative in the Philippines, and external initiatives in Indonesia
and Chile. About 12 million people live around the Laguna Lake in the Philippines.
The governance was compartmentalized and nonparticipatory before the author-
ities formed 33 River Rehabilitation Councils (RRCs), which included several
stakeholders. The RRCs can be regarded as bridging organizations that are able to
address social as well as ecological drivers and make comprehensive and effective
responses to declining trends. The scientific community played an important role in
the formation of RRCs (193). Development agencies and research institutes, such
as the Alternatives to Slash and Burn (ASB) program of International Centre for
Research in Agroforestry, can also act as catalyzer and perform functions similar to
bridging organizations. In Indonesia, the ASB facilitated a tenure reform by invest-
ing several years in dialogue and consensus building with NGOs, local government
offices, and the Krui community. Eventually the ASB managed to convince the au-
thorities of the high social benefits from community agroforestry (194). In northern
Chile, a small research center without formal political or economic power man-
aged to provide an arena with an advisory committee, for indigenous communities,
large mining companies, tourist operators, and local government officials. Access
to information and the unique opportunity to interact because of a complex and
pressing issue attracted these participants. A history of distrust was broken when,
for the first time, they sat down together to discuss ecosystem management and
local development. Capacity building was reinforced through scenario workshops
undertaken in late 2004, as part of The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (195).
Bridging organizations thrive under open institutions (196), which provide flex-
ibility and space for dealing with the ambiguity of multiple objectives. These are
important in strengthening the adaptive capacity of local actors. By reducing the
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Ecuador (using a model tried out in Mexico) and that represented local communi-
ties, timber companies, government agencies, environmental NGOs, and foreign
assistance groups. It became a forum for discussion and debate on sustainable
forestry issues, and a civic arena for bargaining and making compromises and
trade-offs, as well as communication. The local communities were able to im-
prove the terms of trade with the timber companies because they could exchange
by 213.67.156.125 on 10/27/05. For personal use only.
information on deals offered and cooperate in demanding better prices. The timber
companies also benefited by getting the communities to agree on a workable policy
for sales of timber land.
CONCLUSION
In recent years cooperative and collaborative efforts and participatory approaches
have become increasingly popular in ecosystem management and governmental
policy. Stakeholder meetings, engaging different actors in workshop settings, have
been part of the process. There has been a tendency, however, for the natural sci-
entists to do the science first or governmental agencies to develop the agenda first,
present it to the different groups, and incorporate these groups in already estab-
lished frameworks. Complex social dynamics, such as trust building and power
relations, have often been underestimated and the view of social relationships
simplified. Once a problem needing collaboration moves into the public arena,
stakeholders tend to become frozen in polarized positions, and any real negotiation
becomes difficult (58). Consequently, many attempts for ecosystem stewardship
have failed.
In this review, we have explored the social dimension of adaptive comanage-
ment of ecosystems and landscapes, referred to as systems of adaptive governance.
The focus has been on social features and sources that seem to be of significance in
responding to crisis, shaping change and building resilience for reorganization and
renewal of social-ecological systems, both internally and in relation to external per-
turbations. This challenge involves linking a broad range of actors at multiple scales
to deal with the interrelated dynamics of resources and ecosystems, management
systems and social systems, as well as uncertainty, unpredictability, and surprise.
Adaptive governance focuses on experimentation and learning, and it brings
together research on institutions and organizations for collaboration, collective
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action, and conflict resolution in relation to natural resource and ecosystem man-
agement. The essential role of individuals needs to be recognized in this context
(e.g., leadership, trust building, vision, and meaning); their social relations (e.g.,
actor groups, knowledge systems, social memory) and social networks serve as
the web that tie together the adaptive governance system. It has cross-level and
cross-scale activities and includes governmental policies that frame creativity. The
notion of adaptation implies capacity to respond to change and even transform
social-ecological systems into improved states.
Research on adaptive governance of social-ecological systems illustrate that
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resourc. 2005.30:441-473. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We would like to thank friends and colleagues of the Resilience Alliance, Stock-
holm University, and the Beijer Institute for constructive discussions. FORMAS,
the Swedish Research Council for Environment, Agricultural Sciences and Spatial
Planning, has supported our work.
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CONTENTS
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ix
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x CONTENTS
INDEXES
Subject Index 475
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 21–30 499
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 21–30 503
Annu. Rev. Environ. Resourc. 2005.30:441-473. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org
ERRATA
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Environment and
and Resources chapters may be found at http://environ.annualreviews.org
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