Coordinates: 52°24′29″N 8°07′46″E

Battle of the Teutoburg Forest

The Battle of the Teutoburg Forest (German: Schlacht im Teutoburger
Battle of the Teutoburg Forest
Wald, Hermannsschlacht, or Varusschlacht, Italian: Disfatta di Varo),
described as the Varian Disaster (Clades Variana) by Roman historians, Part of the Early Imperial campaigns in
took place in the Teutoburg Forest in 9 CE, when an alliance of Germanic Germania
tribes ambushed and decisively destroyed three Roman legions and their
auxiliaries, led by Publius Quinctilius Varus. The alliance was led by
Arminius, a Germanic officer of Varus' auxilia. Arminius had acquired
Roman citizenship and had received a Roman military education, which
enabled him to deceive the Roman commander methodically and anticipate
the Roman army's tactical responses.

Despite several successful campaigns and raids by the Romans in the years
after the battle, they never again attempted to conquer the Germanic
territories east of the Rhine river. The victory of the Germanic tribes against
Rome's legions in the Teutoburg Forest would have far-reaching effects on
the subsequent history of both the ancient Germanic peoples and the Roman
Empire. Contemporary and modern historians have generally regarded
Arminius' victory over Varus as "Rome's greatest defeat",[4] one of the most
decisive battles recorded in military history,[5][6][7][8][9] and as "a turning-
point in world history".[10]

Cenotaph of Marcus Caelius, 1st centurion

of XVIII, who "fell in the war of Varus" (bello
Contents Variano).
Reconstructed inscription: "To Marcus
Background
Caelius, son of Titus, of the Lemonian
Battles
district, from Bologna, first centurion of the
Aftermath
eighteenth legion. 53½ years old. He fell in
Roman retaliation the Varian War. His freedman's bones may
Germanicus' campaign against the Germanic tribes
be interred here. Publius Caelius, son of
Later campaigns
Titus, of the Lemonian district, his brother,
Impact on Roman expansion
erected (this monument)."[1]
Site of the battle
Alternative theories on the battle's location Date circa September, 9 CE

Portrayal in fiction Location Osnabrück County, Lower

Germanic nationalism Saxony
Paintings of the 19th century Result Decisive Germanic victory
Sources Territorial Roman occupation and
Ancient sources changes colonization terminated in
21st century
Magna Germania
20th century
19th century Belligerents
See also Germanic tribes Roman Empire
Notes (Cherusci, Marsi,
References Chatti, Bructeri,
External links
 Chauci and
Sicambri)
Background Commanders and leaders
In 4 CE the Roman general (and later emperor) Tiberius entered Germania Arminius Publius Quinctilius
and subjugated the Cananefates in Germania Inferior, the Chatti near the Varus †
upper Weser River and the Bructeri south of the Teutoburg Forest. After
Units involved
these conquests he led his army across the W
eser.
Unknown Legio XVII
In early 6 CE Legatus Gaius Sentius Saturninus[11][12] and Consul Legatus Legio XVIII
Marcus Aemilius Lepidus led a massive army of 65,000 heavy infantry Legio XIX
legionaries, 10,000–20,000 cavalrymen, archers, 10,000–20,000 civilians (13 6 auxiliary cohorts
legions and their entourage, totalling around 100,000 men) in an offensive 3 alae
operation against Maroboduus,[13][14] the king of the Marcomanni, who
Strength
were a tribe of the Suebi. Following their defeat at the hands of Drusus I in 9
Unknown, but 20,000–max.36,000
BCE the Marcomanni had fled into the territory of the Boii, from which they
estimates range
formed an alliance with the Hermunduri, Quadi, Semnones, Lugians, Zumi,
from 12,000–
Butones, Mugilones, Sibini and Langobards.[15] Later in 6 CE, leadership of
32,000.
the Roman force was turned over to Publius Quinctilius Varus, a nobleman
and experienced administrative official from a patrician family[13] who was Casualties and losses
related to the Imperial family.[16] He was assigned to consolidate the new Unknown. 16,000[2] to 20,000
province of Germania in the autumn of that year.[13] dead[3]
Some others
Tiberius was then forced to turn his attention to theBellum Batonianum, also
enslaved.
known as the Great Illyrian Revolt, which broke out in the province
of Illyricum. Led by Bato the Daesitiate,[17] Bato the Breucian,[18]
Pinnes of Pannonia,[19] and elements of the Marcomanni, it lasted
nearly four years. Tiberius was forced to stop his campaign against
Maroboduus and recognise him as king[20] so that he could then send
his eight legions (VIII Augustan, XV Apollonian, XX Victorious
Valerian, XXI Predator, XIII Twin, XIV Twin, XVI Gallic and an
unknown unit[21] ) to crush the rebellion in theBalkans.

Nearly half of all Roman legions in existence were sent to the

Balkans to end the revolt, which was itself triggered by constant
neglect, endemic food shortages, high taxes, and harsh behavior on Map showing the defeat of Varus in the Teutoburg
the part of the Roman tax collectors. This campaign, led by Tiberius Forest
and Quaestor Legatus Germanicus underEmperor Augustus, was one
of the most difficult, and most crucial, in the history of the Roman
Empire. Due to this massive redeployment of available legions, when Varus was named Legatus Augusti pro praetore in Germania,
only three legions were available to him.

Varus' name and deeds were well known beyond the empire because of his ruthlessness and crucifixion of insurgents. While he was
feared by the people, he was highly respected by the Roman senate. On the Rhine, he was in command of the XVII, XVIII, and XIX
legions. These had previously been led by General Gaius Sentius Saturninus, who had been sent back to Rome after being awarded
an ornamenta triumphalia.[22] The other two legions in the winter-quarters of the army at castrum Moguntiacum[23] were led by
Varus' nephew, Lucius Nonius Asprenas[21] and perhaps Lucius Arruntius.

Following the attacks of Drusus I in 11–9 BCE, Varus' opponent, Arminius, along with his brother Flavus,[24][25] had been sent to
Rome as tribute by their father, Segimerus the Conqueror,[26][27] chieftain of the noblest house in the tribe of the Cherusci. Arminius
then spent his youth in Rome as a hostage, where he had received a military education, and even been given the rank of Equestrian.
During Arminius' absence, Segimerus was declared a coward by the other Germanic chieftains, because he had submitted to Roman
rule, a crime punishable by death under Germanic law. Between 11 BCE and 4
CE, the hostility and suspicion between the Germanic tribes deepened. Trade
and political accords between the warlords deteriorated. Tacitus wrote that the
Chatti were hostile, and subjugated the Cherusci, but were themselves
"pacified" between 4 and 6 CE.[28] Velleius Paterculus also reports that in the
years 1–4 CE, there was unrest in Germania.[29]

After his return from Rome, Arminius became a trusted advisor to Varus,[30]
but in secret he forged an alliance of Germanic tribes that had traditionally
been enemies. These included the Cherusci,[13] Marsi,[13] Chatti,[13]
Bructeri,[13] Chauci, Sicambri, and remaining elements of the Suebi, who had
been defeated by Caesar in the Battle of Vosges. These five were some of the
fifty Germanic tribes at the time.[31] Using the collective outrage over Varus' Invasions of Drusus I in 12–8 BCE

tyrannous insolence and wanton cruelty to the conquered,[23] Arminius was

able to unite the disorganized tribes who had submitted in sullen hatred to the
Roman dominion, and maintain said alliance until the most opportune moment
to strike.[32]

Between 6 and 9 CE, the Romans were forced to move eight of eleven legions
present in Germania east of the Rhine river to crush a rebellion in the Balkans,
leaving Varus with only three legions to face the Germans.[21] This represented
arus.[20]
the perfect opportunity for Arminius to defeat V

While Varus was on his way from his summer camp west of the Weser river to
winter headquarters near the Rhine, he heard reports of a local rebellion,
reports which had been fabricated by Arminius.[14] Edward Shepherd Creasy Invasions of Tiberius and Lucius Domitius
writes that "This was represented to Varus as an occasion which required his Ahenobarbus in circa 3 BCE–6 CE.
prompt attendance at the spot; but he was kept in studied ignorance of its being
part of a concerted national rising; and he still looked on Arminius as his
submissive vassal ...".

Varus decided to quell this uprising immediately, expediting his response by

taking a detour through territory that was unfamiliar to the Romans. Arminius,
who accompanied him, directed him along a route that would facilitate an
ambush.[14] Another Cheruscan nobleman, Segestes, brother of Segimerus and
unwilling father-in-law to Arminius,[27][33] warned Varus the night before the
Roman forces departed, allegedly suggesting that Varus should apprehend
Arminius, along with other Germanic leaders whom he identified as
participants in the planned uprising. His warning, however, was dismissed as The Teutoburg Forest on a foggy and rainy
stemming from the personal feud between Segestes and Arminius. Arminius day
then left under the pretext of drumming up Germanic forces to support the
Roman campaign. Once free from prying eyes, he immediately led his troops
in a series of attacks on the surrounding Roman garrisons.

Recent archaeological finds place the battle at Kalkriese Hill in Osnabrück county, Lower Saxony.[13] On the basis of Roman
accounts, the Romans were marching northwest from what is now the city of Detmold, passing east of Osnabrück after camping in
the area, prior to the attack.

Battles
Varus' forces included his three legions (Legio XVII, Legio XVIII, and Legio
XIX), six cohorts of auxiliary troops (non-citizens or allied troops) and three
squadrons of cavalry (alae). Most of these lacked combat experience, both
with regard to Germanic fighters, and under the prevalent local conditions. The
Roman forces were not marching in combat formation, and were interspersed
with large numbers of camp followers. As they entered the forest northeast of
Osnabrück, they found the track narrow and muddy. According to Dio Cassius
a violent storm had also arisen. He also writes that Varus neglected to send out
reconnaissance parties ahead of the main body of troops.
Autumn in Teutoburg Forest
The line of march was now stretched out perilously long—between 15 and 20
kilometres (9.3 and 12.4 mi).[30] It was in this state when it came under attack
by Germanic warriors armed with light swords, large lances and narrow-bladed short spears called fremae. The attackers surrounded
the entire Roman army, and rained down javelins on the intruders.[34] Arminius, recalling his education in Rome, understood his
enemies' tactics, and was able to direct his troops to counter them effectively by using locally superior numbers against the dispersed
Roman legions. The Romans managed to set up a fortified night camp, and the next morning broke out into the open country north of
the Wiehen Hills, near the modern town ofOstercappeln. The break-out was accompanied by heavy losses to the Roman survivors, as
was a further attempt to escape by marching through another forested area, as the torrential rains continued. The rain prevented them
from using their bows because the sinew strings become slack when wet, and rendered them virtually useless. Their shields and
armor also became waterlogged and heavy.

The Romans undertook a night march to escape, but marched into another trap
that Arminius had set, at the foot of Kalkriese Hill. There a sandy, open strip
on which the Romans could march was constricted by the hill, so that there
was a gap of only about 100 meters between the woods and the swampland at
the edge of the Great Bog. The road was further blocked by a trench, and,
towards the forest, an earthen wall had been built along the roadside,
permitting the Germanic tribesmen to attack the Romans from cover. The
Romans made a desperate attempt to storm the wall, but failed, and the
highest-ranking officer next to Varus, Legatus Numonius Vala, abandoned the
troops by riding off with the cavalry. His retreat was in vain, however, as he Reconstruction of the improvised
fortifications prepared by theGermanic
was overtaken by the Germanic cavalry and killed shortly thereafter, according
tribes for the final phase of the Varus
to Velleius Paterculus. The Germanic warriors then stormed the field and
battle near Kalkriese
slaughtered the disintegrating Roman forces. Varus committed suicide,[30] and
Velleius reports that one commander, Praefectus Ceionius, surrendered, then
later took his own life,[35] while his colleague Praefectus Eggius died leading his doomed troops.

Roman casualties have been estimated at 15,000–20,000 dead, and many of the officers were said to have taken their own lives by
.[30] Tacitus wrote that many officers were sacrificed by the Germanic forces as part of
falling on their swords in the approved manner
their indigenous religious ceremonies, cooked in pots and their bones used for rituals.[36] Others were ransomed, and some common
soldiers appear to have been enslaved.

All Roman accounts stress the completeness of the Roman defeat. The finds at Kalkriese of 6,000 pieces of Roman equipment
(largely scraps), but only a single item that is clearly Germanic (part of a spur), suggests few Germanic losses. However, the victors
would most likely have removed the bodies of their fallen, and their practice of burying their warriors' battle gear with them would
have also contributed to the lack of Germanic relics. Additionally, several thousand Germanic soldiers were deserting militiamen and
wore Roman armour, and thus would appear to be "Roman" in the archaeological digs. It is also known that the Germanic tribes wore
perishable organic material, such as leather, and less metal.
The victory was followed by a clean sweep of all Roman forts, garrisons and
cities (of which there were at least two) east of the Rhine; the remaining two
Roman legions in Germania, commanded by Varus' nephew Lucius Nonius
Asprenas, were content to try to hold the Rhine. One fort, Aliso, most likely
located in today's Haltern am See,[37] fended off the Germanic tribes for many
weeks, perhaps even a few months. After the situation became untenable, the
garrison under Lucius Caedicius, accompanied by survivors of Teutoburg
Forest, broke through the siege, and reached the Rhine. They resisted long
enough for Lucius Nonius Asprenas to organize the Roman defense on the
Rhine with two legions and Tiberius to arrive with a new army, preventing
Arminius from crossing the Rhine and invadingGaul.[38][39]

Aftermath

Germanic warriors storm the field,

Varusschlacht, 1909

Upon hearing of the defeat, the Emperor Augustus, according to the Roman
historian Suetonius in De vita Caesarum ("The Lives of the Caesars"), was so
shaken that he stood butting his head against the walls of his palace, repeatedly
shouting:
Political situation in Germania after the
battle of the Teutoburg Forest. In pink the
anti-Roman Germanic coalition led by "Quintili Vare, legiones redde!“ ('Quintilius Varus, give me
Arminius. In dark green, territories still back my legions!')
directly held by the Romans, in yellow the
Roman client states
The legion numbers XVII and XIX were not used again by the Romans (Legio
XVIII was raised again under Nero, but finally disbanded under Vespasian).
This was in contrast to other legions that were reestablished after suffering defeat. Another example of permanent disbandment was
the XXII Deiotariana legion, which may have ceased to exist after incurring heavy losses when deployed against Jewish rebels
during the Bar Kokba revolt (132–136 CE) in Judea.

The battle abruptly ended the period of triumphant Roman expansion that followed the end of the Civil Wars forty years earlier.
Augustus' stepson Tiberius took effective control, and prepared for the continuation of the war. Legio II Augusta, XX Valeria Victrix,
and XIII Gemina were sent to the Rhine to replace the lost legions.

Arminius sent Varus' severed head to Maroboduus, king of the Marcomanni, the other most powerful Germanic ruler, with the offer
of an anti-Roman alliance. Maroboduus declined, sending the head to Rome for burial, and remained neutral throughout the ensuing
war. Only thereafter did a brief, inconclusive warbreak out between the two Germanic leaders.[40]

Roman retaliation

Germanicus' campaign against the Germanic tribes

Though the shock at the slaughter was enormous, the Romans immediately began a slow, systematic process of preparing for the
reconquest of the country. In 14 CE, just after Augustus' death and the accession of his heir and stepson Tiberius, a massive raid was
conducted by the new emperor's nephew Germanicus. He attacked the Marsi with the element of surprise. The Bructeri, Tubanti, and
Usipeti were roused by the attack and ambushed Germanicus on the way to his winter
quarters, but were defeated with heavy losses.[41][42]

The next year was marked by two major campaigns and several smaller battles with a
large army estimated at 55,000–70,000 men, backed by naval forces. In spring 15 CE,
Legatus Caecina Severus invaded the Marsi a second time with about 25,000–30,000
men, causing great havoc. Meanwhile, Germanicus' troops had built a fort on Mount
Taunus from where he marched with about 30,000–35,000 men against the Chatti. Many
of the men fled across a river and dispersed themselves in the forests. Germanicus next
marched on Mattium (caput gentis) and burned it to the ground.[43][44] After initial
successful skirmishes in summer 15 CE, including the capture of Arminius' wife
Thusnelda,[45] the army visited the site of the first battle. According to Tacitus, they
found heaps of bleached bones and severed skulls nailed to trees, which they buried,
"...looking on all as kinsfolk and of their own blood...". At a location Tacitus calls the
pontes longi ("long causeways"), in boggy lowlands somewhere near the Ems, Arminius' The Roman commander
troops attacked the Romans. Arminius initially caught Germanicus' cavalry in a trap, Germanicus was the opponent of
inflicting minor casualties, but the Roman infantry reinforced the rout and checked Arminius in 14–16 CE
them. The fighting lasted for two days, with neither side achieving a decisive victory.
[46][47][note 1]
Germanicus' forces withdrew and returned to the Rhine.

Under Germanicus, the Romans marched another army, along with allied Germanic auxiliaries, into Germania in 16 CE. He forced a
crossing of the Weser near modern Minden, suffering some losses to a Germanic skirmishing force, and forced Arminius' army to
stand in open battle at Idistaviso in the Battle of the Weser River. Germanicus' legions inflicted huge casualties on the Germanic
armies while sustaining only minor losses. A final battle was fought at the Angrivarian Wall west of modern Hanover, repeating the
pattern of high Germanic fatalities, which forced them to flee beyond the Elbe.[48][49] Germanicus, having defeated the tribes
between the Rhine and the Elbe, then ordered Caius Silius to march against the Chatti with a mixed force of three thousand cavalry
and thirty thousand infantry and lay waste to their territory, while he himself, with a larger army, invaded the Marsi for the third time
[50]
and devastated their land, encountering no resistance.

With his main objectives reached and winter approaching, Germanicus ordered his army back to their winter camps, with the fleet
incurring some damage from a storm in the North Sea.[51] After a few more raids across the Rhine, which resulted in the recovery of
two of the three legions' eagles lost in 9 CE,[52] Tiberius ordered the Roman forces to halt and withdraw across the Rhine.
Germanicus was recalled to Rome and informed by Tiberius that he would be given a triumph and reassigned to a new
command.[53][54][55]

Campaigns of Germanicus and A. Caecina Severus in the years 14-16 CE

Military action in 14 CE Campaigns in 15 CE Operations in 16 CE

Germanicus' campaign had been taken to avenge the Teutoburg slaughter and also partially in reaction to indications of mutinous
intent amongst his troops. Arminius, who had been considered a very real threat to stability by Rome, was now defeated. Once his
Germanic coalition had been broken and honour avenged, the huge cost and risk of keeping the Roman army operating beyond the
Rhine was not worth any likely benefit to be gained.[30] Tacitus, with some bitterness, claims that Tiberius' decision to recall
Germanicus was driven by his jealousy of the glory Germanicus had acquired, and that an additional campaign the next summer
[56][57]
would have concluded the war and facilitated a Roman occupation of territories between the Rhine and the Elbe.

Later campaigns
The third legionary standard was recovered in 41 CE by Publius Gabinius from the
Chauci during the reign of Claudius, brother of Germanicus.[58] Possibly the
recovered aquilae were placed within the Temple of Mars Ultor ("Mars the
Avenger"), the ruins of which stand today in the Forum of Augustus by the Via dei
Fori Imperiali in Rome.

The last chapter was recounted by the historian Tacitus. Around 50 CE, bands of
Chatti invaded Roman territory in Germania Superior, possibly an area in Hesse east
of the Rhine that the Romans appear to have still held, and began to plunder. The
Roman commander, Publius Pomponius Secundus, and a legionary force supported
by Roman cavalry recruited auxiliaries from the Vangiones and Nemetes. They Roman coin showing the Aquilla in
attacked the Chatti from both sides and defeated them, and joyfully found and the Temple of Mars the Avenger in
liberated Roman prisoners, including some from Varus' legions who had been held Rome
for 40 years.[59]

Impact on Roman expansion

From the time of the rediscovery of Roman sources in the 15th
century the Battles of the Teutoburg Forest have been seen as a
pivotal event resulting in the end of Roman expansion into northern
Europe. This theory became prevalent in the 19th century, and
formed an integral part of the mythology ofGerman nationalism.

More recently some scholars questioned this interpretation,

advancing a number of reasons why the Rhine was a practical
boundary for the Roman Empire, and more suitable than any other
river in Germania.[60] Logistically, armies on the Rhine could be
supplied from the Mediterranean via the Rhône, Saône and Mosel,
with a brief stretch of portage. Armies on theElbe, on the other hand,
would have to have been supplied either by extensive overland routes
or ships travelling the hazardous Atlantic seas. Economically, the
Rhine was already supporting towns and sizeable villages at the time
of the Gallic conquest. Northern Germania was far less developed,
possessed fewer villages, and had little food surplus and thus a far
lesser capacity for tribute. Thus the Rhine was both significantly
Roman Limes and modern boundaries. more accessible from Rome and better suited to supply sizeable
garrisons than the regions beyond. There were also practical reasons
to fall back from the limits of Augustus' expansionism in this region.
The Romans were mostly interested in conquering areas that had a high degree of self-sufficiency which could provide a tax base for
them to extract from. Most of Germania Magna did not have the higher level of urbanism at this time as in comparison with some
Celtic Gallic settlements, which were in many ways already integrated into the Roman trade network in the case of southern Gaul. In
a cost/benefit analysis, the prestige to be gained by conquering more territory was outweighed by the lack of financial benefits
accorded to conquest.[61][62]
The Teutoburg Forest myth is noteworthy in 19th century Germanic interpretations as to why the "march of the Roman Empire" was
halted, but in reality Roman punitive campaigns into Germania continued even after that disaster, and they were intended less for
conquest or expansion than they were to force barbarian tribes into some kind of political structure that would be compliant with
Roman diplomatic efforts.[63] The most famous of those incursions, led by the Roman emperor Maximinus Thrax, resulted in a
Roman victory in 235 CE at the Battle at the Harzhorn Hill, which is located in the modern German state of Lower Saxony, east of
the Weser river, between the towns of Kalefeld and Bad Gandersheim.[64] After the Marcomannic Wars, the Romans even managed
to occupy the provinces of Marcomannia and Sarmatia, corresponding to modern Czech Republic, Slovakia and
Bavaria/Austria/Hungary north of Danube. Final plans to annex those territories were discarded by Commodus deeming the
.[65][66][67]
occupation of the region too expensive for the imperial treasury

After Arminius was defeated and dead, Rome tried to control Germania beyond the Limes indirectly, by appointing client kings.
Italicus, a nephew of Arminius, was appointed king of the Cherusci, Vangio and Sido became vassal princes of the powerful
Suebi,[68][69] and the Quadian client king Vannius was imposed as a ruler of the Marcomanni.[70][71] Between 91 and 92 during the
reign of emperor Domitian, the Romans sent a military detachment to assist their client Lugii against the Suebi in what is now
Poland.[72]

Roman controlled territory was limited to the modern states of Austria, Baden-Württemberg, southern Bavaria, southern Hesse,
Saarland and the Rhineland as Roman provinces of Noricum,[73] Raetia[74] and Germania.[75] The Roman provinces in western
Germany, Germania Inferior (with the capital situated at Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium, modern Cologne) and Germania
Superior (with its capital at Mogontiacum, modern Mainz), were formally established in 85 CE, after a long period of military
occupation beginning in the reign of the emperor Augustus.[76] Nonetheless, the Severan-era historian Cassius Dio is emphatic that
Varus had been conducting the latter stages of full colonization of a greater German province,[77] which has been partially confirmed
by recent archaeological discoveries such as the V
arian-era Roman provincial settlement atWaldgirmes Forum.

Site of the battle

For almost 2,000 years, the site of the battle was unidentified. The main clue to its
location was an allusion to the saltus Teutoburgiensis in section i.60–62 of Tacitus'
Annals, an area "not far" from the land between the upper reaches of the Lippe and
Ems Rivers in central Westphalia. During the 19th century, theories as to the site
abounded, and the followers of one theory successfully argued for a long wooded
ridge called the Osning, near Bielefeld. This was then renamed the Teutoburg
Forest.[79]

Late 20th-century research and excavations were sparked by finds by a British Lower Saxony Bergland
amateur archaeologist, Major Tony Clunn, who was casually prospecting at
Kalkriese Hill (52°26′29″N 8°08′26″E) with a metal detector in the hope of finding
"the odd Roman coin". He discovered coins from the reign of Augustus (and none later), and some ovoid leaden Roman sling bolts.
Kalkriese is a village administratively part of the city of Bramsche, on the north slope fringes of the Wiehen, a ridge-like range of
hills in Lower Saxony north of Osnabrück. This site, some 100 km north west of Osning, was first suggested by the 19th-century
historian Theodor Mommsen, renowned for his fundamental work on Roman history
.

Initial systematic excavations were carried out by the archaeological team of the Kulturhistorisches Museum Osnabrück under the
direction of Professor Wolfgang Schlüter from 1987. Once the dimensions of the project had become apparent, a foundation was
created to organise future excavations and to build and operate a museum on the site, and to centralise publicity and documentation.
Since 1990 the excavations have been directed by Susanne W
ilbers-Rost.

Excavations have revealed battle debris along a corridor almost 24 km (15 miles) from east to west and little more than a mile wide.
A long zig-zagging wall of peat turves and packed sand had apparently been constructed beforehand: concentrations of battle debris
in front of it and a dearth behind it testify to the Romans' inability to breach the Germans' strong defense. Human remains appear to

[80]
corroborate Tacitus' account of the Roman legionaries' later burial.[80] Coins minted
with the countermark VAR, distributed by Varus, also support the identification of the
site. As a result, Kalkriese is now perceived to be the site of part of the battle,
probably its conclusive phase.

The Varusschlacht Museum und Park Kalkriese includes a large outdoor area with
trails leading to a re-creation of part of the earthen wall from the battle and other
outdoor exhibits. An observation tower, which holds most of the indoor exhibits,
allows visitors to get an overview of the battle site. A second building includes the
ticket center, museum store and a restaurant. The museum houses a large number of
artifacts found at the site, including fragments of studded sandals legionaries lost,
spearheads, and a Roman officer's ceremonial face-mask, which was originally
silver-plated. The archeological site atKalkriese
hill

Alternative theories on the battle's location

Although the majority of evidence has the battle taking place east and north of
Osnabrück and the end at Kalkriese Hill, some scholars and others still adhere to
older theories. Moreover, there is controversy among Kalkriese adherents
themselves as to the details.

The German historians Peter Kehne and Reinhard Wolters believe that the battle was
probably in the Detmold area, and that Kalkriese is the site of one of the battles in 15
CE. This theory is, however, in contradiction to Tacitus' account.

A number of authors, including the archaeologists Susanne Wilbers-Rost and

Schleuderblei (Sling projectiles)
Günther Moosbauer, historian Ralf Jahn, and British author Adrian Murdoch (see
found by Major Tony Clunn in
below), believe that the Roman army approached Kalkriese from roughly due east, Summer 1988, sparked new
from Minden, North Rhine-Westphalia, not from south of the Wiehen Hills (i.e., excavations[78]
from Detmold). This would have involved a march along the northern edge of the
Wiehen Hills, and the army would have passed through flat, open country, devoid of
the dense forests and ravines described by Cassius Dio. Historians such as Gustav-
Adolf Lehmann and Boris Dreyer counter that Cassius Dio's description is too
detailed and differentiated to be thus dismissed.

Tony Clunn (see below), the discoverer of the battlefield, and a "southern-approach"
proponent, believes that the battered Roman army regrouped north of Ostercappeln,
where Varus committed suicide, and that the remnants were finally overcome at the
Kalkriese Gap.

Peter Oppitz argues for a site in Paderborn, some 120 km south of Kalkriese. Based
on a reinterpretation of the writings of Tacitus, Paterculus, and Florus and a new
analysis of those of Cassius Dio, he proposes that an ambush took place in Varus's
summer camp during a peaceful meeting between the Roman commanders and the The Roman ceremonial face mask
Germans.[81] found at Kalkriese

Portrayal in fiction
In the 1792 historical novelMarcus Flaminius by Cornelia Knight, the main character is a survivor of the battle.[82]

Die Hermannsschlachtis an 1808 drama by Heinrich von Kleist based on the events of the battle.
The battle and its aftermath feature in both the novel byRobert Graves and television series I, Claudius. In the novel
and TV series, Cassius Chaerea (the praetorian guardsman who later murdered the mad EmperorCaligula) is
 portrayed as one of the few Roman survivors. The EmperorAugustus is shown as being devastated by the shocking
defeat, shouting "Varus, give me back my legions!"; in the television adaptation, this is modified to "Quinctilus arus,
V
where are my Eagles?!"
A movie titled Die Hermannsschlacht/ The Hermann Battle was released between 1993 and 1995. The first public
screening took place in Düsseldorf in May 1995. In 1996 it was honoured by an international jury in Kiel, where it
was presented during an archaeological film festival. It was shown in arthouse cinemas throughout Germany . The
actors speak German, and Latin with German subtitles. Famous English artist Tony Cragg has a brief role as a
Roman citizen in the palace ofAugustus.[83]
Die Sendung mit der Maus, a re-enactment for children's television usingPlaymobil toys to represent the Roman
legions.[84]
Give Me Back My Legions!is a 2009 historical novel byHarry Turtledove. It covers the events of Teutoburg Forest
from the viewpoints of different major characters.

Germanic nationalism
The legacy of the Germanic victory was resurrected with the recovery of the
histories of Tacitus in the 15th century, when the figure of Arminius, now
known as "Hermann" (a mistranslation of the name "Armin" which has often
been incorrectly attributed to Martin Luther), became a nationalistic symbol of
Pan-Germanism. From then, Teutoburg Forest has been seen as a pivotal clash
that ended Roman expansion into northern Europe. This notion became
especially prevalent in the 19th century, when it formed an integral part of the
mythology of German nationalism.

In 1808 the German Heinrich von Kleist's play Die Hermannsschlacht aroused
anti-Napoleonic sentiment, even though it could not be performed under
occupation. In 1847, Josef Viktor von Scheffel wrote a lengthy song, "Als die
Römer frech geworden" ("When the Romans got cheeky"), relating the tale of
the battle with somewhat gloating humour. Copies of the text are found on
many souvenirs available at the Detmold monument.

The battle had a profound effect on 19th century German nationalism along
with the histories of Tacitus; the Germans, at that time still divided into many
states, identified with the Germanic tribes as shared ancestors of one "German The Hermannsdenkmal circa 1900
people" and came to associate the imperialistic Napoleonic French and Austro-
Hungarian forces with the invading Romans, destined for defeat.

As a symbol of unified Romantic nationalism, the Hermannsdenkmal, a monument to Hermann surmounted by a statue, was erected
in a forested area near Detmold, believed at that time to be the site of the battle. Paid for largely out of private funds, the monument
remained unfinished for decades and was not completed until 1875, after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71 unified the country.
The completed monument was then a symbol of conservative German nationalism. The battle and the Hermannsdenkmal monument
are commemorated by the similar Hermann Heights Monument in New Ulm, Minnesota, US, erected by the Sons of Hermanni, a
support organization for German immigrants to the United States. Hermann, Missouri, US, claims Hermann (Arminius) as its
namesake and a third statue of Hermann was dedicated there in a ceremony on 24 September 2009, celebrating the 2,000th
anniversary of Teutoburg Forest.

In Germany, where since the end of World War II there has been a strong aversion to nationalistic celebration of the past, such tones
have disappeared from German textbooks.[31] Commemoration of the battle's 2,000th anniversary in 2009 was muted.[31] According
to Der Spiegel, "The old nationalism has been replaced by an easy-goingpatriotism that mainly manifests itself at sporting events like
the soccer World Cup."[31]

Paintings of the 19th century

 Grab des Arminius Hermannsschlacht, Hermann zersprengt die Der siegreich
(Grave of Arminius), drawing by Crown prince Ketten von Germania vordringende Hermann
Caspar David Friedrich, Frederick William IV of (Hermann breaks the (The victorious advance
1812 Prussia, 1813 chains of Germania), of Hermann), Peter
Karl Russ, circa 1818 Janssen, 1873

Battle of the Teutoburg Unfortunate campaign of

Forest - Furor Germanicus, unknown
Teutonicus, Paja artist, circa 1900
Jovanović, 1889

Sources

Ancient sources
The following is a list of all known references to the battle from the literary sources of classical antiquity. Though the account
provided in the Roman History is the most detailed of these, Dio Cassius' almost two-century removal from the event and his use of
detail mentioned by no earlier author render it much more likely to be a literary re-imagining than a reliable historical record.

Ovid, Tristia (Sorrows), poetic verses written in 10 and 11 CE

Marcus Manilius, Astronomica, a poem written early in the 1st century CE
Strabo, Geographia 7:1.4, geographically themed history, written around 18 CE
Marcus Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2:117–120, written in 30 CE
Tacitus, Annals 1.3, 1.10, 1.43, 1.55–71, 2.7, 2.41, 2.45, 2.88, a history written in 109 CE
Suetonius, Lives of the Twelve Caesars: Augustus 23, Tiberius 17–18, biographies written in 121 CE
Florus, Epitome de T. Livio Bellorum omnium annorum DCC Libri duo 2:30, history/panegyric, written in the early 2nd
century CE
Dio Cassius, Roman History 56:18–24, written in the first half of the 3rd century CE
Seneca the Younger, "Epistulae Morales ad Lucilium," referenced in Letter 47, Section 10

21st century
Ancient Warfare special "The Varian Disaster", June 2009 (essays by various authors, including Clunn and Murdoch)
Fergus M. Bordewich, "The ambush that changed history"in Smithsonian Magazine, September 2005, pp. 74–81.
Wilm Brepohl, Neue Überlegungen zur Varusschlacht. Aschendorff, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-402-03502-2 (in German)
(Reconsidering the Varus Battle.)
Cawthorne, Nigel (July 24, 2012). Battles That Changed History: An Encyclopedia of World Conflict . Arcturus
Publishing. ISBN 1848589549. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
Tony Clunn, The Quest for the Lost Roman Legions, Savas Beatie LLC, 2005, 372 pp.ISBN 978-1-932714-70-8.
The late author discovered the battlefield. This book is a combination of the account of his discovery , the artifacts he
found, and his theory about the course of the battle, with that portion recounted in fictional style built around the
history.
Creasy, E. S. (July 24, 2012). The Fifteen Decisive Battles from Marathon to W aterloo. Wildside Press LLC.
ISBN 1434484424. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
Davis, Paul K. (1999). 100 Decisive Battles: From Ancient Times to the Present. Oxford University Press.
ISBN 0195143663. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
Boris Dreyer, Arminius und der Untergang des Varus. Warum die Germanen keine Römer wurden. Klett-Cotta,
Stuttgart 2009, ISBN 978-3-608-94510-2 (in German) (Arminius and the downfall of Varus. Why the Teutons did not
become Romans.)
Durschmied, Erik (April 13, 2013). The Weather Factor: How Nature Has Changed History. Hachette UK.
ISBN 1444769650. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
Adrian Goldsworthy, In The Name of Rome: The Men Who Won The Roman Empire . Weidenfeld & Nicolson,
London, 2004.
Joachim Harnecker, Arminius, Varus und das Schlachtfeld von Kalkriese. Eine Einführung in die archäologischen
Arbeiten und ihre Ergebnisse. 2nd ed. Rasch, Bramsche 2002ISBN 3-934005-40-3 (in German) (Arminius, Varus
and the battlefield of Kalkriese. An introduction to the archaeological work and its results.)
Ralf Günter Jahn, Der Römisch-Germanische Krieg (9–16 n. Chr .). Dissertation, Bonn 2001(in German) (The
Roman-Germanic war (9–16 CE).)
Johann-Sebastian Kühlborn, "Auf dem Marsch in die Germania Magna. Roms Krieg gegen die Germanen". In:
Martin Müller, Hans-Joahim Schalles und Norbert Zieling (Eds.), Colonia Ulpia Traiana. Xanten und sein Umland in
römischer Zeit. Zabern, Mainz 2008, ISBN 978-3-8053-3953-7, S. 67–91. (in German) ("On the march into Germania
Magna. Rome's war against the Germanic tribes".)
Fabian Link, Die Zeitdetektive. Die Falle im Teutoburger Wald: Ein Krimi aus der Römerzeit. Ravensburger, 2010,
ISBN 978-3-473-34535-9. (in German) (The time detectives. The events in the T eutoburg Forest: a crime story of
Roman times.) (youth fiction)
Ralf-Peter Märtin, Die Varusschlacht. Rom und die Germanen. S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2008,
ISBN 978-3-10-050612-2 (in German) (The Varus Battle. Rome and the Germanictribes.)
Günther Moosbauer, Die Varusschlacht. Beck'sche Reihe, Verlag C. H. Beck Wissen, München 2009, ISBN 978-3-
406-56257-0 (in German) (The Varus Battle.)
Murdoch, Adrian (1 December 2012).Rome's Greatest Defeat: Massacre in the T eutoburg Forest. The History
Press. ISBN 0752494554. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
Paweł Rochala, Las Teutoburski 9 rok n.e. (in Polish) Bellona, Warszawa, 2005.
Michael Sommer, Die Arminiusschlacht. Spurensuche im T eutoburger Wald. Stuttgart 2009 (in German) (The
Arminius Battle. Search for traces in the Teutoburg Forest.)
Dieter Timpe, Römisch-germanische Begegnung in der späten Republik und frühen Kaiserzeit.oraussetzungen
V –
Konfrontationen – Wirkungen. Gesammelte Studien. Saur, München & Leipzig, 2006,ISBN 3-598-77845-7 (in
German) (Roman-Germanic encounter in the late Republic and early Empire. Conditions – Confrontations – fects. Ef
Collected Studies.)
Tucker, Spencer (2010). Battles That Changed History: An Encyclopedia of World Conflict . ABC-CLIO.
ISBN 1598844296. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
Peter S. Wells, The Battle That Stopped Rome: Emperor Augustus, Arminius, and the Slaughter of the Legions in
the Teutoburg Forest, W.W. Norton & Company, New York, NY 2003, ISBN 0-393-02028-2 Strong on archaeology;
controversial "Florus"-based theory.
Peter Oppitz, Das Geheimnis der Varusschlacht. Zadara-Verlag, 2006, ISBN 3-00-019973-X (in German) (The
mystery of the Varus Battle.) Paderborn would have been the site of the battle.
Vance, Norman (2015). "The Novel".In Vance, Norman; Wallace, Jennifer. The Oxford History of Classical
Reception in English Literature (Volume 4: 1790-1880). Oxford University Press.ISBN 978-0199594603.
Rainer Wiegels (ed.), Die Varusschlacht. Wendepunkt der Geschichte?Theiss, Stuttgart 2007,ISBN 978-3-8062-
1760-5 (in German) (The Varus Battle. Turning point of history?)
Reinhard Wolters, Die Römer in Germanien. 5th ed. Verlag C.H. Beck, München 2006,ISBN 3-406-44736-8 (in
German) (The Romans in Germania.)
Reinhard Wolters, Die Schlacht im Teutoburger Wald. Arminius, Varus und das römische Germanien. München
2008, ISBN 978-3-406-57674-4 (in German) (The Battle of the Teutoburg Forest. Arminius, Varus and Roman
Germania.)
20th century
Gesa von Essen, Hermannsschlachten. Germanen- und Römerbilder in der Literatur des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts
.
Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen 1998,ISBN 3-89244-312-2 (in German) (Hermann Battles. Images of Teutons and
Romans in the literature of the 18th and 19th centuries.)
Wolfgang Schlüter (Ed.),Römer im Osnabrücker Land. Die archäologischen Untersuchungen in der Kalkrieser-
Niewedder Senke. Rasch, Bramsche 1991,ISBN 3-922469-57-4 (in German) (Romans in the Osnabrück District.
The archaeological excavations in the Kalkriese-Niewedde depression.)

19th century
Edward Shepherd Creasy, Germans under Arminius Revolt Against Romein The Great Events by Famous
Historians, Vol. 2, compilation of historical essays published in 1905

See also
Clades Lolliana
Chiefdom
Sibb
List of Germanic peoples
List of confederations of Germanic tribes

Notes
1. Tacitus claims that the Romans won the battle at pontes longi (Tacitus, I.63); however, modern sources say the battle
was inconclusive (Wells 2003, p. 206; Smith 1880, p. 259).

References
1. "Marcus Caelius" (https://web.archive.org/web/20100308225128/http://www .livius.org/caa-can/caelius/marcus_caeliu
s.html). www.livius.org. September 2010. Archived rom
f the original (http://www.livius.org/caa-can/caelius/marcus_ca
elius.html) on 2010-03-08.
2. Wells, Peter S. The Battle that stopped Rome. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. 2003, p. 187 ISBN 0-393-32643-
8
3. Kevin Sweeney, Scholars look at factors surrounding Hermann’ s victory (http://www.nujournal.com/page/content.det
ail/id/509454.html) Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20110714211343/http://www .nujournal.com/page/content.d
etail/id/509454.html) July 14, 2011, at the Wayback Machine.. www.nujournal.com
4. Murdoch 2012
5. Tucker 2010, p. 75
6. Cawthorne 2012
7. Davis 1999, p. 68
8. Durschmied 2013
9. Creasy 2007, p. 104
10. "How the eagles were tamed"(http://www.spectator.co.uk/books/20823/how-the-eagles-were-tamed/) . The
Spectator. March 27, 2004. Retrieved January 16, 2015. "Mommsen referred to the Battle of the Teutoburg forest as
a turning-point in world history."
11. Velleius 2,195.
12. Velleius 2,109.
13. "Publius Quinctilius Varus (46 BCE – 9 CE)"(http://www.livius.org/q/quinctilius/varus.html). www.livius.org.
September 2010.
14. "Legio XVII" (http://www.livius.org/le-lh/legio/xvii.html). www.livius.org. September 2010.
15. Strabo 7, 1, 3; Velleius 2, 108, 2; 2, 109, 2f.;Tacitus, Annals, II.45
16. Tacitus, Annals, IV.66
17. Wilkes, J. J. The Illyrians, 1992, p. 216,ISBN 0-631-19807-5. "Further east the formidable Daesitiates of central
Bosnia retained their name. The great rebellion of All 6 had been led by their chief Bato, and their relatively low total
of 103 decuriae likely reflects..."
18. Wilkes, J. J. The Illyrians, 1992, p. 207,ISBN 0-631-19807-5. "The rising began among the Daesitiates of central
Bosnia under their leader Bato but they were soon joined by the Breuci. The four-year war which lasted..."
19. The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. 10: The Augustan Empire, 43 BC-AD 69 (Volume 10) by Alan Bowman, Edward
Champlin, and Andrew Lintott,1996,page 176: "... Daesitiates was soon matched by rebellion of the Breuci in
Pannonia, headed by Pinnes and another Bato. ..."
20. Velleius Paterculus, Compendium of Roman History2, 109, 5; Cassius Dio, Roman History 55, 28, 6–7
21. "Legio V Alaudae" (http://www.livius.org/le-lh/legio/v_alaudae.html). www.livius.org. September 2010.
22. Velleius 2,105.
23. "Drusus in Ancient Library"(https://web.archive.org/web/20121012134033/http://www .ancientlibrary.com/smith-bio/1
092.html). Ancient Library. September 2010. Archivedfrom the original (http://www.ancientlibrary.com/smith-bio/109
2.html) on 2012-10-12. Retrieved 2010-09-13.
24. Tacitus Annals, II.9
25. Tacitus, Annals, XI.16
26. Velleius 2,118.
27. "Segimerus in Ancient Library"(https://web.archive.org/web/20100121033130/http://www .ancientlibrary.com/smith-bi
o/3099.html). Ancient Library. September 2010. Archivedfrom the original (http://www.ancientlibrary.com/smith-bio/3
099.html) on 2010-01-21. Retrieved 2010-09-13.
28. Several examples by Max Ihm, s. v. "Cheruski", in: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft
(RE) III.2, Stuttgart 1899, cols. 2270–2272.(in German)
29. Velleius Paterculus 2, 104,2
30. "The Ambush That Changed History"(http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history-archaeology/ambush.html). Fergus
M. Bordewich, Smithsonian Magazine. September 2005. Retrieved 2008-10-17.
31. Crossland, David (August 28, 2009)."Battle of the Teutoburg Forest: Germany Recalls Myth That Created the
Nation" (http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/battle-of-the-teutoburg-forest-germany-recalls-myth-that-create
d-the-nation-a-644913.html). Spiegel Online International. Der Spiegel. Retrieved January 16, 2015.
32. "Germans under Arminius Revolt Against Rome"(http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Great_Events_by_Famous_Histo
rians,_Vol._2/Germans_under_Arminius_Revolt_Against_Rome). Edward Shepherd Creasy, The Great Events by
Famous Historians, Vol. 2. 1905.
33. Tacitus, Annals, I.71
34. Spilsbury, Julian. Great Military Disasters. UK: Quercus. ISBN 978-1-84866-039-7.
35. Marcus Velleius Paterculus, Compendium of Roman History, II. 119.
36. Tacitus, Annals, I.61
37. The Fort the Romans Held(http://www.rg2000.de/aliso_e.htm), published on 2009/05/10.
38. Syme, pg. 60
39. Velleius Paterculus, Compendium of RomanHistory II, 120, 4; Cassius Dio, Roman History V
L I, 22, 2a-2b
40. Velleius 2,119,5.
41. Tacitus, Annals, I.50
42. Tacitus, Annals, I.51
43. Matthew Bunson: A Dictionary of the Roman Empire. Oxford University Press US 1995,ISBN 0-19-510233-9, p. 83
44. Tacitus, Annals, I.56
45. Tacitus, Annals, I.57
46. Smith 1880, p. 259
47. Wells 2003, pp. 204–205
48. Tacitus, The Annals 2.19
49. Tacitus, The Annals 2.22
50. Tacitus, Annals, II.25
51. Tacitus, The Annals 2.24
52. One Legion Eagle was recovered from theMarsi in 14 CE; the Legion XIX Eagle was recovered from theBructeri in
15 CE by troops under Lucius Stertinius:The Works of Tacitus, Volume 1, The Annals, London: Bohn, 1854,Book 1,
chapter 60, p. 42; Book 2, chapter 25, p. 69(https://books.google.com/books?id=fqSWGm67D44C&pg=P A42&dq=L
ucius+Stertinius+was+dispatched+by+germanicus&hl=en&sa=X&ei=RH3rTp7nOMry0gHVpPSmCQ&ved=0CDoQ6A
EwAQ#v=onepage&q=Lucius%20Stertinius%20was%20dispatched%20by%20germanicus&f=false) .
53. Tacitus, Annals, II.26
54. An image of a coin of Germanicus with a recovered standard can be seen at
http://www.livius.org/le-lh/legio/xvii.html
55. Tacitus: [1] (http://classics.mit.edu/Tacitus/annals.2.ii.html) Annals: Book 2 {Chapter 32}
56. Tacitus, Annals II.26
57. Bowman, Champlin & Lintott 1996, p. 209
58. Cassius Dio, Roman History Book LX, Chapter 8 (http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/T
exts/Cassius_Dio/
60*.html#8)
59. Tacitus, Annals, XII.27
60. Heather, Peter (2006). The Fall of the Roman Empire: ANew History of Rome and the Barbarians.
61. Goodman, Martin (1997).The Roman World, 44 BC – AD 180. London: Routledge.
62. P. J., Heather (2010). Empires and Barbarians: The Fall of Rome and the Birth of Europe
. New York: Oxford UP.
63. Anderson, Benedict (1991).Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism
. London:
Verso.
64. Historia Augusta, The Two Maximini 12:1–4; Herodian, Roman History, Book 7:2:3
65. Birley, 183
66. Historia Augusta, Marcus Aurelius, 24.5 (http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/T
exts/Historia_Augusta/Mar
cus_Aurelius/2*.html#24)
67. Cassius Dio, Roman History, LXXIII, 3.
68. Tacitus, Book 12, 27–31: Text in Latin and English(http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/tac/a12020.htm) at Sacred Texts
69. Germania (http://www.unrv.com/provinces/germania.php), UNRV History
70. Tacitus. The Annals.12.29
71. Tacitus. The Annals.12.30
72. Cassius Dio, "LXVII", Roman History (http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/T
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73. Sutter Fichtner, Paula (2009). Historical Dictionary of Austria(https://books.google.com/books?id=ilyK1_1f0zYC)
. 70
(2 ed.). Scarecrow Press. p. xlviii.ISBN 9780810863101. "When the Romans began to appear in the region, shortly
before the beginning of the Christian era, they turned Noricum into an administrative province, which encompassed
much of what today is Austria."
74. "Ancient Germans. Their history"(https://books.google.com/books?id=2hg7AQAAMAAJ) . The Journal of the
Anthropological Society of Bombay. 10: 647. 1917. "[...] Raetia (modern Bavaria and the adjoining country) [...].
"
75. Ramirez-Faria, Carlos (2007)."Germany" (https://books.google.com/books?id=gGKsS-9h4BYC) . Concise
Encyclopedia Of World History. Atlantic Publishers. p. 267.ISBN 9788126907755. "Provinces of Germany[:]
Germania was the name of two Roman provinces on the left bank of the Rhine, but also the general Roman
designation for the lands east of the Rhine."
76. Rüger, C. (2004) [1996]. "Germany" (https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=JZL
W4-wba7UC&pg=PA528). In Alan K.
Bowman; Edward Champlin; Andrew Lintott.The Cambridge Ancient History: X, The Augustan Empire, 43 B.C. –
A.D. 69. 10 (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 527–28.ISBN 0-521-26430-8.
77. Cassius Dio 56.18
78. Wolfgang Schlüter: Zwischen Lutherdamm und Oberesch – Die Anfänge des Kalkriese-Projektes.
In: Varus-
Gesellschaft (Ed.): Varus-Kurier. Georgsmarienhütte, April 2002. pp. 7 f.f (in German)
79. Archaeologia Polona (https://books.google.com/books?id=NM50AAAAIAAJ) . Polska Akademia Nauk. 1998. p. 244.
Retrieved 18 November 2012. "At the time, the location of the battle, the Cheruscan tribal seat, even Arminius' real
name were unknown. The Teutoburg Forest, called the Osning Forest throughout the Middle Ages, was renamed
after Tacitus' account"
80. Smithsonian, p. 81; Tacitus, Annals 1.60.
81. Das Geheimnis der Varusschlacht, Kelkheim, Germany: Zagara-Verlag, 2006 (in German)
82. Vance 2015, p. 285.
83. The Hermann Battle (http://www.die-hermannsschlacht.de/_eng/index.html), Schloßfilm.
84. "Sendung mit der Mausspielt Varusschlacht nach" (http://www.rp-online.de/gesellschaft/medien/Sendung-mit-der-M
aus-spielt-Varusschlacht-nach_aid_95319.html) Rheinische Post, official website. (June 23, 2005) Retrieved
November 2, 2010 (in German)

External links
Fergus M. Bordewich:"The Ambush That Changed History" Smithsonian Magazine, September 2005
Official site of the Kalkriese foundation
Jona Lendering, The Battle in the Teutoburg Forest at livius.org
Arminius / Varus. Die Varusschlacht im Jahre 9 n. Chr., Internet-Portal Westfälische Geschichte, LWL – Institut für
westfälische Regionalgeschichte, Münster(in German)
Student project site by Universität Osnabrück(in German)
Varusbattle in Netherland(in German)

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