Chapter 12
THE LEBANESE REVIVAL
In the wake of the massacres of Christians that took place in the
Lebanon and Damascus between Apnil and July 1860, France,
which considered itself the traditional protector of the Christians
in the Levant, sent a force of 6,000 soldiers to restore quiet to
the region. In addition to punishing the rioters and compensat-
ing the Christians of Damascus and the Lebanon, it was decided
that the administration of Mount Lebanon be reorganized. An
international committee including representatives of the Euro-
pean powers decided that Mount Lebanon should now be an
autonomous sanjaq under a Christian Ottoman governor-
general. The boundaries of this sanjaq were narrowed to exclude
the city of Beirut, the Biqa’ and a number of other towns and
villages. All the regulations concerning the special status of this
sanjaq were summarized in a protocel that was signed by the
representatives of the European powers on ¥ June 1361 and was
called the réglement organique of the Lebanon. The period that
followed, until the outbreak of World War I, saw endless con-
frontation between the Ottoman authorities, who tried to dimin-
ish the rights of the autonomous sanjaq, and the residents of the
Lebanon, who tried to preserve them by various means— prima-
rily by asking the European powers to defend the réglement
organique
The problematic nature of Mount Lebanon's special status in
the Empire came to the fore after the Young Turk revolution.
News of the revolution led to fears among the populace that
impending changes would affect this special status. This anxiety
grew with the beginning of the election campaign for the first
parliament, when many residents of Mount Lebanon adamantly
opposed sending representatives 1o the parliament, a step which
they felt would harm its autonomous status.' The framework of
the demands that the Lebanese would raise from then on was
outlined in Paris by Bulus Nujaym, a Maronite lawyer, and
author af the book La Question du Liban under the pseudonym
M. Jouplain. In this book he spoke of the Lebanese nation
which had existed from the dawn of history, and called for the
return of teritories to Mount Lebanon that had been unjustlyTHE LEBANESE REVIVAL i
separated from it by the 186] réglement organique, and without
which it could not develop: the areas of Beirut, Tripoli, the
Biga’ and Sidon, He also called for political reform in the Leba-
non’s regime, a reform which would suit the democratic ambi-
tions of its residents and would block the Young Turks’
intention to abrogate its autonomy. He pinned his hopes for the
realization of these aspirations on France, the traditional protec-
tor of the Lebanese Christians for hundreds of years, to whom
the Lebanese now looked for salvation?
Similar and even more extreme demands were presented dur-
ing the following six years by a series of Lebanese socicties inside
and outside Mount Lebanon, most with the same Arabic name:
The Lebanese Revival (aNahda al-Lubnaniyya). They were
independent of one another, but they worked towards the same
goals and there was some coordination among them,
THE SOCIETY IN TI
EBANON AND CN BEIRUT
On 12 September 1908, while the governor-general of the sanjaq
ofthe Lebanon, Yusuf Franku Pasha, was in his summer home
in Bayt al-Din, a large number of Lebanese notables gathered in
Beirut and decided to send a delegation to him to present a list
of demands concerning the situation in the Lebanon. The most
eminent of those initiating this mecting was Salim ‘Ammun, a
Maronite from Dayr al-Qamar who was the former qa‘imaqam
of the Kisruwan district and had been dismissed by the
governor-general at the end of 1907, As a result of differences of
opinion that broke out among the conference orgamzers, and
also because of his personal indecisiveness, he drew back at the
last moment and decided. not to join the delegation that was.
leaving that day for Bayt al-Din.
When the delegation reached the governor's palace, its mem-
ber Habib al-Sa'd presented the governor with the demands of
the Lebanese, which were: (a) that the representatives to parlia-
ment from the Lebanon should not have the right 10 discuss
matters connected with the Lebanon’s special status, Such mat-
ters should be decided upon by the Lebanese themselves; (b)
that the Lebanese Administrative Council should be dissolved
and new members should be elected in accordance with the will
of the Lebanese people; (c) that cormupt functionaries should be
removed from the Lebanese administration; (d) that some new
taxes should be abolished.
The governor refused even to listen to this and left the room.72 THE EMERGENCE OF THE ARAB MOVEMENTS:
The delegation responded that it would not leave the palace
until its demands were heard. When the governor wanted to set
his soldiers against the delegation, he discovered that the local
soldiers were sympathetic to it; their Turkish officers tried to
persuade him to enter into negotiations with the delegation. On
the following day, after the palace had been surrounded by many
Deuzes from the neighbourhood, the govemor agreed to talk to
the delegation and even accepted some of its demands. A num-
ber of officials and functionaries who were not accepted by the
inhabitants were dismissed, and it was decided that a new
Administrative Council would be set up, whose vice-president
would be Salim ‘Ammun. While the latter was indeed accepted
by most of the people, there were thase who held a grudge
against him because he had not participated in the delegation
and they considered this a lack of resolution on his part. When
difficulties also manifested themselves over the procedures for
choosing the members of the new Administrative Council, sev-
eral Lebanese despaired of improving the situation of the Leba-
non from within, and they therefore decided to found the
Society of the Lebanese Revival.’
The initiators of the society were Maronites of the al-Khazin
family of Juniyya. The members of this family had extended
connections with France, and during the seventeenth and eight-
eenth centuries members of the family held the position of Vice
Consul of France for 100 years. The twa most prominent people
from this family at the beginning of the twentieth century were
the brothers Philippe (1865-1916) and Farid (1869-1916) al-
Khazin, both honorary dragomans at the French consulate-
general in Beirut Other prominent members of the saciety were
Rizq Allah Argash, a Greek Catholic journalist and lawyer;
Khalil Zayniyya, a Greek Catholic journalist and author; and
Bishara al-Khuri, who became the first president of independent
Lebanon.
The first activity of the society was to protest against sending
Lebanese representatives to the parliament. The society organ-
ized a conference in Beirut with the participation of Christian
and Druze notables from all the districts of the Lebanon. At the
conclusion of the conference they sent a telegram to the
fovernor-general in which they announced their opposition to
sending “whoever it might be” to parliament. At that time the
society was headed by a committees of 25 peaple whase task,
according to the society's programme, was to supervise the activ-
ities of the governor and the Administrative Council; to call
them to order if they should perform activities harming the