116

CONTENTS
Preface v

A new ‘Year 12’ parcel of Sasanian drachms (mostly Khusrau II) 1

Susan Tyler-Smith

Syrian gold coins under Persian rule - Re-attribution of fractional gold imitations up 8
to now attributed by Hahn to the time of the Revolt of the Heraclii
Henri Pottier

The Mints of Nicomedia and Cyzicus during the Persian War 610-620 11
Marcus Phillips

Constantine IV embattled – what can his coins tell us? 33

Steve Mansfield

The Chronology of the Arab Conquests 41

James Howard-Johnston

The Phase 2 Coinage of Gerasa under Muʿawiya and his Successors 49

Andrew Oddy

A new Byzantine-Arab mint: Canatha of the Decapolis 75

Andrew Oddy

Pseudo-Scythopolis: a new Phase 2 Byzantine-Arab Mint in the Decapolis Region of 84

Bilād al-Shām
Andrew Oddy and Vivien Prigent

How to attribute? Classifying three confusing early Umayyad coins of seventh- 96

century Syria
Ingrid Schulze

Notes on Some Puzzling Legends on Seventh-Century Arab-Byzantine Coinage 109

David Woods

Standing Caliph imagery revisited 119

Tony Goodwin

Anṭākiya – A new Standing Caliph mint and die links in the jund Qinnasrīn 129
Wolfgang Schulze

The Standing Caliph coins with the mint name Qūrus 141
Wolfgang Schulze

Tabar – a new Standing Caliph mint? 152

Tony Goodwin

The Standing Caliph Coins of Jerusalem - Important new die links 156
Ingrid Schulze

117
The Roman/Byzantine and the Islamic Weight Systems – Two sides of the same coin 158
Dietrich Schnädelbach

Arabic Glasses (coin weights, jetons and vessel stamps) from Umayyad Syria 175
Arianna D’Ottone Rambach

Early Islamic Volume Measurements 196

Nitzan Amitai-Preiss

118
 Standing Caliph Imagery Revisited
Tony Goodwin1

Much has been written about the imagery and symbolism of the Standing Caliph coinage, so in this
article I will not attempt a comprehensive review of the topic. Instead I will concentrate on two
specific features; first the enigmatic object which appears to hang from the caliph’s forearm on the
obverse and secondly the meaning of the symbol-on-steps on the reverse of the copper coins.

The obverse image

Figure 1: Obverse of a Standing Caliph gold dinar of 77AH, Arabic legend clockwise from 1h -
‘bism allāh lā ilāha illā allāh waḥdahu mu¢ammad rasūl allāh’ - in the name of God, there is no
god but God, He is alone; Mu¢ammad is the messenger of God (4.45g, Ashmolean Museum SICA 1
705).2
The obvious place to find an authentic image of the caliph is on the dinars and Fig. 1 shows what is
probably the best-preserved of these, the Ashmolean Museum’s example of 77AH. The caliph
stands facing us with feet slightly apart and his right hand gripping the hilt of his sword, whilst his
left hand holds the top edge of the large scabbard, decorated with a wavy line and pellets. He
appears to wear a full-length coat, open at the front, with voluminous sleeves that end around the
elbow and with a broad decorated strip down one edge which has the same wavy line and pellet
decoration as the scabbard. The central part of the lower body consists of two distinct areas, one of
diagonal lines and one of curved roughly horizontal lines. These look like stylised drapery folds
which probably represent a long garment worn under the coat. From his right forearm or elbow
hangs an object which looks like a knotted cord ending in three strands – the so-called ‘girdle band’.
This is shown more variably (and often carelessly) on the copper; as a long loop at Ḥalab and other
mints in Jund Qinnasrīn, and as three separate strands at Damascus, ʿAmmān and Jerusalem (see
Fig. 2).

1
Tony Goodwin is an independent scholar, a.goodwin2@btopenworld.com.
2
For the reverse of this coin see Figure 7 below.
119
 Fig. 2: Caliph images on copper coins from Ḥalab, ʿAmmān and Īliyā (Jerusalem) showing the
different depictions of the ‘girdle band’ (all coins from private collections and not to scale).

The ‘girdle band’

This object has caused scholars some puzzlement and has been the subject of a number of different
interpretations over the years. In 1870 Gustav Stickel was confident that in the image on the gold it
represented the caliph’s whip, although he also mentioned two other possibilities whilst discussing
the copper; a rosary and a long loose sleeve.3 However, in the 1956 British Museum catalogue John
Walker favoured a completely different interpretation and noted that:
“On most of the coins we can discern what appear to be bands, usually three in number, that fall
from the region of the girdle and, presumably, represent the end of that article of apparel.”4
Finally George Miles in 1967 comprehensively reviewed the possibilities, putting forward no less
than 9 possible interpretations before concluding:5
“I have spent a good deal of time…..trying to find a satisfactory answer to this iconographical
riddle. I must confess at the outset that I have failed.”6

Fig. 3: A ‘hunting figure’ from the Pseudo-Damascus mint wearing a ‘girdle band’.7
There is no doubt that what Walker would have called a ‘girdle band’ is occasionally depicted on
earlier Imperial Image coinage, such as the Pseudo-Damascus coin shown in Figure 3. Here a
girdle, belt or chord is quite clearly depicted around the waist, terminating in what look like tassels.
But the major problem in applying this interpretation to Standing Caliph images is that the object
very rarely appears to hang from the waist. For example on the dinar in Fig. 1 it definitely hangs
from the elbow or forearm and there is no sign of a girdle around the caliph’s outer garment. It
therefore seems that Walker’s interpretation must be rejected.

3
Stickel 1870.
4
Walker 1956 p. xxix.
5
Miles 1967. This article is still the best available survey of Syrian Arab-Byzantine gold coinage. In addition to
Stickel’s and Walker’s suggestions he mentioned 6 other possibilities. Some of these duplicate each other, but three are
essentially different - 1. a copy of the loros on Justinian II’s new solidi, 2. a mandīl or cloth attached to the girdle and
and 3. a fatīlah or cord with a seal on the end.
6
Miles 1967 p. 220.
7
Gyselen and Goodwin 2016 p.66 Fig. 5.
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Is the object a whip?
About five years ago, whilst following up a reference in al-Ṭabarī I was surprised to chance upon
the following passage which seems to have been overlooked by previous commentators. The
context is a letter written by Khālid b. ʿAbdallāh to a group of Kufan deserters, dated 74 AH:
“…..O Muslims! Know who it is whom you have so boldly defied! It is ʿAbd al-Malik b. Marwān,
the Commander of the Faithful, a man of no weaknesses, from whom rebels can expect no
indulgence! On the one who defies him falls his whip, and on the one who opposes him falls his
sword!”8
Whilst we cannot be sure that these are the actual words written by Khālid, we can be certain that a
near-contemporary source associated ʿAbd al-Malik with a whip and sword. This combination is not
an obvious one for an author merely trying to invoke the image of an authoritarian warrior figure –
a sword and shield or sword and lance would be much more likely choices. The only likely
explanation for the unusual combination is that people were used to seeing the caliph (or an image
of the caliph) holding a sword and whip. The date of 74 AH is also rather suggestive. This was the
first year in which the Standing Caliph dinars were issued, so the letter may even be referring to the
image on these new coins.
In the light of this passage there seems to be little doubt that the object depicted dinar must be a
whip, but this still leaves the problems of why it appears to hang from the forearm and whether all
the varied depictions on the copper could also be whips. In trying to resolve these problems I went
back to the image on the dinar and first looked at how the scabbard is supported. So far as I can see
none of the dinars and very few copper coins show any suggestion of a belt, so could the double
diagonal line across the top part of the body be a baldric? On the year 77 dinar it could also be
interpreted as a border to the outer garment and indeed this seems to be the way Miles viewed it
judging by the sketches in his article.9 However, if we look at the very first dinar issued in year 74
the picture becomes clearer. There is only one known example (in the National Museum of
Pakistan) and the published images are not of very high quality, but on this coin I think there is little
doubt that the object depicted is a baldric hung over the right shoulder with the scabbard attached
just below waist level (see Figure 4).

Figure 4: The unique Standing Caliph gold dinar of 74AH. Obverse legend as Figure 1 above,
reverse Arabic legend clockwise from 1h: ‘bism allāh ḍuriba hadhā al-dinār sanat arbaʿ wa sabʿin’
- in the name of God this dinar was struck in the year four and seventy (4.43g, National Museum of
Pakistan ).10
It is worth noting that the caliph image on this dinar may well be the most authentic that we
possess. The first dies (or coins struck from them) must have been subject to very careful scrutiny,
possibly even by ʿAbd al-Malik himself. So far as we can see the details of the caliph’s dress are
much the same as on the Ashmolean dinar although less of the inner garment is visible.
8
Al-Ṭabarī, vol. xxii, p. 6.
9
Miles 1967 p. 218.
10
National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi, Miles 1967 no. 14, Nasir 1997 no. 55.
121
Having established that the caliph is wearing a baldric, at least on the dinar images, I then explored
the idea that perhaps the whip was fastened to the back of the baldric at the shoulder. The results are
shown in Fig. 5 below.

a b
Figure 6: A possible mode of suspending the whip – from the top of the baldric at the right
shoulder. Sketch a shows a shorter flail whilst sketch b shows a longer ‘bull whip’.
This method of fixing certainly looks feasible; it explains the way in which the whip appears to
hang from the elbow or forearm and crucially it also explains the Jund Qinnasrīn ‘loop’. In Figure
6a the whip is a short flail, whilst in 6b it is a longer ‘bull whip’, which could hardly have been left
trailing along the ground behind the caliph, and so could have been tied in the way shown, thereby
creating a loop.
In conclusion therefore I believe that the physical implausibility of the ‘girdle band’ interpretation
and the evidence of the extract from al-Ṭabarī make the ‘whip’ interpretation virtually certain.
Whether the whip was really hung in the manner shown in Figure 6 is of course unknowable, but at
least we now have a logical explanation for the varying appearance of the whip and for the fact that
it appears to hang from the forearm or elbow.

The reverse image

Figure 7: reverse of the Ashmolean Museum Standing Caliph gold dinar of 77AH, Arabic legend
clockwise from 1h – ‘bism allāh ḍuriba hadhā al-dinār sanat sabʿ wa sabʿin’ - in the name of God
this dinar was struck in the year seven and seventy.11
The reverse of the gold dinar comprises a pole-on-steps surmounted by a small sphere (Figure 7),
whilst on the copper the pole is surmounted by a circle or ellipse giving it something of the

11
For obverse see Figure 1 above.
122
appearance of a Greek letter Φ (Figure 8). Both of these reverse images are now generally referred
to as the ‘symbol-on-steps’.

a b c d

Figure 8. Different styles of symbol-on-steps on copper (a – Dimashq, b – ʿAmmān, c – Manbij, d –

Qinnasrīn) (All coins from private collections and not to scale).
The traditional view, espoused by Walker, is that this reverse image is simply a de-Christianised
version of the cross-on-steps on the reverse of the Byzantine solidus and had no deeper significance.
So the broad appearance of the familiar Byzantine coin was retained, but the potent Christian
symbol was neutralised. This simple interpretation still finds considerable support among
numismatists but in recent years a number of scholars have argued that it must have had a deeper
meaning and a number of new interpretations have been suggested. I will attempt to review these
briefly, but before doing this it may be helpful to bear in mind the problems faced by ʿAbd al-
Malik’s senior officials when designing this coin.
- On the one hand they probably had a direct order from the caliph to produce a distinctively
Muslim gold coin.
- On the other hand the Byzantine solidus was the key element in the fiscal system. People tend
to be very conservative in their acceptance of precious metal coinage and any widespread lack
of acceptance would have had serious consequences.
These two considerations were pulling in opposite directions, so the result was bound to be a
compromise.

New interpretations of the symbol-on-steps

1. The first to offer a new interpretation was Elizabeth Savage who put her ideas forward in a
couple of lectures in 1996, one given to the Royal Numismatic Society. Although she wrote this up
into a comprehensive and well-argued paper it was very unfortunately never published.12 She
interpreted both reverses as symbols of Muslim victory; she saw the symbol on the gold as a
knobbed staff – a version of caliph’s ‘anaza, usually described as a lance, and on the copper was a
version for the Muslim warrior – a spear stuck in the ground and a round shield. For the copper
reverse she was, I think, considerably influenced by a few coppers where the initial lam-alef sits on
top of the shaft, giving the appearance of a spear (for example Figure 8d above). But such reverses
are uncommon, and most depictions do not look much like a spear at all.
2. In 1999 Nadia Jamil produced a detailed argument for a more complex symbolism. She
interpreted the symbol-on-steps as a pole or axis with many layers of meaning which could include
the axis about which the heavens rotate or the caliph as an axis for the Muslim world. All this was
based on widespread allusions to axes in pre-Islamic Arabic poetry and in Marwanid panegyric
poetry. On the numismatic side I think that she was influenced by the rare coin shown in Figure 9,
12
‘Marching to Judgement Day – the Apocalyptic Standard of the Arab Conquest’. I am very grateful to Elizabeth
Savage for letting me see a draft of this paper.
123
 probably contemporary with the shahada solidus, which does give the appearance of stars rotating
around an axis.

Figure 9: Mintless imperial image fals with two imperial figures on the obverse and a pole-on-
steps with a star either side on the reverse (2.89g, Goodwin 2005 p. 40 Cat. 39).13
3. Robert Hoyland 2007 – (on the gold) an image of the staff (qadib al-nabi) of the Prophet
Muhammad.14
4.Volker Popp 2010 – an image of the Beth-El or ‘House of God’ represented by a Jewish
symbol, the Yegar Sahaduta comprising a pile of stones.15
5. Wolfgang Schulze 2010 – a solar, lunar or astral religious symbol, reflecting the long tradition
of worshipping such symbols of deities in Syria and Mesopotamia. A number of depictions of
these symbols show them mounted on poles. Also stars, crescents etc. are quite common on
earlier Arab-Byzantine coinage.
6. Stefan Heidemann 2010 – (on the gold) an image of a Roman monumental column surmounted
by a globe. Such columns are known to have existed in the 7th. century in Jerusalem (see Fig. 10
below) and other cities. He also mentioned in passing that the symbol-on-steps on the copper
could be a mark of value, with Φ standing for follis.16
With the exception of number 4, which seems to me rather unlikely, all these are plausible
suggestions and it is worth noting that they are not mutually exclusive. For example Muhammad’s
staff could also serve as a symbol of victory and might have a further layer of meaning as a world
axis. Also the globe on the monumental column might well have originally been a solar symbol.
A common factor in the first five interpretations is that they all regard the symbol-on-steps as
having considerable religious significance for the Muslims, but Heidemann’s suggestion is
essentially different. The monumental column (perhaps located in Damascus or Jerusalem) was a
well-known landmark and an object of civic pride, but had no religious significance for Muslims,
Christians or Jews.
It is almost certain that the reverse of the gold was designed before that of the copper and it seems
to me that ‘like a cross, but not a cross’ was a key factor in the choice of reverse image. But I find
it difficult to believe that it was the only factor, as it seems unlikely that an image which would
offend many and inspire none would be chosen for such an important new coinage. On the other
hand, if the image was an important early Islamic religious symbol, I find it difficult to believe
that absolutely no evidence of it has come down to us from any early Arab historian, or indeed
from any other source. Such as symbol would have been widely known, would have been the

13
A drawing of the reverse appears on p. 13 of Jamil’s article.
14
Hoyland 2007, p. 601 footnote 67. The suggestion is only made in passing as the ‘obvious candidate’ for the pole-on-
steps
15
Popp 2010, pp. 59 ff.
16
Heidemann 2010 p. 33.
124
 subject of debate and would have been an attractive topic for 8th and 9th century historians who
were only too willing to record heterodox Umayyad practices. On balance therefore I feel that
Heidemann’s monumental column is the most persuasive interpretation of the reverse image on
the gold. It certainly looks like a monumental column as depicted on near-contemporary mosaics
such as the Madaba map (see Figure 10). So it would have been a representation of a recognizable
monument with positive secular connotations as an object of civic pride. It also looks similar to
the cross-on-steps on the reverse of the Byzantine solidus, but has no Christian significance. But
if we accept Heidemann’s interpretation of the symbol on the gold, what about his suggestion that
the symbol on the copper might be a letter Φ for follis? It is this suggestion that I will explore in
more detail in the remainder of this paper.

Figure 10: Monumental column-on-steps in Jerusalem from the 6th c. Madaba mosaic map,
Jordan.17

The symbol-on-steps as a mark of value

Let us return briefly to the problems facing the designers of the new coins when they turned their
attention to the copper. Firstly they would want the reverse to be broadly similar to that on the gold
and they may initially have been tempted to use exactly the same symbol-on-steps. But this clearly
would create a problem – someone might gold plate a copper coin and try to pass it off as a dinar.
As an aside it is worth noting that I have only ever come across one reverse die for copper where
the ‘gold’ symbol-on-steps was used (Fig. 8). Bearing in mind that this symbol is easier to engrave
than the Φ and its inadvertent use would have been an obvious die engraver error, it is clear that this
problem was taken seriously by the Standing Caliph mint authorities and strict instructions were
given to die engravers not to use the ‘gold’ symbol.

Figure 11: Standing Caliph fals of al-Ruhā – a rare example of a reverse die for copper with the
same reverse symbol-on-steps as the gold dinar (2.36g, private collection).

17
After Piccirillo 1992 p. 83 and Heidemann 2010 p. 30 Fig. 15. Heidemann (Fig. 19) also supports his case with other
examples from mosaics including a column surmounted by a globe from the Church of the Holy Martyrs north of
Hamāh in Syria.
125
A second problem facing the designers was that 7th century Byzantine and all Arab-Byzantine
copper had included a prominent mark of value on the reverse – usually a Greek numeral M or m
(for 40 nummi). On Byzantine gold solidi the reverse cross-on-steps acted to some extent as a
denomination symbol, but much more importantly it was a highly significant Christian and imperial
symbol. In contrast the reverse M was solely a mark of value and users would certainly have come
to expect a mark of value on the reverse of their copper coins. It would therefore have been risky to
abandon a mark of value altogether and so the Greek Φ was adopted as an abbreviation for follis or
fals,18 and placed on steps to give it the desired family resemblance to the gold symbol. Strong
evidence for this this interpretation can, I think, be found when we examine the reverse of a rather
unusual Standing Caliph fals from the mint of Ḥarrān (Figure 12).

Figure 12: Standing Caliph fals of Ḥarrān (3.27g, Goodwin 2005 p. 42 Cat. 43).
This coin is unusual in having a Greek numeral IS (=16) below the symbol-on-steps and I suggest
that the reverse should therefore be read as ‘fals (or follis) of 16 qirats (or keratia)’.19 An obvious
objection to this reading is that no other Standing Caliph coin uses either this mixture of Greek and
Arabic legends or a weight in qirats. Can any other parallels be found? The answer to this question
is ‘yes’ and the first of these parallels is illustrated in Figure 13.

Figure 13: Umayyad lead weight of 16 qirats, Arabic legend ‘sitta ʿashr(a) qīraṭ’ – 16 qirats, with
Greek numeral IS (=16) below (3.11g, Stephen Album auction 22, 14.5.2015, lot 308).20
This small lead weight (probably Umayyad but possibly early Abbasid) of 16 qirats has the weight
spelt out in Arabic and repeated in Greek numerals, so we have a similar combination of Arabic

18
The Latin word follis had been incorporated into Greek for many years and was absorbed into Arabic as fals. In the
late 7th c. it is quite possible that the two words were effectively interchangeable and perhaps pronounced much the
same in the two languages. So there seems to be little point in trying to decide whether ‘follis’ or ‘fals’ was really
intended.
19
This is not a new suggestion. So far as I know it was first put forward by Stephen Album in 1988 (p. XVII Fig. 12).
20
The Greek numeral was described in the auction catalogue as “uncertain symbol below”, but there is no doubt about
the reading.
126
script and Greek numerals to that on the Ḥarrān fals. It is also interesting to note that the shape of
the letter sigma is similar on both weight and coin.

Figure 14: Post-reform Egyptian Umayyad fals. Obverse: six-pointed star with pellet in centre,
shahada around. Reverse: Four line Arabic legend with transcription to right – fals, miṣr, full
weight of the weight of, eighteen, qirats (3.81g, private collection).21
The second parallel is a group of post-reform fulūs which have a denomination formula ‘fals….of x
qirats’, an example of which is shown in Figure 14. This is a close parallel in Arabic for the
suggested reading in Greek of the reverse of the Ḥarrān fals.
A final piece of corroborative evidence is the actual weight of the Ḥarrān fulūs. These are rare
coins, but the median weight of 12 known examples is 2.895g,22 giving a weight for the qirat of
0.181g. As we would expect from a group of copper coins with some wear and corrosion this figure
is on the low side, but it is still a reasonable value for a qirat. 23 In practice it is unlikely that the
Ḥarrān mint was attempting to produce coins to an accurate weight standard. It is more probable
that the mint was declaring to users that the coin should be regarded as a fals of 16 qirats.
The fact that a weight was declared on the Ḥarrān fals implies that merchants in that locality were in
the habit of weighing copper coins, although presumably only in large transactions. However, there
is no evidence that this was the general practice in Syria, but it is worth noting that the normal
Standing Caliph reverse in Jund Qinnasrīn combined the Φ with the word wāfin (full weight) as in
the post-reform fals illustrated above (see Fig. 15). So the normal Standing Caliph reverse can be
read as ‘fals of full weight’.

Fig. 15:Typical Jund Qinnasrīn Standing Caliph fals from the mint of Ḥalab (2.18g, CNG e-auction
343 lot 668).
In conclusion therefore I believe that Stefan Heidemann’s interpretation of the reverse symbol-on-
steps as a Φ for fals or follis is very likely to be correct.

21
For type see SICA 2 1261-1263. I have yet to find an example with a complete reverse legend and there seems to be
some variation in the first two lines, so I am slightly uncertain of the second word on the example illustrated.
22
9 examples recorded by Schulze and Schulze (2010) and 3 seen in trade since then.
23
For comparison the 16 qirat weight in Figure 13 gives a value for the qirat of 0.194g.
127
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Goodwin and Gyselen 2015 = T. Goodwin and R. Gyselen, Arab Byzantine Coins from the Irbid Hoard (London).

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and History in the Seventh Century Near East 2, pp. 23–34.

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History in the Seventh Century Near East 2, pp. 11–22.

Schulze and Schulze 2010 = I. Schulze and W. Schulze, ‘The Standing Caliph coins of al-Jazīra: some problems and
suggestions’, Numismatic Chronicle 170, pp. 331–53.

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SICA 2 = N. Nicol 2009, Sylloge of Islamic Coins in the Ashmolean 2, Early Post-Reform Coinage (Oxford).

Stickel 1870 = J. Stickel, Handbuch zur Morgenländischen Münzkunde, second part (Leipzig).

Walker 1956 = J. Walker, A Catalogue of the Muhammadan Coins in the British Museum. Vol. 2 A Catalogue of the
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