Pipercurda Comm311 Researchproject Finalpaper

Running head: OFF-WHITE: EXPLORING THE ROLE HAPA IDENTITY 1
“Off-White”: Exploring the Role Hapa Identity Plays in Communication
Piper Curda
Wheaton College
OFF-WHITE: EXPLORING THE ROLE HAPA IDENTITY 2
Abstract
Among biracial groups, the growing population of hapas (individuals of half-Asian and half-
Caucasian descent) is one that has yet to be heavily observed to identify unique or challenging
experiences this group encounters and how they manage when challenges arise due to their
biracial identity. The complexity of integrating two ethnic identities impacts many facets of the
hapa identity, including various aspects of communication that can subsequently influence
psychological and behavioral components of self-concept, self-esteem, sense of belonging, and
relationships among other things. For hapas, the blurry dichotomy between an Asian identity and
a Caucasian identity may create distinct challenges when communicating with others, including
monoracial peers, romantic partners, and family members. The purpose of this qualitative study
was to explore the role hapa identity plays in communication within families, monoracial peer
groups, and romantic relationships. Through collection and analysis of interview data from
biracial individuals who identify as hapa, the goal was to deepen understanding of this subgroup
and identify which aspects might be unique to this specific biracial group and whether they
present as challenges or advantages. Findings illustrate many ways in which a hapa identity
impacts the development of identity as well as communication strategies used with friends,
family, and romantic partners. Place of upbringing and degrees of belonging were salient aspects
impacting identity development, communication, and romantic relationships with these biethnic
individuals expressing slightly more strain relating to their whiteness than their Asian-ness
within family. Additionally, three categories of microaggressions played a prominent role .in the
lives of these individuals. Limitations to the study are discussed, which, subsequently, provide
many opportunities for future directions for research.

“Off-White”: Exploring the Role Hapa Identity Plays on Communication
Individuals that are of multiracial descent are one of the fastest growing divisions of the
population (Subica, 2011). Until recently, previous researchers examining biracialism primarily
focused on the White/Black biracial experience (Goodale & Engels, 2010; Kaplowitz, Fisher, &
Broman, 2003). However, in a world becoming increasingly more diverse, it is important to
expand inquiry to include other biracial groupings (Chaudhari, 2016; Okizaki, 2000; Toomey,
Dorjee, & Ting-Toomey, 2013). The Asian population grew by 45.6% from 2000 to 2010, the
largest growth of any other racial group. Additionally, 15% of the 17.3 million people who
identified as Asian indicated they were of multiple races, with the majority of those identifying
themselves as both White and Asian (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). In fact, Asians have the
highest rate of intermarriage with Whites (Wu, Schimmele, & Hou, 2015). This growing biethnic
segment of White/Asian has remained somewhat unobserved by researchers, illuminating the
need for further research to foster deeper understanding of this subgroup and to identify what
aspects of their biracial experience might generalize across biracial groups but also which
aspects might be unique to this specific biracial group and whether they present as challenges or
advantages (Okizaki, 2000; Toomey, 2012; Toomey et al., 2013).
Biracial individuals often face unique experiences and challenges that monoracial
individuals do not (Benet-Martinez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002; Okizaki, 2000; Toomey et al.,
2013). For example, biracial individuals experience different types of microagressions that
monoracial minorities do not (Okizaki, 2000; Tran, Miyake, & Martinez-Morales, 2016). The
experience of growing up within a biracial family is also unique with regard to exposure or lack
of exposure to both cultural backgrounds, discussions of race, and identification with or lack of
identification with one or both parents (Okizaki, 2000; Paquette, 2009; Soliz, Thorson, &
Rittenour, 2009). Researchers examining the biracial identity formation of hapas found identity
conflict is common in this biracial group, and they are extremely privy to the feeling of being
“forced to choose one racial group by society because being a member of both heritages did not
appear to be an option at that time” (Turner, 2007, p. 56). Moreover, the struggles that hapas face
during identity formation can significantly impact their sense of belonging, self-concept,
relationships, and well-being (Allen, Garriott, Reyes, & Hsieh, 2013; Chong & Kuo, 2015;
Crane, 2013; Soliz et al., 2009). Many of these developmental aspects are influenced by
communication experiences among and within families and peer groups and can also
subsequently influence communication experiences (Gallo, 2016; Ingram, Chaudhary, & Jones,
2015; Mahadhir, Nor, & Azman, 2014; Nadal, Sriken, Davidoff, Wong, & McLean, 2013; Soliz
et al., 2009).
Communication plays a key role in the growth and development of all individuals (Fraser
& Villet, 1994; Valsiner, 2006). People of different cultural backgrounds engage in different
communication styles and emphasize different aspects of communication (Akimoto &
Sanbonmatsu, 1999; Gudykunst et al., 1996). Biracial individuals might be more likely to
experience conflicting communication styles, reflecting the differences in the ethnicities they
represent (Akimoto & Sanbonmatsu, 1999; Soliz et al., 2009; Toomey et al., 2013). How hapas
navigate their biracial identity integration can be influenced by communication and
microagression experiences within families and among monoracial peers (Gallo, 2016; Harris,
2015). It also follows that how hapas navigate their biracial identity integration might
subsequently determine how they experience and utilize communication strategies in different
social contexts such as peer groups, families, and romantic relationships (Chaudhari, 2016;
Crane, 2013; Kasuga-Jenks, 2012; Mills, 2008; Soliz et al., 2009). Exploring the role hapa
identity plays in various forms of communication within families, monoracial peer groups, and
romantic relationships, as well as the microaggressions they experience may identify unique or
challenging experiences this group encounters and how they manage when challenges due to
their biracial identity arise (Roberts-Clarke, Roberts, & Morokoff, 2004; Soliz et al., 2009;
Toomey et al., 2013).
Literature Review
A review of relevant empirical research to inform the current study included examination
of both theoretical and applied research. Theoretical frameworks explored include identity
negotiation theory, ecological framework of biethnic identity development, bicultural identity
integration, communication accommodation theory, and microaggressions. The review is
organized around the following themes: biethnic identity development of hapas, biculturals’
sense of belonging and communication strategies with monoracial peers, the role of family
communication in biracial identity, communication within romantic relationships of biracial
individuals, and microaggression experiences of biracial individuals. When available, the
literature review included research exclusively focused on Caucasian/Asian biethnic individuals.
Biethnic Identity Development of Hapas
Biethnic identity development is generally focused on individuals who must navigate the
development of their identity when it is composed of two cultural/racial heritages, having one
parent from a specific racial group and the other from a separate and distinct racial group
(Toomey et al., 2013). The study of biethnic identity development is marked by the criticism of
the limitations of monoethnic identity theory and the rise of multiple, alternative theories, to
include identity negotiation theory, the ecological framework of biethnic identity development,
and bicultural identity integration (Benet-Martinez et al., 2002; Gonzalez-Backen, 2012; Toomey
et al., 2013). Identity negotiation theory is based on five core assumptions that aid in evaluating
identity formation. It is grounded in the belief that people from all cultures seek identity approval
and respect and have “multiple images of self that are affected by cultural, social, and personal
identity” (Toomey et al., 2013, p. 114). Each assumption can be used to study the specific ways
in which hapas develop and manage their own personal identity based on their unique ethnic
mix.
Gonzalez-Backen (2013) sought to extend beyond the singular process of identity
formation and developed the ecological framework of biethnic identity development to represent
the multidimensionality of identity formation processes embedded in multiple ecological
contexts that all biethnic individuals must navigate, to include social position, discrimination,
segregation, environments that serve to promote or hinder development, characteristics such as
physical appearance, and family. In contrast, Benet-Martinez et al. (2002) focused more
pointedly on individual differences experienced by biethnic individuals during identity formation
and recognized that some biculturals view their cultural identities as complementary and
compatible while others perceive them as oppositional and contradictory. Their research
supported their hypothesis that biculturals with the proposed varying level of bicultural identity
integration would behave differently with regard to cultural frame switching, the degree to which
they will move between cultural meaning systems under the influence of different situational
cues.
There has also been an emergence of multiple biracial identity models, such as the
multidimensional model proposed by Rockquemore and colleagues (Lou, Lalonde, & Wilson,
2011), and methods for measuring biethnic identity development, such as the Multiracial
Heritage Awareness and Personal Affiliation Scale, or M-HAPAS (Chong & Kuo, 2015). These
models help conceptualize the way biracial individuals identify with their own heritage by
attempting to categorize it. Rockquemore’s model, for example, contains four “racial identity
options,” including a singular identity (identifying as exclusively monoracial), a border identity
(identifying as exclusively biracial), a protean identity (switching between identities), and a
transcendent identity (not identifying with any race). The issue with Rockquemore’s model, as
Chong and Kuo (2015) pointed out, is that it does not account for the degree to which a biracial
individual identifies with each of these varying identities. The M-HAPAS attempted to reconcile
this by recognizing that “biracial individuals often have a primary biracial identity orientation
with which they identify more strongly and more often” (Chong & Kuo, 2015, p. 204).
These theories and models are important in appreciating that the biethnic identity of
hapas is multi-faceted and complex. There is no one scale by which it can be measured or one
theory that fully encompasses the biethnic identity experience. Moreover, the lens through which
one examines biethnic identity development can determine the variations in behavior and
individual differences that can be observed. In addition to cultural frame shifting, communication
accommodation theory and other bicultural communication strategies, such as code switching,
bridging, buffering, and passing have been identified when examining communication behaviors
of biethnic individuals (Benet-Martinez et al.; Gonzalez-Backen; Toomey et al., 2013).
Understanding the way biracial individuals integrate, or do not integrate, their multiple identities
can help researchers further understand their sense of belonging in certain social contexts as well
as the communication strategies they use.
Biculturals’ Sense of Belonging and Communication Strategies with Monoracial Peers
Because biracial individuals do not belong to a single ethnic group, being a part of a
group of monoracial peers can foster identity stress (Toomey et al., 2013). As posited by
communication accommodation theory, biracial individuals may utilize strategies characterized
by convergence or divergence in some intergroup communication settings (Toomey et al., 2013).
They will either accommodate and assimilate to the communication needs of those around them
(convergence) or they will use strategies to differentiate themselves (divergence). Chaudhari
(2016) found that biracial individuals adopt a similar strategy when experiencing a reduced sense
of belonging; they either accommodate to monoracial norms or resist conformity to monoracial
norms by disengaging from the situation.
Chaudhari (2016) also discussed the importance of mattering as contributing to a sense of
belonging. For biracial individuals, it is crucial to have friend groups where they feel affirmed in
their identities and supported in their experiences as multiracial individuals. This can be difficult
in dominantly White peer groups, as Toomey (2012) explained, where biracial individuals often
do not feel as if their dual identity is properly acknowledged or understood. However, Ingram et
al. (2014) pointed out that biracial individuals can feel marginalized by monoracial minority
groups as well. It can be important for biracial individuals to have friend groups who are also
biracial, so they feel as if they have an outlet for conversations about their personal struggles
with race with people who can relate (Ingram et al., 2014). The ways in which biracial
individuals communicate about their race can also be influenced by their family.
The Role of Family Communication in Biracial Identity
A significant component of how biracial individuals develop their biethnic identities is
their family relationships, especially with their parents. Family relationships and the way biracial
individuals’ parents perceive their racial identity are important aspects to consider because, as
Kasuga-Jenks (2012) noted, a parent’s personal cultural experiences directly influence the way
that and degree to which they socialize their children in regards to race, culture, and ethnicity.
Gonzalez-Backen (2013) identified factors, such as social climate about biracial individuals, that
may affect whether or not parents promote a biethnic identity. Beyond this, familial ethnic
socialization and the quality of the parent-child relationship can contribute to both an
individual’s biethnic identity development and the communication strategies he or she is exposed
to, develops, and practices throughout childhood and adolescence (Gonzalez-Backen, 2013).
Researchers examining family communication within multiracial families supported
communication accommodation theory in finding that relationships were recognized as more
satisfying and individuals possessed stronger family identity when supportive communication,
identity accommodation, and self-disclosure were present, and they noted there are unique
communication processes within biracial families that need further exploration (Soliz et al.,
2009). Confirmation of communication accommodation strategies within biracial families was
also found specifically within families of hapas (Mahadhir, Nor, & Azman, 2014). Family
communication within biracial families also includes any microaggressions experienced and the
subsequent influence on feelings of belonging, well-being, and biethnic identity development.
Nadal et al. (2013) conducted seminal research on microaggressions in biracial families and
identified a number of microaggressions commonly experienced, to include isolation and/or
favoritism in the family, denial of biracial identity and experiences by monoracial parents, and
feelings about not learning about family heritage. Communication within families and how hapas
experience this can contribute in both positive and negative ways to their biethnic identity
development and also influence their communication strategies and relationship building outside
the family.
It is crucial to include the influence of parents when studying the communication patterns
of biracial individuals because these individuals have a different family dynamic than individuals
with two parents of one race (Wagner Hoa, 2009). Biracial individuals receive a value set from
parents of two completely different cultural backgrounds as opposed to just one. The ways they
receive each set of values and integrate it into their own lives is vital in understanding the way
they form their identities (Paquette, 2009). The upbringing biracial individuals experience can
also determine the way they deal with racial oppression. For instance, Chong (2012) found that
biracial individuals with a positive family relationship were less likely to internalize forms of
oppression they experienced in peer groups and at school. Furthermore, Paquette (2009)
described the ways parental values from differing backgrounds can directly affect the way
biracial individuals go about dating and pursuing and maintaining romantic relationships.
Communication within Romantic Relationships of Biracial Individuals
Romantic relationships for biracial individuals can be trickier to navigate in comparison
to monoracial individuals (Leslie & Young, 2015; Roberts-Clarke, Roberts, & Morokoff, 2004;
Seshadri & Knudson-Martin, 2013). Along with enduring the normal challenges of a
relationship, there is an added stressor of doing so as a biracial individual in a highly racialized
society (Leslie & Young, 2015). Possibly for this reason, interracial couples have been
statistically shown to experience less stability and marital satisfaction than couples of the same
race (Leslie & Young, 2015). Multiple researchers support that the number one cause of tension
in interracial relationships is caused by a lack of familial support for the relationship (Berin,
2013; Leslie & Young, 2015; Mills, 2008), but tension is not solely from this. On a more positive
note, there is evidence that plenty of interracial couples do find ways to communicate effectively.
Seshadri and Knudson-Martin (2013) identified four ways that interracial couples tended
to find a balance between their separate backgrounds: integrated (a celebration and integration of
both cultures), coexisting (acknowledgment of both cultures, but a clear distinction and little to
no integration), singularly assimilated (a dominance of one partner’s culture over the other), and
unresolved (differences are unaddressed or unacknowledged, and can lead to tension). They also
discussed the strategies interracial couples use to resolve tensions, such as creating a “we,”
framing differences, and emotional maintenance. Pinpointing these specific tactics led to a better
understanding of not only biracial individuals’ communication in relationships but the way they
communicate with others in general (Seshadri & Knudson-Martin, 2013). Further expansion of
the positive aspects of biracial dating included the fact that biracial women believed they were
more open to dating across various ethnicities, which opened up more dating options, and also
reported that romantic relationships were not likely to bring about significant familial conflict
given they were born into a biracial family so family pressure to date a specific race was less
likely (Roberts-Clarke et al., 2004). While Leslie and Young (2013) hypothesized that many of
the problems experienced in interracial marriages were common to all marriages, they also
acknowledged some specific issues that would be likely to arise that would be unique to
interracial marriages. One of these included the varying degrees to which each member of the
couple had experienced microaggressions and the ways in which they handled them.
Microaggression Experiences of Biracial Individuals
Racial microaggressions are offensive, albeit subtle, and sometimes unintentional slights
made in a derogatory or negative manner about an individual’s race (Nadal et al., 2011).
Microaggressions aimed at biracial individuals are often overlooked or dismissed because they
manage to fly under the radar and be labeled harmless because of their subtlety. However, more
often than not, biracial individuals report being subject to microaggressions (Harris, 2015; Tran
et al., 2016; Nadal et al., 2011). Experiencing microaggressions and subsequently choosing how
to handle them shape some of the communication strategies biracial individuals adopt within
families, among monoracial peers, and in romantic relationships (Chaudhari, 2016; Leslie &
Young, 2013; Nadal et al., 2013).
One common form of microaggression that specifically biracial individuals are victim to
is racial identification inquiry (Nadal et al., 2011; Tran et al., 2016). Through presumably
harmless questions such as, “What are you?” people can subject biracial individuals to feelings
of alienation or intense pressure (Tran et al., 2016). Harris (2015) also discussed other forms of
microaggression specific to biracial individuals, such as assumption of a monoracial identity,
exclusion and isolation, and denial of a multiracial reality. While seemingly small, experiences
with microaggressions are important to consider because they are affective and can accumulate
over time. Harris (2015) found that the build up of microaggressions against an individual can
result in a decrease in emotional, physical, and mental health; and, as noted earlier,
microaggressions can also be experienced within biracial families, possibly more than in
monoracial families given that children within these families are interacting daily with parents of
monoracial backgrounds who may unknowingly or purposefully express microaggressions
(Nadal et al., 2013; Nadal et al., 2011). Thus, consideration of experienced microaggressions is a
critical component in developing deeper understanding of the communication experiences and
strategies of individuals who identify as hapa.
Summary, Rationale for Study, and Research Questions
The identity formation of biracial individuals is a complex process about which many
have theorized to aid our understanding (Toomey et al., 2013). These theories are crucial in
evaluating the ways in which biracial individuals communicate with others (Toomey, 2012;
Toomey et al., 2013). The way they communicate with monoracial individuals and the strategies
they implement to either converge or diverge (Toomey et al., 2013) with monoracial norms
significantly affect their sense of belonging and mattering (Chaudhari, 2016). Their
communication with family can either aid or inhibit their level of association with their cultural
background and is severely influenced by the racial experiences of their parents (Paquette, 2009;
Chong, 2012). Additionally, these family influences can radically impact biracial individuals’
romantic relationships (Berin, 2013; Leslie & Young, 2015; Mills, 2008), which bring a unique
set of communication differences and struggles of their own (Leslie & Young, 2015; Seshadri &
Knudson-Martin, 2013). A final area of biracial communication that seems to be prevalent in
research is the microaggressions that biracial individuals experience (Chaudhari, 2016; Leslie &
Young, 2013; Nadal et al., 2013). These microaggressions can lead to marked differences in
emotional, physical, and mental health as well as impede on the development of a healthy
biethnic identity (Harris, 2015).
With most studies on biracial individuals focused on those of Black and White descent
(Goodale & Engels, 2010; Kaplowitz et al., 2003), research focusing on the experiences of
White/Asian biracial individuals, the fastest growing segment of biculturals, is warranted
(Wagner Hoa, 2009). The lived experiences of hapas present unique characteristics that must be
illuminated to deepen our understanding of how they negotiate biethnic identity integration and
what aspects of communication influence their development as well as what communication
strategies are the result of their bicultural experiences (Toomey et al., 2013). The limited existing
research on hapas most often includes focus on examining unique aspects of biethnic identity
formation for this population and navigating family dynamics (Chong, 2012). Researchers note
the existing lack of examination of a broader scope of experiences to expand understanding of
the microaggressions experienced and other communication challenges with regard to
monoracial peer groups and romantic relationships (Berin, 2013; Gallo, 2016). The goal of the
current study was to develop a more comprehensive picture of the lived experiences of hapas.
Towards that goal, the purpose of the proposed qualitative study was to explore the role hapa
identity and microaggression experiences play in communication in families, monoracial peer
groups, and romantic relationships. The following research questions were posed to guide data
collection and analysis efforts:
RQ1: How do biracial Asian Americans identify ethnically and what childhood
experiences do they share that played a role in developing their identity?
RQ2: How do biracial Asian Americans describe their communication strategies and
feelings of belonging in monoracial peer groups?
RQ3: How do families of biracial Asian Americans communicate and contribute to
cultural identity and navigate discussions of race within the household?
RQ4: How salient a role does ethnic identity play in romantic relationships for biracial
Asian Americans?
RQ5: What types of microaggressions do biracial Asian Americans report they
experience?
Method
A qualitative case study using in-depth interviews was employed to collect and analyze
data to answer the research questions posed. A purposeful sample was required given the
purpose and questions posed required gathering data regarding experiences specific to a certain
demographic of individuals. Five, biethnic individuals, who identified as half White and half
Asian, volunteered to participate in individual interviews. The qualitative interview using a
researcher-designed interview protocol (see Appendix) was deemed the most appropriate method
for obtaining trustworthy data.

Participants
Individual interviews were conducted with five, college-aged participants who
volunteered and met the selection criteria. Participant 1 was a 19-year-old, freshman female. She
was of half-Korean, half-Caucasian descent and grew up in China. Participant 2 was a 20-year-
old, sophomore female. She was of half-Japanese, half-Caucasian descent and grew up in
Wisconsin. Participant 3 was a 20-year-old, sophomore female. She was of quarter-Japanese,
quarter-Puerto Rican, and half-Caucasian descent and grew up in Hawaii. Participant 4 was a 20-
year-old, sophomore male. He was of quarter-Japanese, quarter-Taiwanese, and half-Caucasian
descent and moved from the U.S. to China when he was nine years old. Participant 5 was a 20-
year-old, junior male. He was of half-Korean, half-Caucasian descent and grew up in Portland,
Oregon.
Procedures
Individuals invited to be interviewed were first identified as meeting the criteria of part-
Asian/part-white due to the specific nature of the study. A cover letter was sent out via email
explaining the purpose of the study as well as the topics that would be addressed. For those that
responded and agreed to be interviewed, an agreed upon time and place for the interview was set.
Each interview was conducted face-to-face and lasted approximately 60 minutes. The
interviewees were informed that their responses would be confidential and they had the option to
discontinue participation at any time. Field notes were taken during and after each interview.
Materials
Each participant was asked a series of questions. The interview began with a few simple
questions about each participant’s age, grade, and their specific nationality. The interview
protocol constructed included in-depth questions designed to prompt exploration of the core
concepts of he study. An initial question was asked to introduce each concept and probing and
follow-up questions were used to gain more in-depth answers and clarifications as needed.
The first set of questions centered on the individual’s identity and the ways their
specifically biethnic identity affected the way they viewed themselves. The goal was to explore
the ways each individual described his or her own identity as well as the ways each believed his
or her biethnicity affected the way they saw themselves or the way others perceived them.
Additionally, participants were asked to recall specific examples of struggles and rewards
experienced that related to their dual identity.
The next focus within the interview focused on the implications their biethnic identity
had on their sense of belonging among monoracial peers. The goals was discover if and when
participants felt they did or did not belong among their peers and if it had to do with either their
own race or their peers’ races. Communication accommodations they made when speaking to
monoracial peers as well as how they generally felt when discussing race within their peer
groups was also explored.
Next, participants were probed regarding ways in which their biethnic identity affected
communication in their families, specifically, the ways in which certain family discussions or
events shaped the way they viewed their identity. Similarly, the next focus of inquiry targeted
ways their biethnic identity affected communication in romantic relationships. In particular,
discussion centered on those individuals who had dated someone who was monoracial and what,
if any, challenges that produced.
The final portion of the interview was on each individual’s experiences with
microaggressions. The kinds of microaggressions experienced and how it made them feel were
the focus. Probes included exploring ways the microaggressions participants experienced might
be specific to their biethnic identity and how, if at all, they were perceived differently from
monoracial minorities. Many additional clarifying questions not included on the original
interview protocol were asked as needed when answers provided by some participants required
further exploration to better understand their thoughts and experiences.
Results
Field notes were organized by pre-set codes related to each research question posed to
guide the collective story the participants presented of their experiences as hapa. Analysis
consisted of reading and rereading data to identify phrases and quotes that contributed to a rich
understanding of the lives and experiences of the participants. Once data was organized
according to the pre-set codes, additional labels were assigned and grouped together to allow
themes to emerge within each data set.
RQ1: How do biracial Asian Americans identify ethnically and what childhood experiences
do they share that played a role in developing their identity?
Analysis of interview data centering on how participants identify ethnically produced
four themes. Participants revealed specific contributions to the development of their identity. The
themes identified were place of upbringing, dichotomy between identity fluidity and identity
“limbo,” the expectations and assumptions imposed upon participants, and the role of Christian
faith.
Place of Upbringing
One theme emerging from the data was the crucial role played by the place in which
biracial Asian Americans spent their formative years. This became evident with the different
perspectives expressed between participants with starkly different upbringings. One participant
who spent most of her life in China and had friends who were almost exclusively racially mixed
said she never thought much about race until coming to America. Conversely, another participant
who grew up in a predominantly white area of the United States discussed going to school with
mostly white friends who would consistently make him aware of the fact that he was Asian and
they were not. A similar sentiment was expressed by another participant who also grew up in the
United States, in a place mostly populated by white people. However, these were not the only
two layers presented within this theme.
A participant who grew up in China around mostly full-Asian individuals felt as if he
could not “take ownership” of certain parts of Asian culture simply because he was part-white.
Similarly, another participant, who grew up in Hawaii around people who tended to be of three
or more ethnicities, felt as if she was “not mixed enough” because she was only two ethnicities,
one being white. In this way, both of these participants were very aware of their “whiteness”
growing up as opposed to some of the other participants who were more aware of the Asian parts
of their ethnic makeup. However, while each participant’s unique place of upbringing may have
contributed to their own awareness of their ethnicity, all participants expressed a desire to
develop their identity outside of what others thought of them or their race. As one participant put
it, “I want to be more comfortable with knowing who I am based on myself not others.”
Fluidity vs “Limbo”
When discussing both the struggles and rewards relating to each participant’s dual
identity, a clear consensus emerged in analysis of the data. All but one participant referenced the
fluidity they gain from being a part of more than one culture as one of the greatest rewards. One
participant described it as being able to “dip your toes into different things,” while another
described it as a “freedom to define yourself.” Many of them specifically talked about the ability
to be friends with different people and float between peer groups, with one participant explaining
that he felt he had taken on a role as “a bridge between two cultures.” However, this fluidity gave
way to what many also voiced as a struggle.
The first adjective one participant used to describe his identity was “conflicted,” and he
explained it as being “in a cultural or ethnic limbo.” While all participants expressed an
appreciation for their dual identities and the ways it allowed them to relate to a wide variety of
people, they also found that it hindered their ability to fit in. Being able to belong to more than
one group also meant that they were unable to completely belong to one. Many participants
mentioned feeling “too white” for Asian friends while feeling “too Asian” for white friends. In
recounting the realization of this struggle as a child, one participant said, “I just wanted to be a
part of something.”
Expectations and Assumptions
In the context of other people, many of the participants shared their identity was
accompanied by many expectations and assumptions associated with their particular biethnic
identity. One participant interpreted these assumptions as a product of “a social identity that you
carry with you that influences how you communicate or interact with others,” and explained that
he did not think his social identity was influenced by his ethnicity “until it was and it had to be.”
The main expectation that was experienced by participants was the expectation for them to
choose one side of their ethnicity or culture. As one participant put it, “people have expected me
to…just choose one part of me…but I wouldn’t want to do that,” and another describing it as
“the expectation that if you don’t have a specific cultural identity, that one side is not legitimate.”
The idea of legitimacy emerged throughout many of the interviews. One participant
expounded on this concept of legitimacy or lack thereof when it came to other people’s
expectations:
Race is really weird, like, even though I feel so comfortable with the Japanese
part of me and it’s a really important part of my culture…because it’s not, like,
the biggest part of me, it’s sort of not as legitimate to some people and that can be
pretty frustrating.
Even though most of the participants conveyed a clear desire to define their own identity,
many found that it did not stop others from forming their own ideas and assumptions of them
regardless. These assumptions often, in turn, warped the participants’ own view of themselves
with one participant explaining that she realized “how much I’m impacted by how I think other
people see me and how much that impacts how I see myself.” So while the participants’
identities are developed in large part by how they see themselves, it is difficult to escape the
implications of how other people perceive them as well.
Identity in Christ
A final, surprising theme that emerged was specific to the Christian bias present in the
sample. All participants identified as Christian and, subsequently, many mentioned it when
discussing identity. One referred to it as his “hermeneutic identity,” which was “grounded in
Christ.” Two participants aligned with this sentiment and talked about, ultimately, wanting their
main identity to be in Christ above all else. However, one participant voiced a distaste for the
idea, especially when it comes from other people:
It’s always from a white person and…I’m like, ‘that’s because you don’t see your
race because everyone looks like you’…but no, ‘cause God made us beautiful
with our race as a part of our identity and that’s something I’ve been gifted with
and that’s something I’m proud of and something that makes me unique,
and…that should be my ultimate identity, but within that identity there are other
facets, it’s not like I’m a one-dimensional person.
This comment exemplifies the ubiquity of ethnicity and its implications on every aspect of a
person’s identity, even spiritual.
RQ2: How do biracial Asian Americans describe their communication strategies and
feelings of belonging in monoracial peer groups?
The perceptions participants shared regarding communication within peer groups
organized around three main themes: the inclination to suppress Asian aspects of themselves
around white friends, the inclination to emphasize Asian aspects of themselves around Asian
friends, and the feeling of belonging being dependent on a number of demographic factors while,
ultimately, never being fully achieved.
Filtering Asianness
A prevalent theme that emerged from analysis of discussions regarding communication
with monoracial peers was the tendency for participants to filter what they say around people to
avoid being put in a box. Specifically, this meant avoiding talking about aspects of their Asian
heritage around white friends. One participant, when articulating the accommodations both she
and her other mixed Asian friends make around white friends, said, “We have to be careful not to
say so much about our Asian cultures…sometimes the people that we’re with won’t really
understand where we’re coming from.” Similarly, another participant talked about the need to
filter what she says because it can “skew the way people see her, either as more white or more
Asian, when I’m not either.”
Additionally, in some cases, filtering can give way to total avoidance. One participant
mentioned the disconnect she felt with her white friends and explained that “usually, talking
about my culture and background doesn’t matter as much to them.” This led to her avoiding
bringing up anything about her race altogether because she assumes “they don’t care or won’t
bring it up themselves.” Despite being, as one participant put it, “used to being around all white
people because that’s pretty much everywhere all the time,” even communicating with white
people who could be considered close friends can be, as another participant simply said,
“challenging.”
Amplifying Asianness
Another, almost equally prevalent theme that emerged was employing the opposite
strategy with groups of Asian friends. A majority of the participants mentioned their inclination
to talk more about the Asian aspects of themselves when around other Asian people or friends.
One participant talked about how she usually will “draw more on common experiences that we
both would have,” with food playing a prominent role in those discussions. Another participant
even mentioned his propensity to take on his father’s accent when talking to other Asian people.
A common theme among all the participants, when considering the communication
accommodations they make, is the realization that the bulk are subconscious or unintentional.
Degrees of Belonging
Though each participant could name ways they made accommodations when speaking to
either white groups or Asian groups of friends, there was never a consensus as to which group
they felt they belonged to more. More than one participant mentioned their sense of belonging
being dependent upon which group they were with and factors like closeness, gender, and group
size all being contributing elements. Some named specific groups, with one participant saying he
“never felt a strong sense of belonging in monoracial groups of Asian people,” and sharing
constantly feeling “displaced or feeling inadequate” when around full-Asians. However, others
made more blanket statements, such as one participant saying, “I don’t feel closer to either race,
because I’m in the middle.”
What emerged across all participants was feeling the most understood by other mixed
people or half-Asians. One participant described it as “refreshing to talk to other Hapas or mixed
race people when it comes to things full Asians or Americans wouldn’t understand.” Another
shared, “With other mixed people, I don’t feel understood all the time, but I also don’t feel
victimized. I don’t feel confident all the time, but I feel comfortable in feeling misunderstood by
them.” Even so, there was an overall uniformity to the displacement felt by all of the participants
when it came to full-Asian groups or full-white groups. One participant expressed the general
confusion associated with not knowing a concrete place to belong in society:
If you’re half white, you’re not white. That doesn’t make you white, it just makes
you off-white. It’s like whiteness is like this canvas and if you put any sort of
paint on it, it’s no longer a blank canvas, it’s stained. So people look at the canvas
and they’ll see that splash of yellow and…that’s the thing they look at…so it’s
weird, there’s like a purity to whiteness, socially, that if you taint it at all, you’re
all of a sudden not privy to being white. You’re just partially something…You’re
never really allowed to claim status to the monoracial group that you’re in, you’re
always associated with the ‘other.’ So you’re universally an ‘other’. So being,
like, half a minority…you’d think it would give you, like, a flexibility, but, in a
way, it just puts you in a box all by yourself.
RQ3: How do families of biracial Asian Americans communicate and contribute to cultural
identity and navigate discussions of race within the household?

Three themes emerged from participants’ discussions surrounding family and its
implications on communication and identity. The themes centered on discussions of race in the
household and when and how they occurred, the trouble with identifying with the white parent
and/or extended family members, and the importance of celebrating holidays and eating and
making food specific to participants’ Asian heritage.
Discussions of Race
A common theme across all participants was the absence of any intentional conversations
about race initiated by parents. However, most participants qualified that discussions about race
occurred organically at one point or another and their parents tended to always be “open about
it.” Many of the conversations stemmed from personal stories about participants’ parents and
their own experiences with race. For example, a participant said she would have conversations
with her dad “about growing up in a white family and how he learned to accept other cultures,”
while a different participant noted that her parents would mention race when talking about their
struggles with going places where being a biracial couple was not socially acceptable.
Furthermore, multiple participants felt as if discussions about race were only ever
brought about when it came to something like bullying. One participant recalled his dad getting
angry when he came home and told him about a kid at school calling him a “chink,” and his dad
telling him he should “beat that kid up.” Another participant mentioned a similar instance
occurring when her brother was bullied for his race at school and “engaging in a family
discussion that it’s okay to be biracial.” Even so, while the parents rarely initiated these
conversations unprovoked, none of the participants ever felt as if race was a taboo topic in their
immediate family.
The White Parent and Extended Family

One of the most salient themes that was revealed in conversation about family and
identity was a feeling of disconnect with the white parent. Every participant mentioned, to some
degree, a greater difficulty in identifying with his or her white parent. One participant said she
“had a harder time identifying” with her white father because she grew up in an area where he
was one of the only white people and she “didn’t have many white friends.” Moreover, she
experienced a form of “shame just because…being in public with my dad…I didn’t want to be
seen as just white all the time.” Additionally, another participant talked about growing up and
having a tough time identifying with his white mother because they looked different. He
explained this feeling, saying, “I didn’t resemble her at all…and I felt like she had a right to have
kids that looked like her…and I didn’t.”
These feelings of ostracism were furthered by the words and actions of extended family,
primarily on the white side of the family. One participant referenced “distasteful comments from
my white grandma.” Similarly, another participant talked about “insensitive Facebook
comments” from his white father’s side of the family even while his dad is “very good at
entering into Asian culture respectfully.” A different participant commented on her white cousins
and struggling with them “getting obsessed” with Japanese culture such as anime and looking to
her as a source for it saying, “I’m not going to be your token Asian cousin…I don’t want to be a
source of information or justification for acting or dressing the way they do.”
However, while most of the detachment stemmed from the white parent and his or her
side of the family, that did not mean the Asian parent was devoid of any sort of disruption in the
parent-child relationship. Three of the participants noted placing a kind of blame on their Asian
parent for not teaching them their native language. They all talked about the struggle of being
around Asian friends or family members speaking their language and not being able to
understand them or ending up forcing them to speak English just for their benefit. In this way, it
is clear that Asian parents are responsible for some element of disconnect, though more of the
blame may fall on the white parents.
Celebrating Holidays and Importance of Food
While many participants mentioned parents not being prone to discussion, there was a
much heavier emphasis on action. When recalling moments or events during childhood that
contributed to the development of cultural identity, two themes emerged: celebrating holidays
and eating or cooking food specific to their Asian heritage. One participant remembered wearing
a traditional Korean hanbok on an “International Day” at her school and feeling like she
“embraced my Korean side more on those days.” More than one participant recalled the New
Years celebrations specific to their Asian heritage as well as attending different festivals like, for
one participant, a Japanese mochi making festival.
Something that every single participant mentioned in detail was the role that food played
in forming a connection with his or her Asian heritage. One participant noted that many of her
“good memories are associated with being with family while eating different foods,” and another
participant said “my mom making Korean food all the time made me love Asian food more…I’d
choose Asian food over American food any day because of that.” A different participant even
said he had “memories of chopsticks before having memories of forks.” Interestingly, one
participant explained that when he started taking over the role of cooking, because he “learned to
cook through osmosis” while watching his parents, he realized his style of cooking was
“biethnic.” He had learned how to flavor food from his dad, but learned the more practical
techniques from his mom, which gave way to what he called a “bastardized Korean” style of
food. Ultimately, these events and traditions were significant, as one participant expressed,
because they affirmed elements of the participants’ identities:
They really shaped…the way I look at things…and seeing the importance that my
parents placed on making sure that we had a foundation of Japanese culture…and
being able to have those experiences and those memories, I think, is an
affirmation of one part of my identity.
RQ4: How salient a role does ethnic identity play in romantic relationships for biracial
Asian Americans?
The analysis of data surrounding the significance of ethnic identity in romantic
relationships revealed two main themes. These themes were the tendency to feel a disconnect
when dating monoracial individuals and the desire for a potential partner to understand and
appreciate the participants’ cultural heritage.
Monoracial Disconnect
One pattern revealed through data analysis was a consistent feeling of misunderstanding
in relationships with monoracial individuals. Three of the participants had previously dated
someone full-white and four of the participants had previously dated or was currently dating
someone full-Asian. All of the participants recounted a time, when dating a monoracial
individual, that they felt their race had negative implications on the relationship. One participant
talked about her experience of dating a white boy reflecting that it ended quickly when he
“refused to try Japanese food…was condescending about Japanese culture,” and sharing that
ultimately his insensitivity to her culture “showed me I didn’t want to date someone like that
again.”
In addition, this disconnect produced insecurities for participants in dating both
monoracial Asians and monoracial whites. One participant described dating a boy who was full-
Korean and expressed that knowing he had a history of dating white girls “made me
uncomfortable…I wondered if he still thought I was attractive even though I didn’t have blonde
hair and blue eyes.” A different participant expressed the difficulty in dating monoracial
individuals saying he “felt the need to tone down being Korean” when dating a white girl while
feeling as if he needed to “try harder to be Asian or be more Korean” when dating a girl who was
full-Cambodian.
A further expression of disconnect that emerged primarily among the female participants
was the tendency to be “exoticized” or fetishized by monoracials. One participant talked about
the frustration accompanying being exoticized because often it came in the form of what was
thought to be a compliment. She recalled dating a boy after he asked her out without knowing
her, saying “I felt like it was superficial and my race is what intrigued him.” Even one of the
male participants identified with these experiences when it came to his current girlfriend who is
also half-Asian:
My friend visited me in at Hong Kong in the summer and…he’s full white…and
he was like, after he met my girlfriend and my girlfriend’s sister, he was just
talking about how beautiful she was. And like, in a complimenting way, but he
was like ‘yeah man, that mix just gets me so much’…he was like ‘oh dude, you’re
so lucky’ or whatever and I was just like…I don’t want to be like ‘can you not say
that?’…but just be like ‘oh, I like your girlfriend’ and just leave it at that.
Importance of Understanding
The most salient theme across all participants was a desire to be understood in their
romantic relationships and a typical lack of that understanding when dating monoracial
individuals. One participant called it “a huge turn off if they don’t get it or at least try to
understand this part of my identity,” whether it be the white side or the Asian side, and adding, “I
can excuse ignorance in a friendship, but not in a relationship.” A different participant expressed
this in a similar way when discussing her current relationship and the high level of comfort she
feels with him because “I can tell he actually cares about or is more interested in me sharing my
culture.”
Many of the participants described a time in which they felt misunderstood by their
monoracial partner. One participant specifically recalled dating a white girl and the kinds of
misunderstanding that would often occur:
A lot of things that seemed natural to me were really alien to her, but she’d point
them out as weird…like she just made fun of me for eating fish and said it was
really weird and I was just like, ‘it’s just what I do.’
These types of discordances were not uncommon across the sample. Another participant recalled
“unofficially dating” a white boy and, though she was much younger, she often felt as if “he
didn’t understand certain aspects of who I was.”
In the same way that most participants felt misunderstood in relationships with
monoracial individuals, the majority of participants all agreed that they felt most understood in
relationships with other mixed people. Two of the participants were currently dating half-Asian
individuals with one saying he felt “a freedom to be able to be myself” and “the fact that we are
both half is helpful” and the other expressing a similar sentiment:

With my girlfriend now, since she’s also mixed race…it’s just something that’s
very comforting and something that I’ve thought more about after dating
her…that I also think might have, like, subconsciously led me to her…it’s just
comforting to have someone who has kind of had a similar experience and hasn’t
had the same experience, but kind of knows what you’re talking about
generally…and not have to prove that you are something, but to just be able to
exist peacefully.
RQ5: What types of microaggressions do biracial Asian Americans report they experience?
Conversation about microaggressions revealed a clear consensus among participants
identified types of microaggressions experienced: assumptions and intrusive questions and jokes.
An additional theme emerged centered on the difficult nature of responding to microaggressions.
Assumptions and Intrusive Questions
Among the sample, two main forms of microaggressions surfaced: broad assumptions
and intrusive questions, with the two often operating hand in hand. Many of the assumptions
came from white individuals and were often in line with stereotypes associated with Asians.
More than one participant talked about constantly receiving the comment, “You must be good at
math,” or the assumption that they are a math major or conservatory student simply based off of
the fact that they are Asian. One participant explained a common occurrence of people
discrediting her intelligence and assuming it is only due to her race, saying, “This assumption
that…because I’m Asian I have to be smart and not that, okay, you work hard and you study and
that’s why you’re smart…it’s you’re Asian so you’re smart and you’re only smart because
you’re Asian.” A different participant expressed frustration at people even assuming what race
she is:
There have been so many people that think they know what I am and then they’ll,
like, say things and sometimes I haven’t corrected them just because I’m so, like,
shocked or don’t really feel like getting into that, but then just being like whoa,
people are stereotyping me...for things that aren’t even part of me.
Similarly, another common incident revealed was when full Asian individuals would
assume the participants were full Asian. Multiple participants recalled being approached by an
Asian individual who would start talking to them, based on the assumption that they were also
full Asian, in an Asian language that was often unfamiliar to them. Additionally, specifically
with participants who grew up in Asian countries, upon learning this fact people would often say,
“Wow, you’re English is so good,” to which one participant reflected upon with, “Normally, you
just expect them to assume the same thing that you think, like that they should know already,
like, that I can speak English because I am American.”
There were few microaggressions that participants experienced specifically regarding
their biethnicity; however, they were not nonexistent. One participant said people constantly
assume that she is adopted when she is seen with her white father and that, furthermore, when
they find out she is not they will usually follow up with the question, “Oh, so then you’re not
really Asian?” In addition, a different participant recalled labels he had endured throughout his
life such as “mongrel” or “mutt.”
No participant lacked experience in being asked questions in the form of
microaggressions. The most common was, “What are you?” in reference to their mixed race;
however, one particular participant said he usually offered grace in response because “I just
understand the whole ‘what are you’ a lot more, I think, because I definitely asked it growing up
too. I understand it; I don’t feel objectified by it.” Another question one of the participants who
grew up in a predominantly white area in the United States is often asked is, “Where are you
from?” followed by a reiteration of the question, “No, where are you really from?” when she
says America.
Similar to the assumptions previously mentioned, many participants reported being asked
if they were a certain race, it usually being the incorrect one. A half-Korean participant said he is
often asked, “Are you Chinese or Japanese?” and a half-Japanese participant recalled a time
when she was once asked “Are you Taiwanese?” to which she replied, “No, I’m half-Japanese,”
and the inquirer responded with, “Oh, that’s basically the same thing.” Moreover, one half-
Korean participant talked about a question often received once people find out he is Korean:
“North or south?”
Jokes
Another theme briefly explored by all participants was Asian jokes. These were jokes
typically made in a derogatory manner and often associated with stereotypes about Asians. One
participant described the unfairness represented by these jokes in comparison to other minorities
saying, “People make Asian jokes because it’s easier. People rarely make black jokes, but Asians
are pretty fair game.” There was a general consensus among the participants that Asian jokes
were made more often around them than monoracial Asians because, as one participant
explained, “People are more willing to say things to me because I am part-white and they’re like
‘Oh, she’ll be okay because she’s, like, on my side because she’s part-white.’” To this effect,
another participant talked about instances wherein white friends would make an Asian joke and
then “look over at me to see how I would react…and I always wonder, like, is this how they
normally are or is it just because they’re with me?”
Trouble with Reacting

Due to the subtle and understated nature of microaggressions, another theme revealed
across the sample was the difficulty in how to respond to them. Many participants justified not
knowing how to react because they usually knew the microaggression was not coming from a
place that was intentionally malicious while also bearing in mind, as one participant stated, “I
also don’t want to laugh it off because I also want to know that I have the right to be offended by
that.” Another participant expressed this in a similar way:
When I’m in a context where microaggressions are happening, it’s not something
I can really react to because…I feel sort of socially outweighed almost. And it’s,
like, really sort of lame to get offended by things, so I just don’t. But I do get
annoyed.
One participant described how microaggressions can even cause her to question her own
feelings, saying, “Sometimes what they say is…something I’m not sure if I should be offended
by or not and…not knowing how to respond or knowing if what I’m feeling is real.”
Furthermore, some of the participants explained the particular difficulty that came with reacting
to close friends’ microaggressions. One participant said, “Your friends don’t also want to feel
lectured about why what they said is offensive…it’s harder to go about responding to it in a way
that you feel like you dignified yourself.” Another participant talked about how she has tried to
learn “where to draw the line and be like, ‘Here, let me educate you,’ and then other places
where you’re like, ‘Okay no, you just stay there because you’re not going to think straight.’”
Discussion
Summary of Results
The interviews aimed to explore the personal experiences of each participant; data
analysis revealed some themes that demonstrated convergence of experiences that extended
across all participants and other themes identifying where some experiences diverged. The
identity development of biethnic individuals within this study was contextualized with regard to
where they grew up and the expectations and/or assumptions from other people that they grew up
with. Identity development was also accompanied by the conflicting feelings of appreciating the
fluidity their biethnicity provides them while also feeling as if they have no place to truly belong.
Finally, for this particular sample, religious beliefs played a part in developing identity while not
completely discounting the impact ethnicity has on identity as a whole.
In the context of friendships, communication with monoracial peers is often marked by a
tendency to suppress Asian aspects of identity around white individuals and focus almost
exclusively on those aspects when around Asian individuals. Participants shared never
experiencing a strong sense of belonging with either monoracial group or in the bigger picture of
society in general. The strongest sense of belonging is often felt when among other biracial
individuals. In the context of family, race is rarely intentionally discussed though there is usually
an open dialogue to do so. The white parent is often harder to identify with and communication
tends to be more difficult with extended family, whether it be the white side or the Asian side, as
it can lead to insensitive or judgmental comments made by monoracial relatives. Celebrating
holidays as well as making and eating food specific to their Asian heritage helps develop a
greater understanding and appreciation in biethnic individuals.
Ethnic identity plays a significant role in romantic relationships. Biracial individuals
frequently experience a disconnect in relationships with monoracial individuals. This is due to a
great importance placed on the desire to be both heard and understood in a relationship,
particularly when it comes to their biethnic heritage, that is generally not present in relationships
with monoracial individuals. Experiences with microaggressions typically fall into three main
categories: broad assumptions, intrusive questions, and jokes. Biethnic individuals struggle with
reacting to microaggressions since they are usually not intentionally malicious, presented in the
form of compliments, or not perceived as a serious matter to those around them.
Implications
The findings frequently aligned with the current, limited literature on hapas, identity
development, and their communication strategies. In keeping with the model of bicultural
identity integration proposed by Benet-Martinez, Leu, Lee, and Morris (2002), participants
expressed both a complementary and conflicting view of their two identities. Additionally,
researchers have suggested that biracial individuals often identify more strongly with a
specifically biracial identity orientation, and this is reflected in the results of this study as well
(Chong & Kuo, 2015). Being in a group of monoracial peers can lead to identity stress as well as
lead to communication strategies of convergence or divergence in intergroup communication
settings (Toomey, Dorjee, & Ting-Toomey, 2013), which is clearly reflected in the participants’
experiences with monoracial peers. Moreover, researchers have reported the difficulties biracial
individuals experience identifying with either white peer groups or monoracial minority groups
as well as the importance of having friend groups that are also biracial to have people who can
relate to their experiences (Toomey, 2012; Ingram, Chaudhary, & Jones, 2014). Similar findings
are represented in the results of the current study.
Kasuga-Jenks (2012) described the tendency for a parent’s personal cultural experiences
to influence how and to what extent they inform their children about race, culture, and ethnicity.
Similarly, the participants in the study all noted ways in which their parents’ upbringing affected
their tendency to discuss race in the household. Furthermore, researchers have documented the
particular struggle of biracial individuals in romantic relationships with monoracial individuals,

and this was a very present theme in the data here (Leslie & Young, 2015; Robert-Clarke,
Roberts, & Morokoff, 2004; Seshadri & Knudson-Martin, 2013). Lastly, there was extensive
literature concerning microaggressions, with some specifically addressing the kinds that biracial
individuals face including racial identification inquiry, assumption of a monoracial identity, and
denial of a multiracial identity, which were all examples identified by participants (Harris, 2015;
Nadal et al., 2011; Tran, Miyake, Martinez-Morales, & Csizmadia, 2016).
No existing literature was identified on hapas that considered religion as a factor, though
it consistently emerged in this study since the sample was made up of only individuals who
identified as Christian. Much of the religious aspect had to do with the ways in which Christian
beliefs did or did not play a role and to what extent it significantly contributed to the
development of identity within each participant. The implications religion could have on
research, as indicated by this study, are that a Christian faith could contribute to a more stable
identity development as well as an additional source to find comfort in and appreciation for the
uniqueness of biracial individuals’ lives and experiences.
Limitations
Some of the limitations of this study had much to do with the sample itself. The sample
only included five people, so the results were not yet close to achieving the point of saturation.
The sample included more females than males; thus, the male perspective was not heavily
accounted for. Additionally, there was a constructed age range in the sample. All participants
were either 19 or 20 years old; the experiences of those much younger or those much older were
not represented. All but one participant identified as half Asian and half Caucasian with some
variation in Asian heritages represented. By no means did the sample encompass the wide
variety of possible ethnic combinations that need representation. The study could have benefited
from having more participants, more with the same ethnic make up as well as more variance in
ethnic hapa combinations.
Future Directions
The rapid and significant growth of biethnic Asian population allows for vast
opportunities for study. Place of upbringing played a relevant role on biethnic identity
development for participants. This particular study included individuals that grew up in white
areas in the United States, diverse areas of the United States, and Asian countries. A potential
direction for future study is to examine in more depth specific ways growing up in different
places might impact the ways biethnic individuals communicate and develop their identity. The
consistent voicing of feeling “off-white” or “other” needs further exploration to more fully
understand how such experiences impact sense of belonging and other variables that might
contribute to communication and difficulties with connectedness and mattering. Furthermore, a
limitation of the study was not having a larger sample to reach data saturation and, subsequently,
not having some Asian ethnicities represented as well as not having some multiples of the
ethnicities that were present. Future research should expand the sample and include those of
other Asian backgrounds and make sure there are multiples of each to explore how or if
specificity of ethnic makeup plays a role. It could also be interesting to explore the ways biethnic
communication develops over the course of a lifetime using a longitudinal study involving males
and females studied from a young age through late adulthood. Additionally, in this study, not
much distinction was drawn between the male and female perspective. This could be remedied
with future research focusing on the ways in which perspectives and communication may
diverge and/or converge between biethnic males and females. Moreover, a possible direction for
future research could be to use at a larger sample of biethnic hapas and incorporate their
perspectives with separate samples of both white and Asian individuals to compare and contrast
experiences, perceptions, and communication strategies to further pinpoint where and how
experiences and perceptions differ.
Conclusion
Most people do not even know what the word “hapa” means. Similarly, most people do
not understand the unique experiences of hapas or half-Asian/half-white individuals. As a result
of their duality, hapas experience the development of their identity differently. The ways they
communicate with family are affected by the discussions that take place in the household and the
steps taken to celebrate their Asian heritage growing up. The ways they communicate with
friends are filtered depending on the race of the friend and the feeling of belonging or lack
thereof that accompanies them. Similarly, their communication with romantic partners is
influenced by the race of the partner as well as their partner’s willingness to engage in the
complex nature of the biethnic individual’s identity. All hapas are faced with microaggressions,
some big others small, yet they are typically unsure of where to draw the line between educating
people and internalizing the aggression. The main problem lies in people expecting them to be or
treating them as if they are one or the other, Asian or white, when, in fact, they are not either.
They are hapa, and they desire and deserve to be understood.

Appendix
Interview Protocol
Interview Basis
This study will involve qualitative interviews of those of half-Asian, half-white descent. The
interviews will be semi-structured since the research questions are seeking somewhat specific
answers. However, the questions will be based on the general lives of each individual so as to
leave participants room to expand on their personal experiences and how they might differ from
others.
Cover Letter:
Dear valued student,
I am of half-Asian and half-Caucasian descent and I have found that my specific biethnic descent
has directly affected the way I communicate with those around me as well as the way I do or do
not identify with them. Minorities are an understudied and often misunderstood population, and
biethnic minorities are even more so.
I am thrilled to be able to explore the ways in which the biethnic identity of being Half-Asian
and half-Caucasian plays a role in communication. If you are of this same biethnic identity, I
would greatly appreciate you donating a moment of your time to discuss your personal
experiences with me. Your participation is completely voluntary. The interview should last
around 30-60 minutes and your answers will remain confidential along with your identity.
Additionally, at any moment, should you decide you no longer want to participate you are not
obligated to complete the interview.
If you are interested in participating or have any questions about this research, you may reply to
this email or contact me at piper.curda@my.wheaton.edu.
Blessings,
Piper Curda
Script of Introductory Comments
I appreciate you taking your time to speak with me today. As you may or may not know, I am
half-Korean, half-white, and I’ve found that my specific biethnic identity has had a significant
impact on the way I communicate with others. I think the growing population of biethnic
individuals has gone unnoticed and is, therefore, understudied. I want to understand more about
the ways people with my same biethnic identity have found that it does or does not affect their
lives and communication, which is why we are here today.
This interview should last around 30-60 minutes, and you have the option to stop or discontinue
participation at any time. You can also request to skip a question if you choose. Additionally,
your answers and identity will be kept confidential.
Interview Questions
1. How would you describe your identity? (introducing question, 3-5 minutes)
a. In what way would you say your ethnicity impacts the way you view
yourself/your identity? (follow-up question, 2-3 minutes)
b. How would you say that being specifically half Asian has an effect, if any, on
your identity? (follow-up question, 3-4 minutes)
c. How would you say that being specifically half Caucasian has an effect, if any, on
your identity? (follow-up question, 3-4 minutes)
d. Could you share some examples of struggles you have been through relating to
your dual identity? (probing question, 2-3 minutes)
e. Could you share some examples of rewards you have experienced relating to your
dual identity? (probing question, 2-3 minutes)
2. I would now like to discuss your experiences with your identity in relation to others. How
would you describe your sense of belonging with monoracial peers or peer groups?
(structuring/introducing question, 3-5 minutes)
a. Have your monoracial friends ever expressed different views of race that you did
not share? (direct question, 4-5 minutes)
i. How did you react when they shared these views? (specifying question, 2-
3 minutes)
b. Can you describe, if any, differences (accommodations) in communication you
have observed other half-Asian individuals make when speaking with full-Asian
or full-Caucasian friends? (indirect question, 4-5 minutes)
i. Do you ever find yourself doing the same type of things? Why/Why
not/How so? (follow-up/specifying question, 2-3 minutes)

c. How would you describe your sense of belonging when discussions of race occur
in your peer group? (introducing question, 4-5 minutes)
i. Is it correct that you generally feel understood/misunderstood?
(interpreting question, 1-2 minutes)
3. Now that we have covered friends, I’d like to discuss family. Specifically, what types of
discussions about your biracial identity or cultural background did your parents have with
you or you with them? (structuring/introducing question, 4-6 minutes)
a. What difficulties, if any, did you have identifying with one or both of your parents
growing up? (follow-up question, 3-4 minutes)
i. Were any of these difficulties due to race? (direct question, 3-4 minutes)
b. What significant family events or discussions contributed to your identity?
(introducing question, 2-3 minutes)
i. Could you explain why? (probing question, 2-3 minutes)
4. I would now like to discuss the role of your ethnic identity in romantic relationships,
especially what role, if any, you believe your biracial identity plays or has played in
dating, either regarding whom you date or your experiences with dating?
(structuring/introducing question, 5-7 minutes)
a. What challenges have you experienced dating someone who is monoracial?
(follow-up question, 3-5 minutes)
i. Is it correct that you frequently/rarely face challenges specifically due to
race? (interpreting question, 1-2 minutes)
b. What communication strategies (accommodations), if any, have you used when
dating someone monoracial? (introducing question, 3-5 minutes)

i. Are these strategies primarily used with your partner or with their family
members or both? (follow-up question, 2-3 minutes)
5. Now, I’d like to move on to the topic of microaggressions, which are subtle, sometimes
unintentional slights made in a negative manner about race. What are some experiences
you’ve had with forms of microaggression? (structuring/introducing question, 4-5
minutes)
a. How did it make you feel? (specifying question, 3-5 minutes)
b. In what way, if any, do you feel like your experience with microaggression was
specific to your biracial identity? (introducing question, 3-5 minutes)
c. In what ways do you feel like the microaggression you experience is the same or
different from the kinds of microaggression monoracial individuals experience?
(introducing question, 3-5 minutes)
i. How do you think monoracial individuals perceive biracial individuals
differently from monoracial minorities? (indirect question, 2-4 minutes)
1. Do you agree/disagree with their perceptions, and why? (follow-up
question, 2-3 minutes)

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Pipercurda Comm311 Researchproject Finalpaper

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Running head: OFF-WHITE: EXPLORING THE ROLE HAPA IDENTITY 1

“Off-White”: Exploring the Role Hapa Identity Plays in Communication

psychological and behavioral components of self-concept, self-esteem, sense of belonging, and

many opportunities for future directions for research.

“Off-White”: Exploring the Role Hapa Identity Plays on Communication

Broman, 2003). However, in a world becoming increasingly more diverse, it is important to

segment of White/Asian has remained somewhat unobserved by researchers, illuminating the

advantages (Okizaki, 2000; Toomey, 2012; Toomey et al., 2013).

communication styles and emphasize different aspects of communication (Akimoto &

navigate their biracial identity integration can be influenced by communication and

Toomey et al., 2013).

negotiation theory, ecological framework of biethnic identity development, bicultural identity

integration, communication accommodation theory, and microaggressions. The review is

communication in biracial identity, communication within romantic relationships of biracial

individuals, and microaggression experiences of biracial individuals. When available, the

literature review included research exclusively focused on Caucasian/Asian biethnic individuals.

Biethnic Identity Development of Hapas

Gonzalez-Backen (2013) sought to extend beyond the singular process of identity

the multidimensionality of identity formation processes embedded in multiple ecological

segregation, environments that serve to promote or hinder development, characteristics such as

pointedly on individual differences experienced by biethnic individuals during identity formation

options,” including a singular identity (identifying as exclusively monoracial), a border identity

(identifying as exclusively biracial), a protean identity (switching between identities), and a

of biethnic individuals (Benet-Martinez et al.; Gonzalez-Backen; Toomey et al., 2013).

as the communication strategies they use.

Biculturals’ Sense of Belonging and Communication Strategies with Monoracial Peers

communication accommodation theory, biracial individuals may utilize strategies characterized

by convergence or divergence in some intergroup communication settings (Toomey et al., 2013).

(convergence) or they will use strategies to differentiate themselves (divergence). Chaudhari

of belonging; they either accommodate to monoracial norms or resist conformity to monoracial

norms by disengaging from the situation.

Chaudhari (2016) also discussed the importance of mattering as contributing to a sense of

The Role of Family Communication in Biracial Identity

A significant component of how biracial individuals develop their biethnic identities is

Researchers examining family communication within multiracial families supported

communication accommodation theory in finding that relationships were recognized as more

2009). Confirmation of communication accommodation strategies within biracial families was

subsequent influence on feelings of belonging, well-being, and biethnic identity development.

identified a number of microaggressions commonly experienced, to include isolation and/or

Communication within Romantic Relationships of Biracial Individuals

Romantic relationships for biracial individuals can be trickier to navigate in comparison

relationship, there is an added stressor of doing so as a biracial individual in a highly racialized

Microaggression Experiences of Biracial Individuals

Young, 2013; Nadal et al., 2013).

microaggression specific to biracial individuals, such as assumption of a monoracial identity,

monoracial backgrounds who may unknowingly or purposefully express microaggressions

critical component in developing deeper understanding of the communication experiences and

strategies of individuals who identify as hapa.

Summary, Rationale for Study, and Research Questions

Knudson-Martin, 2013). A final area of biracial communication that seems to be prevalent in

biethnic identity (Harris, 2015).

White/Asian biracial individuals, the fastest growing segment of biculturals, is warranted

what aspects of communication influence their development as well as what communication

the existing lack of examination of a broader scope of experiences to expand understanding of

the microaggressions experienced and other communication challenges with regard to

identity and microaggression experiences play in communication in families, monoracial peer

collection and analysis efforts:

experiences do they share that played a role in developing their identity?

feelings of belonging in monoracial peer groups?

RQ3: How do families of biracial Asian Americans communicate and contribute to

cultural identity and navigate discussions of race within the household?

RQ5: What types of microaggressions do biracial Asian Americans report they

Asian, volunteered to participate in individual interviews. The qualitative interview using a