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HI 166 AB
I. In 15 sentences or less, please answer the following questions (25pts/question)
1.) In Ricardo T. Jose’s “Test of Wills,” we saw how the Philippine government
established ties with the Japanese. Are our ties with Japan in any way neocolonial? If so,
how is it or is it not a kind of neocolonialism?
Yes, the Japanese swiftly took over our country (1). Their military penetrated the Philippine
government in such a way that it would seem like they were helping us (2). In their occupancy
their priority was to establish a local administration with Filipinos as part of the staff. (3) Most of
these staff members were Filipinos who remained in Manila after the Commonwealth who were
‘strongly encouraged’ by the Japanese to become part of the Philippine Executive Commission
(4). An organization that is basically puppeted by the Japanese, since Japanese advisers were
attached to the hip of the Filipino members (5). There was little to no room for Filipinos to
exercise their diplomatic and governmental decisions, since what they mostly did was cary out
the ‘advise’ of the Japanese advisers (6). Neocolonialism occurs when a country uses economic,
political and cultural pressures to influence or control another country (7). This is basically what
happened between the Japanese and the Philippines, whereas the Japanese tried and sometimes
succeeded to still be part of the Philippine’s decision making power even after they have given us
“independence” (8). In the “Test of Wills”, Ricardo Jose mentioned that the most testly of wills
was when the Preparatory Commision for Philippine Independence (PCPI) was formed (9). It
was at this point that the Japanese wanted to show their benevolence by giving the Philippines
Independence (10). However, even in the transitioning phase towards independence, the
Japanese tried their best to inject their own ideas on how the Constitution should be written, by
framing our ‘independence’ in such a way that we still needed their guidance and support (11).
Although we were meant to have independence as a country, the Japanese kept pushing that
although this was the case, they still wanted us under their wing, by wing I mean the Greater
East-Asia Co Prosperity Sphere, which is also basically controlled by them (12). So yes, we had a
neocolonialist relationship with the Japanese government, because although they claimed to have
given us independence and a sort of independent government they had other ways to influence
their decisions on us by means of economic pressure or even cultural pressure as mentioned in
Jose’s “Test of Wills” (13).
2.) While women activists have been around since the establishment of public education
in the Philippines, women’s groups increased during the Marcos period. Using Aurora
de Dios’ reading, what were the different factors behind the “increasing degradation of
the Filipina” during the Marcos era?
Poverty, increased militarization, oppression of women, being tortured in captivity– these are
only some of the the terrors that women had undergone under the Marcos period (1). Prior to
this women’s issues were considered a primary issue, however, because of the ongoing
dictatorship these issues were transformed into secondary issues to redirect efforts and protests
towards the abuse of human rights by the regime (2). In the controversial case of Hilda Narciso,
she was the first woman to over be vocal and fully pursue the case against such abuse (3). I
attended her talk and listened to her story first hand: she was a school teacher when she was
abducted and taken to a “safehouse” to be “interrogated” only to find out that she was brought
there to be interrogated and sexually assaulted (4). This was because during the Marcos period,
there was an uprise of women activists in the rebellion; women were becoming more vocal and
action-able in their protests (5). Although, at the time, women activists from all social classes
were joining together to fight for their rights and the rights of their children, some women who
weren’t under the protection of the “elite” women groups still ended up like Hilda Narciso (6).
And despite being vocal about women’s issues such as sex-trafficking, sex tours, prostitution and
the abuse of political detainees, as well as their various campaigns, women who don’t have the
political connections or women who are not part of the elite, are somehow still untouched by the
changes trying to be implemented by the women groups: CWO, WOMEN, etc.(7). At this point,
women were not just violated or disrespected, they were treated like animals, especially the
women who aren’t in the elite, they were raped repeatedly and abused and tortured, for the sake
of men satisfying their desires, their messed up desires (8). It is at this point that animals were
treated better than women, at least animals were fed and bathed, some women who were held
captive were starved and left to their own messes (9). Some women who were part of the elite,
were like untouchables, since they had connections with higher-ups, however, this did not stop
them from fearing whatever future lies ahead for their children, their friends and even
themselves (10). Women’s Desk of the Concerned Artists of the Philippines exposed the letters
and pressed statements which are demeaning to women, and pushed the initiation of WASP
(Women Againsst Sexist Politics) to call out Marcos for his sexist and demeaning remarks
towards women (11). Bottomline is women were never safe under the Marcos era, especially if
insult and disrespect comes from the President himself (12).
3.) Kindly view the film Tonpei and Sarukichi (1936). In Adventures of Dankichi,
Kawamura argues that the Japanese have set themselves apart from the rest of the
“uncivilised” and “native” Asia. How does this film depict Japan’s popular Orientalism?
What do the characters in the film represent and what message does this film imparts to
its young viewers?
Orientalism is, according to Edward Said, a style for dominating, restructuring and having
authority over the orient (1). In the short film, although it was encouraging the oppressed to
fight back, highlighted how easily ‘natives’ and ‘uncivilised’ can be abused (2). King Lion and
Tonpei symbolize the oppressors: they abused the ‘blackies’ by taking their resources and hurting
their families, and how they will use their power and influence to trick others into believing them
(3). The film encourages us to fight back, despite hurt and pain (in the film one of the monkeys
died), we have to find it in ourselves to adapt and fightback, similar to how their home shifted
into different weapons (4). In the film, the pig was depicted to have the power to take whatever
he wants, through violence and stealing. Similar to how our oppressors used to take what’s ours
as if it’s theirs (5). The Japanese used the framework of Western colonization to colonise the
Philippines, they restructured our lives and our way of living for them to benefit (6). Although
the natives were oppressed and abused, the film depicted that no matter how cruel and horrible
life gets, justice will always prevail (8). Their tyranny over us will come to an end, and they will
get what they deserve, the film made sure to deliver this message, so the natives will not lose
hope and motivation in going against an oppressive system to fight for what’s right (9).
4.) In Lisandro Claudio’s analysis of the Bantayog ng mga Bayani monument, he argues
that the memories of the anti-Marcos movement merits examination given the
invisibility of Communist contribution to the cause. In the attached iconic image of the
EDSA Revolution, what do you remember of EDSA 1986 and what are you forgetting?
How does this image shape our memory of the Marcos Regime and the EDSA
Revolution?
Lisandro Claudio pointed out a crucial detail about the Bantayog ng mga Bayani: that they
represented only those who were prominent and noticeable, that those who were recognized
were those who only seemed ‘good on paper’ (1). The monuments did not have representations
of those who actually fought and experienced the nitty-gritty side of the revolution. (2). Most of
the revolution was happening underground, yes there were known leaders who have led them,
but most of fighting and actual combat happened amongst the masses, the masses who are not
recognized or even acknowledged for the role they played in the revolution (3). Most of the
rebellion happened underground, hidden, so as to not be punished because if they were found
what are the chances that the people who are funding them would defend them? (4). THe
Communists were simply not recognized because some feared that the benefactors would take
back their commitment to the bantayog (5). The role of class privilege heavily influenced who
and what the people would be left to remember (6). It is because of such privileges that
acknowledgement and recognition are only given to the elite and the bourgeoisie, because despite
their acts against the system they have little to lose, but the masses have everything to lose (7).
The photo is focused on the nuns leading this act of the revolution, at first, they are all we will
notice (8). Just like how we only remember the people who were focused on during the
revolution, like the Aquinos (9). Like how the nuns are at the forefront and focus of the image,
so were the Aquinos, but what about what’s behind them, who’s behind them (10)? We are
designed by the system to remember only those who were most notable, those who had names
and positions but we are forgetting the people who actually play the greatest role–the people, the
masses (11). This shapes our memory in such a way that it is because of the elite and the notables
that we were able to achieve a revolution, when in fact they are just the faces of the revolution
(12). This way we are forgetting the actual heart, and limbs of what drove the revolution (13). We
are forgetting the people who have lost everything for the nation, we are forgetting the unnamed,
we are forgetting the lives that were lost for all “this”–the Filipino masses (14).